Tragedy on Somalia’s unity, nationalism, and sovereignty

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Tragedy on Somalia’s unity, nationalism, and sovereignty

 

 

by Mohamud M Uluso

Thursday, January 1, 2015

 

Societies need national governments for the promotion of social cohesion, protection of the rights of all citizens, defense from external harm and aggression, maintenance of political and security order, spur of economic development, and provision of emergency assistance. Conversely, Governments can be machinery used for killing, oppression, insecurity, and economic depredation. History shows that countries blessed with accountable governments led by patriotic leaders enjoyed steady progress and stability. In the last five decades, African countries were ruined by autocrats who used violence, divide and rule, and corruption to remain in power to the death and destruction of their countries like Somalia. The latter experience could not and should not be model and reference for rebuilding new Somalia.

The Somali people credit the establishment of its first independent democratic government to the rectitude and impeccable leadership of late President Adan Abdulle Osman who firmly believed in the supremacy of the law and in the collective welfare of the people and country over personal enrichment or interests. Similarly, the American people credit the success of their unifying federal government to the conscious behavior and actions of their first president, George Washington, who applied and practiced the federal constitution in positive and restrained ways. He refused the majestic title proposed by the congress and accepted the title “Mr. President.” These are historical lessons for patriots.

 

The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) established in August 2012 was warmly welcomed as the embodiment of the bond and unity of the people and country of Somalia. But, it quickly lost the legitimacy of national representation provided under articles 1, 3 (4), 4, 7, and 8 of the Provisional Constitution (2012) because, in reality, it has accepted two conflicting portrayals. Domestically and in bilateral and multilateral engagements, it is misleadingly and abusively associated with South Central Somalia and shared platforms with sub clan presidents representing satellite states while in international gatherings and proclamations, it is hailed as a Somali national government. These dual roles or images have diminished the purpose, utility, and standing of the FGS and defeated the ambitious agenda of the “New Deal for Somalia” endorsed in Brussels, Belgium in September 2013.

 

As of today, FGS do not represent the populations under the authorities of Somaliland, Puntland, Jubbaland, and Southwest. The Provisional Constitution designed to shackle the arbitrary and capricious behavior of rulers has become a worthless piece of paper for lack of compliance and respect.

 

TFG has morphed into a political machine used by a politically, economically, socially, and religiously motivated cabal (Somali and foreigners) determined to auction the Somali future through loyalty to foreign powers, disregard of national interests, rule of law and national sovereignty, and use of widespread patronage system. It exists to validate foreign agenda and to plunder Mogadishu Port revenue and funds provided by foreign donors. The actions of FGS leaders exclusively motivated by personal calculations are at the expense of peace and reconciliation and state building. Somali solidarity under the banner of Somali flag looks far-off.

 

Sadly, TFG leaders contributed to their unpopularity by choosing to ignore the awesome responsibility of being the first leaders entrusted to lay the foundations of integrated sovereign independent Somalia after 22 years of civil war, fragmentation process, foreign interventions, religious fundamentalism, war on terror, and failed transitions. Not less culpable, the leaders of regional satellite states have formalized the disintegration of Somalia by fomenting clan antagonisms, corruption and by facilitating neighboring manipulations and control. The recent agreement signed between Ahmed Modobe of Jubbaland and Sharif Hassan of Southwest on December 29, 2014 in Kismaio reveals the wrong rationale behind the imposed new clan federation.

 

If clan based “New Somalia” becomes reality, Somalia as we know will be history and the new clan satellites will be enclaves where poverty, insecurity, and foreign manipulations persist. The Somali ethnic State of Ethiopia coaches Somali satellite states to brainwash them from Somali nationhood.

 

In 2009, Djibouti Agreement among Somalis ended the invasion of Ethiopian forces into Somalia and secured their complete withdrawal. Today, Ethiopian forces have reoccupied Somalia with the illegal rubber stamp of TFG leaders. This marks an inauspicious future for Somalia.

 

Soon after his election in 2012, President Hassan has become the star, face, and manager of the FGS and made the commitment to adhere strictly to the provisions of the provisional constitution. But serious blunders, contradictions, and scandals belied his pledges and eroded public expectations. Doubling-down on TFG failure, some external actors subtly pursued anti Statebuilding strategy by frustrating Somali reconciliation and unity and nurturing clan balkanization.

 

Renowned Scholars and institutions published reports and articles explaining how the FGS fumbled and lost the right path for being responsible, accountable, and legitimate national governance. A new report released in 2014 assessed the much applauded and appreciated support of Turkey to Somalia between 2011 and 2013 and highlighted that Somali leaders lacked the necessary national vision to develop attitudes and strategies in line with the five principles plan outlined by Ahmet Davutoğlu, former foreign minister of Turkey as prelude to the 2012 Istanbul Conference on Somalia. The five principles were (1) the establishment of national unity, (2) the creation of a new political system, (3) a comprehensive structuring of the economy, (4) the configuration of national Somali forces, and (5) lifting the isolation of Somalia.

 

As the report notes, Turkey’s involvement in Somalia has engendered tensions and risks against the overall strategic interests of Turkey in Africa. Therefore, the Turkey government has been advised to abandon its strategy towards Somalia and to align it efforts with East Africa (Ethiopia and Kenya) governments and western powers that have the monopoly of security and policy agenda in Somalia. The report recommends the lowering of Somalis’ high expectation from Turkey. As a matter of fact, Turkey has initiated the process of scaling down its involvement in Somalia by withdrawing some of its staff from Mogadishu and altering the support of TFG as a national government.

 

Recent statements of Turkey Ambassador to Mogadishu Olgan Bekar provide clear signals for policy shift. The new Ambassador visited Somaliland, Jubbaland, and Puntland (Garowe) where he said, “I believe that Puntland is a role model for the emerging federal states,” and “I underline that I will carry forward concerted efforts to forge better relations between Turkey and Puntland.” News report indicates that Turkey Ambassador presented special credential to the President of Somaliland.

 

The main topics of discussion between the Ambassador and regional presidents were on equal treatment between the federal government and federal states representing clans with respect to aid and scholarship distribution and diplomatic consultation. External supporters of clan federalism are delighted about the new institutionalized relations between Somali clans and foreign powers.

 

To make Somali governance a mockery, President Hassan has promoted Militia leader Ahmed Madobe from head of Interim Jubba Administration to President of Jubbaland State and later signed in Djibouti an international agreement with the President of secessionist northern regions of Somalia (Somaliland). He appears and interfaces with the new Prime Minister in parliament, hand over ceremonies, and welcoming parties to erase the concept of institutional separation and reinforce personal rule perception.

 

There are no compelling or attractive reasons for the Somali people to be loyal to or confident in the FGS since it lacks the will and vision to safeguard the territorial integrity, independence, and sovereignty of Somalia. Any deference to FGS now mistakenly associated with Mogadishu (substitute for Hawiye) is self-delusion and unpatriotic.

 

Citizens are obliged to be vigilant against the prevarications of leaders. FGS and regional satellite states should not be allowed to mortgage the future of Somalia. Change has to occur and Somalis must prevent a final tragedy on Somalia’s unity, nationalism, and sovereignty. Conversation among Somali citizens about the legitimacy of the FGS and the future of Somalia is duty-bound and should immediately start at all levels.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

THE THREAT TO SOMALIA’S UNITY FROM HASSAN’S PERFIDY

December 26, 2014

By Mohsin Mahad

 

President Hassan will go down in history as the man who started his office with unparalleled nationwide goodwill no other Somali leader has ever enjoyed since independence and yet chose to betray the nation for his own personal and clannish agenda. As it turned out, his divisive, clan and corruption driven politicking have become the hallmark of his presidency from the moment he ascended to his office. But for most Somali patriots and unionists, their overarching concern is his threat to Somalia’s unity arising from his sympathy for and support to the one-clan-based secessionists in northern Somalia, aka Somaliland.

 

Silanyo and HassanHassan’s pro-secessionist stand had shown its true colours from the outset at the first talks in Turkey between him and the leader of the secessionist enclave. That was the time when, at the stroke of his pen, with no constitutional authority, he granted Somaliland de facto equal status with Somalia and, to boot, rewarded them with give-away concessions as reflected in the communiqué. To add insult to injury, he would disingenuously claim on his return from these talks that he defended Somalia’s unity when the opposite was the case. This double talk has been his template ever since.

 

Of all the talks with the secessionists, none has been more damaging to Somalia and its unity under Hassan’s watch than the one held in Djibouti on 20 December 2014. The outcome of the meeting was hatched up before hand by the pro-Somaliland organisers of the meeting, namely Presidents Hassan Sheikh Mohamoud and Omar Ismail Geele. Given their shared positions, what remained was a propitious timing for this plot to be executed, a time when president Hassan would be free from any parliamentary and government challenges.

 

abdirahman Beileh

Dr. Abdirahman Beileh

This timing presented itself when the former Prime Minister (and his government) was out of the way, ousted by President Hassan through vote-peddling parliamentarians, and when his successor and his government not yet formally in charge. It speaks for itself that President Hassan’s delegation, except for the pliant former foreign minister from Awdal, consisted entirely of members from his clan sharing his position, and none from the principal stake holders from northern Somalia – Khaatumo, Awdal and Makhir States- or from other wider Somali clans in Somalia. In crude Somali terms, this was a meeting and an anti Somalia outcome conceived by leaders not from representative mandated governments but by oligarchs (one of them masquerading as a mediator) sharing common interest and hailing from three Somali clans to the exclusion of the others.

 

The exclusion of other clans is all the more reprehensible when it ignores the on-going liberation struggle in northern Somalia being waged by all the four unionist clans against the occupying secessionist clan. Their cause is not only to be free of the secessionist clan’s hegemony but above all to defend Somalia’s unity. In normal times and under true Somali leaders, they could have counted on automatic support from Mogadishu. But under Hassan, it is perversely the other way round; it is the secessionists he is supporting, covertly or overtly, against the unionists for his own ends.

 

The first indicator to gauge Djibouti’s support for Somaliland’s aspired status as a separate country from Somalia is the reception accorded to Siilaanyo on his arrival at Djibout Airport. Needless to say, President Ismail Omar Geele went out of his way to give him a reception with all the pomp and ceremony normally reserved for a visiting head of State: red carpet, guard of honour and an immediate audience with President Geele. Siilaanyo, and for that matter no other Somaliland leader, had ever received such pomp presidential treatment until now. No wonder the normally torpid leader was animated beaming with pleasure.

 

 

 

The second indicator is the status given to Siilaanyo at the meeting itself. Here again, Hassan and Siilaanyo were treated as equals, addressed respectively as the President of Somalia and the President of Somaliland; in other words, two presidents representing two separate countries, brazenly in denial of the fact that Hassan is the President of the whole of Somalia including Somaliland and Siilaanyo the president of the one-clan secessionist enclave just as Abdiweli Gaas is the president of the Regional State of Puntland. Given the leaders’ shared common perspectives, the direction of the substantive discussions and the outcome of the Djibouti talk were predetermined and predictable.

 

Silanyo and Hassan Djibouti meeting

Given the status that President Hassan and President Geele accorded to Siilaanyo and his enclave, Somaliland got the deal due to a favoured separate country on par with Somalia: among other things, co-hosting control of “Somalia and Somaliland’s” airspace; non-interference in what the secessionists consider their internal affairs, entailing that President Hassan and President Geele accept that the unionist regions/States of Awadal, Khaatumo and Makhir are part of Siilaanyo’s separatist kingdom, thereby legitimising his occupation of these regions and misappropriation of international humanitarian and development aid earmarked for these non-Isaaq unionist regions/states.

 

As observers have pointed out, every Somali State/region/clan has an air space, so what legal or constitutional basis gives one State/region/clan to claim special status over others to co-host Somalia’s air space? For once, Abdelweli Gaas of Puntland got it right when he pointed out in an interview with VOA that Puntland has a better claim than Somaliland to co-host control of Somalia’s air space given that they are part of Somalia unlike Somaliland’s secession declaration.

 

The Somaliland delegation had every reason to go wild over the deal they were given on a plate by Presidents Hassan and Geele. The good news had spread like wild fire to every corner of the enclave. This was received as de facto Somaliland’s recognition. With this mindset, it is difficult to believe as President Hassan does that he has changed Somaliland’s hearts and minds or that he defended Somalia’s unity at the talks. With this gain, it is unlikely that the secessions can be persuaded in future to give up what they had won from Hassan and Geele. But Hassan would always repeat his mantra every time he returns from such talks that he defended Somalia’s unity when in fact he has betrayed it. Either he reckons nobody cares or everybody is gullible.

On the positive side, the unholy alliance of the trio in Djibouti against Somalia’s unity is a sideshow bound to unravel sooner or later and come to nothing. Hassan can trot on the stage as the big man unilaterally dispensing with Somalia’s unity and territorial integrity. But the end of the day, he has no constitutional powers to act that way. It rests with Parliament to control him and where he abused his powers to make him accountable to it and to undo his misdeeds. But even if that fails, it is the determined will of the people of Khaatumo, Makhir and Awdal to remain in Somalia which will in the end defeat the secession and discredit the Djibouti conspiracy against Somalia.

 

No other Somali leader has been so much engulfed in scandal and shamed by the United Nations investigations as Hassan for alleged unscrupulous and unbridled malpractices. Devoid of credibility through his own actions, he remains in office not for what good he can do for Somalia but what more damage he may inflict.

 

Mohsin Mahad

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

If we carefully read between the lines the 2 different articles one by Moshin Mahad which represents the Sahal narrative of Wardheernews.com. He comes to the conclusion that the former Somali republic unity is under major threat by different forces both the Somaliland government and ofcourse Hassan Sheikh who is in cahoots with Somaliland to safe his damuljadid party, both articles the one of culusow and the one of Moshin differ on a variety of issues on how a post war Somalia should look like. But they are also in agreement on that Somaliland should be equally fought as the inner circles infighting of Somalia continues along clan lines regional lines and sectarian lines.

 

Culusow opposing federal states based on his Clan Chauvinistic attempts to throne his people as the ultimate leaders of Somalia. Where as Moshin Mahad is a Clan nationalist and believes that his clan demands should be met first or else HSM becomes a traitor not Somalia but to his clan and the ideology of his clan objectives. Moshin is willing to divide Somaliland along clan lines regional lines in order to maintain the Tribal unity and the tribal hegemony of his clan. And Culuso believes the Turks have abandoned him very interesting 2 articles. From 2 different angles but with the same message.

[thefuturenow]

You just love to feel persecuted eh?

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Its not what i love or what i like to see its not important what we are doing is discussing the content of the 2 articles.

[thefuturenow]

The content of two random articles which you have interpreted in your own way to make sure that the focus is on SL.

 

Culusow is talking about the incompentency of the current Somali state and the potential pitafalls of the Federal system. Mohsin is discussing the same with HSM as the target. SL--at the very best--is only an example to bolster their central claims.

 

Neither is saying SL should be fought. But to you--It is a full on assault on SL. Read again-- without those fear-mongering lenses saaxiib.

[Mooge]

Xaaji, niyoow what is your thought on the Awdal issue now that you have had time to digest. Last time I have seen you comment on the Awdal uprising, you were visibly upset and was threatening Awdal people that your regime will not tolerate uprising.

 

today Awdal is gaining momentum. What are your thoughts niyoow?

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

The Futurenow the article clearly talks about Somaliland Ulusow regards Somaliland as a seecessionist enclave he feels SL should be brought into Somalia the other one is even more Hostile. He openly divides along clan lines trying to undermine SL foundation. But what he fails to realize that SL is stronger than ever.

 

Mooge what uprise can u show me protests in Borama why is wabar hiding in Ethiopia and not coming to Borama or qulijeed why doesnt he want to come and play we are waiting for him.

 

I dont see any Awdal uprise i see one man who just wants attention we dismiss his claim