SOMALIA: Memorandum on the Key Issues that Threaten the Political Stability in Somalia

[GaadhHaye]

Submitted by SONNA on Mon, 06/03/2013 - 12:38

Memorandum on the Key Issues that Threaten Political Stability in Somalia

Elders of Maakhir Community UK

OPINION

We, Maakhir community in UK, would like to point out the major issues that threaten the stability of Somalia and that may ignite a renewed civil war. These are:

Autonomous region of Jubaland State

• The new policy of the Federal Government to abort the federal system that brought it to power and replace it with a centralised system. The Stabilisation Plan of the Federal Government for the regions is a direct rule from the centre packaged as a form of federalism as suggested by the annexed comments.

• The Federal government’s opposition to the creation of the autonomous state of Jubaland. Since the election of the president and vice-president of Jubaland State, the rift between the Federal government and the regional leaders widened. The Federal Government is using every tool in the book including corruption to undermine the security and the political stability of the Jubaland State and to foment internal conflict among the clans of the area.

• The crux of the matter is whether the role of the federal government should be subordinate to the wishes of the people of the Jubaland State or whether the wishes of the people are subordinate to the wishes of the federal government. We think the wishes of the people of Jubaland State should be paramount. Therefore, the President and the federal government should respect the wishes of the people of Jubaland State and accept the election of the president and vice president of Jubaland State.

• The president acts as a clan leader rather than a national leader that led to the lack of support from other clans except his own. He claims that the Jubaland process was not inclusive, which is a code for including in the process the war lords who control lower Shabelle region and who are from Mudug & Galgudud regions.

• The communiqué of IGAD did not solve the problems relating to the region. On the contrary, the resumption of the civil war is becoming more likely by the pronouncements and actions of the Federal Government. For the first time the Federal Government is referred to as the Hwye Government.

• Members of Parliament who support the government are presenting a motion calling for the withdrawal of Kenyan forces that are part of AMISOM from Kismayo. However, they have no objection to Ugandan, Burundian, Djiboutian and other forces under AMISOM in Mogadishu.

• The dispute relating to Jubaland has created a tension between Kenya and The Federal Government that led to the aforementioned motion. However, one must admit that Kenya and Ethiopia have a stake in stabilising Somalia to prevent the export of terrorist activities and other problems that threatening their security. The terrorist attack on a Kenyan Police Post on 25th May 2013 is an example.

• The controversy has diverted attention from driving Al Shabaab from the areas they occupy and allowed them to have a breathing space for regrouping. As a matter of fact the dispute has strengthened the Al Shabaab in a manner of speaking.

Constitutional Issues

• The Federal government’s non-adherence to the constitution signed by the stake-holders and approved by the National constituent Assembly on August 2012. There are claims that certain articles and paragraph are omitted, replaced or deleted. The president said that he is the guardian of the three Ds: Dalka (country), Dadka (the people) and Diinta (the religion). He did not mention the fourth D: Dostoorka (the constitution). Thus, it appears that he is not protecting the constitution that brought him to power and he is ready to tamper with it as claimed by Puntland.

• The Federal Government is engaged in illegal exploitation of the natural resources of the country, particularly oil & gas and fishery resources, which is a violation of the Constitution. The resources can be exploited when the Federal States are formed and revenue sharing and management of the natural resources and foreign aid is agreed upon by the Federal Government and the Federal States.

• The Presidents usurpation of the powers of the prime minister and the cabinet and acting as executive president. Ironically the parliament calls the prime Minister to answer questions about the activities of the President.

• All the clans are not represented in the federal institutions like the civil service, diplomatic service, military, police, coast guard and intelligence etc. The support of the Government is in the capital and its environments.

Partial Lifting of Arms Embargo

• The partial lifting of the arms embargo may embolden the extremists in Mogadishu to attack Jubaland. There claims that the Federal Government is organising militias, posing as Al Shabaab, to attack Jubaland and destabilise the Jubaland State.

• The guards at the presidential palace have been removed and replaced by members of the same sub-sub-clan of the president. It was reported that soon after the new presidential guard unit took over security, a cache of weapons were stolen the presidential palace in the dark of the night.

• The so-called National Army is composed of the militia of war lords, clan leaders and business men who are occupying the property of the people who fled from Mogadishu in 1991.

Political Reconciliation

• The federal Government put the political reconciliation process in the back burner and it is not addressing the looted private and public properties in Mogadishu and the looted plantations. If this issue is not addressed successfully, reconciliation is not possible.

• Mogadishu is dominated and controlled by one clan. The Mogadishu districts populated by the Reer Hamar are now ruled by the Hwye clan. The Reer Hamar has no say in the running of Hamar Jajab, Shangani, Hamar weyn, Bayhani districts that they populated. The federal Government should do something about the exclusion of this group from the Local government of Banadir instead of worrying about the Jubaland State.

• The Lower Shabelle region is controlled by war lords from Mudug and Galgudud regions with the connivance of the Federal Government. This is also a source of tension.

• The rift is widening among the clans that may strengthen the hand of Al Shabaab to exploit these divisions to their advantage.

The Dialogue with the secessionist Somaliland

• The secession in the northern regions of Somalia is fuelled by the Isaq0 clan and spearheaded by SNM elements. The other clans in the north are strongly opposed to the secession and are for the unity of Somalia.

• The representatives of Maakhir, Khaatumo and Awdal should have seats on the negotiating table in the subsequent talks.

• The dialogue should be conducted within the context of the territorial integrity, sovereignty, political independence and unity of Somalia.

The self-declared Somaliland is seeking a special status and if it is accorded that status without extending it to the other federal states like Puntland, it will open a can of worms or a Pandora box. There are other federal states like Puntland and Jubaland that have better claim for such treatment for the following reasons:

• Somaliland united with trusteeship of Somalia voluntarily in 1960 when the legislative assembly of the former British Somaliland passed the Law of Union between Somaliland and Somalia.

• The Sultanate of *****teyn (Puntland State with the exception of Sanaag and Sool regions) signed protection agreement with Italy on April 1889.

• Italy declared Italian Somaliland (Banadir, lower and Middle Shabelle, Hiran, Bay and Bakool regions) as Italian protectorate on November 1889.

• The British Protectorate of Jubaland (Lower and Middle Juba and Gedo regions) was ceded to Italy in 1924 without in any way consulting the wishes of its inhabitants. It was administered as a separate territory called ‘Oltro Guiba’ for two years and was lumped with Italian Somaliland on July 1926.

• The Sultanate of **teyn was incorporated into Italian Somaliland by Governor De Vecchi who used force to lump it into the rest of Italian Somaliland on November 1927 without consulting the wishes of its inhabitants.

Puntland and Jubaland recognise the federal government and support the territorial integrity and unity of Somalia while the secessionists in self-declared Somaliland do not. Therefore, if the secessionists are accorded special status, one can understand and sympathise with Puntland and Jubaland reaction whatever that may be. It should be noted that Puntland and Jubaland have better claim to revisit the manner of their incorporation into Italian Somaliland than the self-declared Somaliland’s union with Somalia.

By the Elders of Maakhir Community UK

 

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[Xaaji Xunjuf]

But Jubbaland and Puntland do not want independence their aspirations is not based on having a separate state . Nor historically they were never different than Somalia, they were always part of Somalia. So this is much about nothing.

[Naxar Nugaaleed]

m teniya was different and didn't the english rule jubaland for a while?

[burahadeer]

Laskorey,Buhoodle,Bosaso,Godey are all jubalanders now....took ova streets of Kismayo...real natives:D

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Naxar Nugaaleed;959118 wrote:

m teniya was different and didn't the english rule jubaland for a while?

How was it different it was a sultunate under italian protection while the rest was an italian colony and after 1924 it all became an italian colony

Jubbaland was part of British east Africa and later it was given to the italians If it wasnt given to italy , it would be part of kenya today

[Naxar Nugaaleed]

not that that is reason to secede but just saying the we are different and were colonized by someone different can be thrown around more then Somaliland.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

^^ But they are not after independence since these people were always part of Somalia with the exception of the Jubbaland territories who were once part of British east Africa and we are already seeing they are leaning towards Kenya more than Somalia. The rest seems to be very well united. Actually there is no difference between Djibouti and Somaliland other than that Djibouti never made a union with Somalia. The other entities who were part of Somalia including Jubbaland never made a union with Somalia. Colonial boundaries are just used to define the statehood boundaries. But what is more important is the aspirations of the people.

[Somalia]

This is retarded secessionist logic which shows a yearning for the white man's rule. We do not recognize the secessionist borders, hell we do not even recognize the Ethiopian border.

 

Indeed, if we look back the sultanate was an independent region with all the hallmarks of a political bureaucracy before the secessionists even learned of the meaning of law, back then we remember the Habar wars, bless their hearts, so one can go back to history and find bits that suits his agenda.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

The Sultanate was under Italian protection there was no sovereignty at all

I also do not recognize the Ethiopian Somaliland border i wish that Ethiopia falls apart so that the ethnic Somalilandish people unite with their people in Somaliland the land we lost to Ethiopia in the late 40s.

[Somalia]

It had a history before the Italians with foreign emissaries and trade posts in several countries, it had all the organs of a government, unlike some that didn't have a history before the British. And how remarkable is it that we are supposed to recognize the British-Italian colonial borders drawn up 2 centuries ago only when it favours your interests. If you don't recognize the Ethiopian-Somali border, then we do not recognize the white man's border.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Somalilanders had their own kingdoms in Zeila much of the awdal region to the south. burco hargeisa Erigavo berbera had 2 separate kingdoms all the way stretching to the south to the hawd area with taxation and governance sharia law this was more than 200 years before the Brits even set foot in Somaliland. And even before that the Somalilanders founded the Walasma kingdom and than Adal Empire.. The Pirates were a small clan sultanate and it started only 4 decades before colonialism. Well thats your issue if you dont recognize colonial boundaries your people do your leaders do and you are part of Somalia you went from an italian protection to an italian colony and than part of Somalia and you are still part of Somalia.

[Somalia]

This is a prime example of laangaabs claiming other people's history. Kulahaa Adal, Ifat and the Walashama dynasty was part of the secessionist people's history, a predecessor to the secessionist region. Your whole foundation today is based on British protectorate, ilaahoow ceebteena astur, you should claim afro-hashemite ethnicity not to embarrass the rest of us.

 

What a disgraceful claim. I can not entertain such foolhearted comments.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

But we were part of that Empire all the Somalilandish people not buglanders, we produced sultans in those Empires we led it we ruled it. ofcourse its part of our history. Yusuf al kaynun is the maternal grandfather of many tribes of Somaliland and for some tribes he is the paternal grandfather. His sons founded the walahsma dynasty.

 

Even long after the demise of Walashma and adal from the early 1800s the ruler of the Afars the smaller Arab communities

 

 

 

Alloow hanaga dhigin karaani taylaani

[Somalia]

:D I can't use clan names which this would entail, but hijacking other people's history is just pathetic. You are truly showcasing the traits of laangaabnimo, and all laangaabs are ehlu naar.

 

Once-mighty Saylac had only a tenuous infuence over its environs

You posted it, not me.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

What are we discussing here that you ruled your own sub clan

Thus you have a rich history lol.