Somalia’s unity at crossroads

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

SOMALIA’S UNITY AT CROSSROADS

December 12, 2013

By Jama sharmarke

 

Somalia represents the worst kind of a fragmented modern state. In practical terms, the country is a welter of self-regulating tribal homelands over which the central authority cannot exercise jurisdiction. Its national unity is beset with unprecedented level of challenges in the definition and implementation of federalism and most importantly in the ways the case of northern regions (Somaliland) – the most administratively advanced polity claiming full independence and sovereignty – is handled by Mogadishu.

 

Somaliland, a practical de facto state, argues to have reinstated the independence bequeathed to British Somaliland Protectorate by England in 1960. Locally, its secessionist agenda has been gaining currency among the wider society for a couple of reasons. Firstly, Somaliland has been evolving as a peaceful polity with functional governance structures while the South continued to descend into internecine warfare over decades. Under the spell Somaliland’s parallel propaganda, many of the war-traumatized populace bought into the delusion that their interest lies in the secessionist project.

 

Secondly, Northern Unionists have always been on the political sidelines at least over the last ten years because balance of power has flagrantly been disregarded except for a rare instance when Dr. Ali Kalif Gallayr was selected as a Prime Minister during the Carta Peace Process. The kernel of truth is that marginalization of Northern Unionists, which is very often overlooked or even taken for granted, is equally another dangerous factor providing an impetus to secessionist aspiration.

 

Therefore, this piece attempts to draw the attention of decision makers in Mogadishu to the dire need for a new modus Vivendi putting an end to the long practiced dominion over state affairs by the South, which is obviously beyond the pale. Because not only does it send an unwelcoming signal to northerners, but it strenuously infuses them with fear of oppressive marginalization- one of the strongest reasons for separation – that is hardly wired in their psyche.

 

The Lopsided power relations

 

The preponderance of the population in the North (Somaliland) views future of national unity with great trepidation owing to the hideous lopsided political representation which has been the hallmark of all administrations established after the downfall of the military regime. Except President Abdiqasim’s government, all subsequent governments were unjustifiably characterized by asymmetrical power relations between the North and the South – the two regions united to create the Republic of Somalia in 1960. Now, more than sixty years after that historic merger, the unity of Somalia is largely threatened not because of the de facto state of Somaliland, but because of policies of alienation pursued by Southern leaders.

 

Concerns about Somalia’s Unity raised by a recent op-ed by Mr. Bihi is a true reflection of growing disaffection with the absence of the northerners in the corridors of powers and at the same time a wakeup call for President Hassan Sheik Mohamoud. The exigency of reuniting a badly fragmented country whose subjects are torn asunder by hostility thrusts such a great responsibility on him that he should think long and hard in order to take a strategic decision reversing the lopsided power sharing for the preservation of unity.

 

A carefully designed genuine reconciliation buttressed by principles of healing traumatized psyche, fair political representation and resources distribution may properly enhance and sustain the process of state building and national unity. Contrarily, reinvention of the déjà vu egocentric politics sidelining northerners is a flippant mentality that cannot proselytize them into embracing voluntary unity anew. Therefore, it is imperative that the issue of separation should be properly contextualized as a manifestation of a defiant protest against subordination by the North when Ali Mahdi Mohamed was unexpectedly appointed as an interim president without prior consultation with relevant stakeholders. Understanding of this causal relationship between irredentist aspiration and fear of marginalization is of vital importance, if the national unity is to be addressed dexterously by the current president.

 

The cost of alienation

 

More often than not, Northerners are befuddled by this very common justification from the general populace and educated elites in the South ‘Because you have your own separate government in Somaliland’ when seeking to get a reasonable response as to why a northerner could not be chosen as a President or a Prime Minister, as if Somaliland’s coming back to the beaten track of national unity were a precondition for their recognition as equal citizens.

 

 

 

Consequently, northerners have been simmering with resentment over such discriminatory practices and attitudes entrenched over years and accentuated by usurpation of power by their fellow southerners. Logically, this trend of power relation reinforces the atavistic fear of oppression ingrained in the Northern population, underscores propensity for separation and renders even the stubborn northern unionists weak-need and irresolute.

 

It was because of this very disheartening paradox that made Professor Ahmed Ismail Samatar, who had been unequivocal about Somalia’s territorial integrity through his scholarly work over decades, feel dishonored by the capital which he tirelessly sketched out as nexus of the Somali nation. Reaching a point of no return, he succumbed to inescapable realities and received a hero-welcome by the breakaway Republic of Somaliland.

 

Generally, Southerners’ ostensible discourse on national unity is critically denuded of dexterity of political consciousness and commitment. However, the current president rhetorically claims to treat unity as a top national priority as evidenced by his six pillar framework. Through his gesture politics, he seemingly crusades against secessionism, ostensibly for the sake of sanctity of national unity, but in actual fact he fell into the trap of adopting a minimalist approach and therefore exacerbated the underlying cause of separation by overlooking significance of fair power sharing to such a noble weighty national cause. Hitherto, the current modus operandi plays a similar dangerous role in solidifying secessionist aspiration to that of Somaliland which portrays it as the sole choice of governance for northerners.

 

However, to give credit where credit’s due, the Federal Government has started bilateral talks with Somaliland which has been brokered by the international community. Then, the question is this: Did leniency on the issue of national unity showed by negotiating delegates from the Federal Government yield reciprocal understanding from Somaliland leading to a convergence of interests in possible reunion of whatsoever form? Or have these talks already ameliorated Somaliland’s standing in international arena as an independent entity seeking for dissolution of marriage from its former mother country? Why does the Federal Government refrain from opening up parallel avenues of communication with the like-minded communities in the north? Why it is still a red line to pick up a northerner as a Prime Minister?

 

bubaIn fact, odds are actually stacked against significant gains to be made in the process of these talks- which may take time and continue- but one thing is certain: perpetuation of political marginalization is going to work against efforts to win the minds and hearts of northerners, convincing them of the legitimacy of separation in order to avert a second dehumanizing mischief from a predatory southern ruler.

 

Selection of the new prime Minister

 

Now, President Hassan Sheik Mohamoud has every opportunity to set the ball rolling and pick up the new Prime Minster from the North. Not only will such a strategic decision promote citizens’ equality by obliterating the long established culture of political marginalization, but it will create a sense of confidence that will radiate out to throughout the North. Only after seeing themselves represented in the highest echelons of state apparatus- the premiership- will Northerners become psychologically more receptive to the idea of unity than ever before and at the same time the haunting nightmare of ruthless rogue blotting against them will vanish with the course of time.

 

However, for all that glitters is not gold, being a northerner should not be the main condition for the Premiership; potential candidates should be astute politicians of a higher caliber with proven track record who are well-versed with political dynamics at domestic, regional and international levels. A possible candidate who can satisfactorily meet these qualifications is Professor Ismail Hurreh Bubbaa, a well-known academician and shrewd politician. Unlike certain politicians in Sa’id’s government whose loyalty to unity is questioned and criticized for entryism, he is renowned for his unwavering nationalist convictions and draws a great support from the north and other Somalis alike. Because of his accumulated experience in the field of Somali politics, pragmatism, strategic thinking and international connections, Mr. Bubba is highly believed to be a worthy vessel for the nation’s aspiration for a united, peaceful and modern Somalia.

 

Finally, in our modern history, only the president has the power and opportunity to be remembered as justice and national unity trailblazer, if he dares to redress the balances.

[Tallaabo]

Who is the guy who wrote this garbage?

[Homunculus]

if only it was that simple. The article doesn't make any sense that I'm starting to think this guy was writing to non Somallis.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

I found the article on wardheernews.

There are some contradictions in the article though.

[burahadeer]

Somaliland make all of thm go crazy.....wish they believe in somalinimo they preaching....would have shown in Somalia.