Critical reflections on the last days of Somalia's Overthrown dictator.

[Ifiye]

 

The official portrait of Siad Barre, the dictator who many say drove Somalia to the dogs. AFRICA REVIEW | FILE 

 MOHAMED HAJISunday, December 26  2010 at  17:10 comment

The making of the Somali Manifesto twenty years ago was a turning point in Somali history.

 

On May 15 1990, something of a miracle happened in Mogadishu when 114 intellectual and economic élites consisting of the most brilliant politicians as well as prominent professionals of the nation issued an manifesto and sent it to Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, urging him to step down in order to salvage the nation from complete collapse. That manifesto was prophetic.

 

The Somali élites, later to be called ‘Manifesto group’, explicitly wrote:

 

We, the undersigned elders, who took part in the national struggle for independence – sultans and chiefs of the Somali communities from the various regions, religious leaders, businessmen, intellectuals and others – strongly and unanimously feel that we can no longer remain passive spectators, nor ignore the duties and responsibilities that we owe to our people and our country, both from Somali and Islamic points of view, given the sufferings, the bloodshed and the incalculable loss of life and property that our people have suffered for so long; as well as all the consequent unforeseeable and negative repercussion and risks that these may result vis-à-vis our national integrity and security.

 

Among others things, we are deeply disturbed by;

a)the civil war ranging between the government forces and the opposition movements which has caused unlimited disaster to our motherland, not only militarily but also politically, economically, socially, morally, and materially – to the point of making us feel ashamed of ourselves as Somalis as well as being made pessimistic about our future;
b)the killings of tens of thousands of innocent civilians including: the aged, women and children as well as the destruction and looting of their properties;

c)the fleeing of hundreds of thousands of people from their homes because of fear for their lives which compelled to seek refuge in other countries like Ethiopia and Kenya.

 

Punitive measures

In their manifesto, they cited the destruction and looting of major cities and towns where most of the wells and water reservoirs on which, because of the nature of land, the very existence and the life of the nomads and their livestock so much depended on were deliberately destroyed as punitive measures, thus compelling the public to say: "Things were better under colonialism!"

 

The manifesto proposed arranging a reconciliation conference either in Djibouti, Egypt or Italy. It also proposed a committee of eminent Somalis to prepare for what was to be the National Reconciliation and Salvation Conference.

 

Paradoxically, far from accepting his proposal, Barre responded with brutality by arresting and dispersing the signatories. Somalia’s first President , Aden Abdulle Osman, was one of many.

Among other detained signatories were Sheikh Mohamed Mo’alim Hassan, Somalia’s Sheykhul Azhar; Sheikh Mukhtar Mohamed Hussein; Mohamed Yusuf Muro, the only Somali except Hawa Tako who sacrificed his precious life for Somali sovereignty; Abshir Kahiye Farah, the man who threw a first stone at Italian colonialists in the day of Ha Noolaato demonstration in Mogadishu; Ibrahim Roble Warfa “Doonyaale”, one of the most senior high-ranking Somali military officers before Barre’s rule.

 

Others were Haji Jirde Hussein Duale, the wealthiest Somali man prior to Barre’s rule; Mohamud Geddi Mohamud (Fuuje), a former senior high-ranking police officer before the regime; Ahmed Abdi Daher “Shell”, a former civil servant, and others. The list was a long one.

 

An excellent illustration of how this incident unfolded can be found in Saado Ali’s song in 1990 that seeks an answer on how those who struggled for Somali independence could be detained for voicing their concerns. The song goes:

 

Raggii gobonimada dhaliyey miyaa dhulka lagu xumeeyey / dharaar xabsi loo taxaabay / tujaarkii miyaa dhab loo xiray / aqoonyahan miyey dhibaayaan / ma culumo ayaan dhiman-na nooleyn / ma dhiillo col baa baxaysa / ma dhiiggii dadkaa qulqulaya / dhurwaaya miyaa cabbaaya? Dhunnoo dheygegnoo wareernee / ninkii Madaxweyne dhaarta / dhoobada dalka ugu horreeyey / dhambaalka midnimo saxiixay /dhiggiisa markii la doortay / xukunka xaraggada u dhiibay / Makastu ma iney ku dheeshaa? Markii dhaqdhaqaaq xorriyadeed dhulkeenna laga billaabay / ninkii dhagixii ugu horreeyey gumeystihii dhacay ku tuuray / ninkii dhaawucu ku gaaray / dhiiggiisu u hooray ciidda / dhiirrane ma ifkey ka qariyeen? Markii ergaygeennu dhoofay /ee dhawaaqeenna Unada geeyey / xorriyo loo dhan yahay dalbaayey / ayaantii ninkii la dhaafshay / halyeygii naftiisa dhiibee / durriinka dhibaatadiisa billaha dhinaca ula yaallay / ninkii dhimasho u bareeray / miyaa... miyaa... xabsi dhagax ah jiifa?

 

A decade ago, I interviewed the composer of this song, the late Abdi Muhumad Amin on Himilo newspaper and asked him what had prompted him in 1969 to write “Waddadii caddeyd, cagta saarnaye, ku carraabiyow, cimrigii jiryow, jiryow, caynaanka haay” and why he came to the breathtaking conclusion in 1990 by composing of “War ninkoow, ninkoow, ninkoow.” The poet who was a far-sighted Somali traditional intellectual retorted: “It was a change of circumstance – just say a matter of time.”

 

Clear disdain

However, Aden Adde made his clear disdain for dictatorship in 1965 by enlightening one American historian, E. A. Bayne: “A single party system gives too much temptation for the development of a “man-on-a-horse” who might want to be a dictator. This dictator will never be Aden Abdulle, but it might be someone who came after me.”

 

Wasn’t Aden Adde a mystic in predicting the process of dictator-in-the-making? On the face of it, he was more than a mystic – perhaps a saint like the ilk of Sheikh Abdulkadir Jeilani or Sheikh Aweys Al-Barawi. At least, he was like chalk and cheese to Kenya’s Daniel arap Moi who, according to the Martin Meredith’s 'The State of Africa,' said in 1984: “I would like ministers, assistant ministers and others to sing like a parrot after me. That’s how we can progress.”

 

After all, the Somali manifesto had twofold characteristics. Had Barre accepted recommendations laid down in manifesto, Somalia would have been saved from disaster.

Equally, had the United States and the United Nations propped up the move in pursuing pre-emptive diplomacy, Somalia would have gone on to become a failed state. Unfortunately, the US did not rescue Somalia from anarchism as it had saved Ethiopia when Meles Zenawi and his guerrilla fighters crept into Addis Ababa.

 

In his book ‘Missed Opportunities’, Mohamed Sahnoun, former UN Envoy to Somalia, rightly accused the UN of not intervening Somalia during that critical juncture when the manifesto élites organised themselves to carry out power transition – from Barre’s hands to democratic government.Lament for a lost opportunity, anyway!

 

(Mohamed Haji (Ingiriis) is a Somali writer based in London. He can be reached at: Ingiriis@yahoo.com)

[Old_Observer]

4 hours ago, Ifiye said:

Equally, had the United States and the United Nations propped up the move in pursuing pre-emptive diplomacy, Somalia would have gone on to become a failed state. Unfortunately, the US did not rescue Somalia from anarchism as it had saved Ethiopia when Meles Zenawi and his guerrilla fighters crept into Addis Ababa.

The role of the United States in the agreement between different regional movements in Ethiopia is manufactured and if there were a bit is exagerated.

The most important role was actually played by Canada, unless you assume that whatever Canada did was under US which again is not true. Britain also had big role.

You have to realize that Zenawi knew in person leaders and important personalities of three Somali organizations. He knew and had assured the most important demand, full autonomy, full self government.

You also need to understand that OLF and OPDO (part of EPRDF) were both long ago assured of their main demands and the rest they do it themselves.

All the North was already fighting together like one organization for many years before 1991.

They knew exactly what kind of state they will form many years before 1991.

Maybe people talk of the delay to capture Addis Ababa by few days. That was done to extricate the Jewish population that was ready to be taken to Israel.

In Somalia things happened the opposite of that in Ethiopia. The rebels in Somalia did not have common vision and most importantly common understanding and conviction of what will come in place of late Barre. Even SNM and SSDF which one expects come from similar circumstances and one area had no agreement which both truly believe and trust to implement.

Where as in Ethiopia they even had understanding that the Oromo since are represented in EPRDF, their old organization OLF will have 12.5% in government.

In Somalia late Barre still had some support call it clan or friends or family..where as Mengistu had total collapse. His own officers organized a party of their own and joined EPRDF.

 

 

[Tallaabo]

9 hours ago, Ifiye said:

Had Barre accepted recommendations laid down in manifesto, Somalia would have been saved from disaster.

Somalia would have been saved from disaster but Somaliland was already a disaster zone by then. Even if the manifesto group had succeeded in persuading Siyaad Barre to step down, I don't think the Duriyada clan would have accepted business as usual and a direct rule from Mogadishu. At the very least, they would have demanded full autonomy. 

[Old_Observer]

3 hours ago, Tallaabo said:

Somalia would have been saved from disaster but Somaliland was already a disaster zone by then. Even if the manifesto group had succeeded in persuading Siyaad Barre to step down, I don't think the Duriyada clan would have accepted business as usual and a direct rule from Mogadishu. At the very least, they would have demanded full autonomy. 

Which meant that Puntland would have also wanted full autonomy and the rest were only interested in replacing late Barre, but not change anything in the structure of the country. Thus no common end game.

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

This reminds me back in mid 1990. My father was the second person to sign baaqa Maanifeesto, after madaxweyne Aaden Cadde.

He was expecting to be detained, so when three top three CID came to our house, he was ready. He brought his prepared boorso (macawiisyo, cadey, shaalal, finaanado, tusbax iyo kitaabyo) and told them, 'Let's go.'

They were surprised and kept saying something like, 'Sheekhoow, tartiibso, inaa ku kaxeyno diyaar uma nihin. Su'aalo inaa ku weydiino u nimid.' The top questions they asked were, I would hear later, who brought the Maanifeesto papers to him and who read it for him since his eyesight wasn't that good. He didn't name neither. Maxamed Abshir Muuse Mataan was the one who brought the papers, though.

They didn't detain him. They told him not to worry, that the top echelon of the government specifically told them to leave him and Aaden Cadde alone.

What was funny was Cali Mahdi and other younger ones immediately denied they ever signed the papers, though, claiming their signatures were forged. I guess he cared about his business and famous hoteel. And a few months later, he would claim to be a madaxweyne.

[Old_Observer]

4 hours ago, Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar said:

This reminds me back in mid 1990. My father was the second person to sign baaqa Maanifeesto, after madaxweyne Aaden Cadde.

This will be in the history of the people as greatest missed opportunity. I hope there is enough documentation and books on this history, before those who failed it get rid of the history.

4 hours ago, Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar said:

What was funny was Cali Mahdi and other younger ones immediately denied they ever signed the papers, though, claiming their signatures were forged. I guess he cared about his business and famous hoteel. And a few months later, he would claim to be a madaxweyne.

Many societies have the built in failure of accepting midiocrity. Empires have been lost by people accepting folks that serve themselves or worst other countries, but by some propaganda and false image are considered great men. I am sure there are Somali who say "if only Ali Mahdi was given the chance".

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

Cali Mahdi Maxamed was a businessman, and he foremost cared about his business in 1990, of course. The original plan was the exiled lawyer Ismaaciil Jimcaale Cosoble to be an interim leader should Siyaad Barre leave from the political scene. Unfortunately, Ismaaciil passed away untimely just few weeks after he signed the Maanifeesto.

Had Ismaaciil Jimcaale lived to see the fall of Siyaad Barre's government, Soomaaliya's history would have been different in the last 30 years. Same way many think that had C/rashiid Cali Sharmaarke not assassinated in 1969, Soomaaliya's history would have been completely different.

[cadnaan1]

Let me joined this WHAT IF odaygii waalnàa Ceydiid loo yeeli lahaa wuxuu rabay xageen joogi laheen maanta

[cadnaan1]

I rather have dictator than what we have today. 

[Ifiye]

Anarchists from Mudug and Galgaduud regions did the most damage to the prospect of establishing Somali statehood after the fall of Barre dictatorship. 

[Duufaan]

We need to move from past to present.  

[Old_Observer]

On 4/19/2018 at 7:07 AM, Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar said:

Cali Mahdi Maxamed was a businessman, and he foremost cared about his business in 1990, of course. The original plan was the exiled lawyer Ismaaciil Jimcaale Cosoble to be an interim leader should Siyaad Barre leave from the political scene. Unfortunately, Ismaaciil passed away untimely just few weeks after he signed the Maanifeesto.

Had Ismaaciil Jimcaale lived to see the fall of Siyaad Barre's government, Soomaaliya's history would have been different in the last 30 years. Same way many think that had C/rashiid Cali Sharmaarke not assassinated in 1969, Soomaaliya's history would have been completely different.

Almost every issue is a crossroad.

Even the first TFG from Djibouti would have survived and succeeded had the president not used it as a tool specifically against Puntland and other regions as continuation of USC.