Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism and its Discontents

[OdaySomali]

An interesting read.

 

http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/horn-of-africa/ethiopia-eritrea/Ethiopia%20Ethnic%20Federalism%20and%20Its%20Discontents.ashx

 

Executive Summary

 

The Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), led by its chairman and prime minister, Meles

Zenawi, has radically reformed Ethiopia’s political system. The regime transformed the hitherto centralised state

into the Federal Democratic Republic and also redefined citizenship, politics and identity on ethnic grounds. The

intent was to create a more prosperous, just and representative state for all its people. Yet, despite continued

economic growth and promised democratisation, there is growing discontent with the EPRDF’s ethnically defined

state and rigid grip on power and fears of continued interethnic conflict. The international community should take

Ethiopia’s governance problems much more seriously and adopt a more principled position towards the government. Without genuine multi-party democracy, the tensions and pressures in Ethiopia’s polities will only grow, greatly increasing the possibility of a violent eruption that would destabilise the country and region.

 

The endeavour to transform Ethiopia into a federal state is led by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF),

which has dominated the coalition of ethno-nationalist parties that is the EPRDF since the removal in 1991 of

the Derg, the security services committee that overthrew Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974. The EPRDF quickly

institutionalised the TPLF’s policy of people’s rights to self-determination and self-rule. The federal constitution

ratified in 1994 defined the country’s structure as a multicultural federation based on ethno-national representation.

 

The government has created nine ethnic-based regional states and two federally administered city-states. The

result is an asymmetrical federation that combines populous regional states like Oromiya and Amhara in the

central highlands with sparsely populated and underdeveloped ones like Gambella and Somali. Although the

constitution vests all powers not attributed to the federal government in them, the regional states are in fact weak.

 

The constitution was applauded for its commitment to liberal democracy and respect for political freedoms and human rights. But while the EPRDF promises democracy, it has not accepted that the opposition is qualified to take power via the ballot box and tends to regard the expression of differing views and interests as a form of betrayal. Before 2005, its electoral superiority was ensured by the limited national appeal and outreach of the predominantly ethnically based opposition parties. Divided and disorganised, the reach of those parties rarely went beyond Addis Ababa. When the opposition was able to challenge at local, regional or federal levels, it faced

threats, harassment and arrest. With the opportunity in 2005 to take over the Addis Ababa city council in what

would have been the first democratic change of a major administration in the country’s history, the opposition

withdrew from the political process to protest flaws in the overall election.

 

The EPRDF did not feel threatened until the 2005 federal and regional elections. The crackdown that year on the opposition demonstrated the extent to which the regime is willing to ignore popular protest and foreign criticism to hold on to power. The 2008 local and by-elections went much more smoothly, in large part because the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) was absorbed with internal and legal squabbles, and several other parties withdrew after their candidates experienced severe registration problems. The next federal and regional elections, scheduled for June 2010, most probably will be much more contentious, as numerous opposition parties are preparing to challenge the EPRDF, which is likely to continue to use its political machine to retain its position.

 

Despite the EPRDF’s authoritarianism and reluctance to accept genuine multi-party competition, political positions and parties have proliferated in recent years. This process, however, is not driven by democratisation or the inclusion of opposition parties in representative institutions. Rather it is the result of a continuous polarisation of national politics that has sharpened tensions between and within parties and ethnic groups since the mid-1990s. The EPRDF’s ethnic federalism has not dampened conflict, but rather increased competition among groups that vie over land and natural resources, as well as administrative boundaries and government budgets.

 

Furthermore, ethnic federalism has failed to resolve the “national question”. The EPRDF’s ethnic policy has

empowered some groups but has not been accompanied by dialogue and reconciliation. For Amhara and national elites, ethnic federalism impedes a strong, unitary nationstate. For ethno-national rebel groups like the ONLF (****** National Liberation Front; Somalis in the ******) and OLF (Oromo Liberation Front; the Oromo), ethnic federalism remains artificial. While the concept has failed to accommodate grievances, it has powerfully promoted ethnic self-awareness among all groups. The international community has ignored or downplayed all these problems. Some donors appear to consider food security more important than democracy in Ethiopia, but they neglect the increased ethnic awareness and tensions created by the regionalisation policy and their potentially explosive consequences.

[OdaySomali]

Intro

 

This report provides a synopsis of politics since 1991. It takes stock of the EPRDF’s major institutional policies

and practices, as well as the political dynamics unleashed by “ethnic federalism”, the contested centrepiece of

the system, whose achievements and shortcomings require a holistic assessment that takes into account the

formal and informal rules, decision-making and practices that shape political life. Particular attention is paid to how well ethnic federalism has satisfied its promises to enable popular participation, balance strong urban-rural

and highland-lowland disparities, enhance delivery of services and maintain stability.

[Mario B]

So we have gone to Addis Ababa to copy this failed system!!

[Somalia]

If it failed how come it's still standing after 20 years?

[Abu-Salman]

It is federalism in name only: the ruling TPLF elite directly control other ethnic groups via military "advisers" and the country functions as a giant concentration camp (tight control at local levels, no food or fertilizer if not member of the Eprdf, no trading or economic freedom and marxism).

 

Do not even try to discuss the "right to secession" clause if Somali (while the state or ruling family control E. Airlines, Telecoms, banks etc as trading licences are not available other than small urban shops)!

 

Mekele is thus way richer than Oromia towns despite their coffee and riches, while Oga-den is worse than Darfur according to MSF and other more respected groups.