AsiaTimes: KhatumoState's Declaration OfAutonomy Is TheFirst Announcement Of Its Kind,By WilliamVeen

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Asia Times: Khaatumo State's Declaration Of Autonomy Is The First Announcement Of Its Kind On The African Continent This Year 2012

 

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/ND14Ak02.html

 

BY: William S van der Veen is an American researcher with a Masters Degree in International Relations from the American University in Cairo.

 

 

 

That makes three this year. Tuareg rebel's declared secession from Mali is the third instance of a sub-national identity group formally announcing they want to determine their own future.

 

This was, of course, preceded by leaders from Eastern Libya, who, in a bid for greater control of their collective future, announced the autonomy of their province in early March. Cyrenaica, the region from which the uprising against Muammar

 

 

Gaddafi began, had been neglected for decades by the former dictator at the expense of the more populous region around the capital, Tripoli. That Gaddafi's regime was funded in large measure by oil underneath Cyrenaica was not lost on its region's inhabitants.

 

Cyrenaica's declaration of autonomy, widely covered by global media outlets, was, however, not the first announcement of its kind on the continent this year. The provinces of Sool, Sanaag and Cain (SSC) comprise the latest region within Somalia to declare their autonomy. Unlike its neighboring region, Puntland, which declared its autonomy in 1998 and falls within the historical bounds of Italian Somaliland, SSC falls within British Somaliland, which declared its independence from Somalia in 1991. This is problematic because Khaatumo State, as SSC has renamed itself, has tribal ties to Puntland rather than Somaliland. This has led to tension between Puntland and Somaliland, culminating with Somaliland forces invading and occupying Las Anod, Khaatumo's capital city. They remain today, despite the recent declaration of autonomy.

 

Khaatumo's leaders, like those in Eastern Libya, ultimately decided to declare autonomy to wrest control of local affairs from what they felt was an historically illegitimate central authority. Nor are they the only instances of central authority disintegration within the past twelve months. Sudan, a poster child for rapacious central governance, saw the Christian and animist South separate via referendum in mid-2011. Like Libya, the vast stores of hydrocarbons were used to enrich those in the capital without compensating the South, the region where the majority of oil came from. Instead of funding for social development, Khartoum's major export to the South were campaigns of state repression.

 

Collectively, these countries demonstrate that marginalized identity groups who have been consistently deprived of adequate protection - or experienced outright hostility - from central state authorities, may seek redress by attempting to relocate political power closer to home.

 

A cursory glance around the continent reveals numerous other examples of such center-periphery clashes. Directly to the west of Sudan, Chad's not-quite-notorious-enough dictator Idriss Déby has enriched himself, his family and his tribe during his twenty years in power, helped in large measure by oil deposits found in 2003. In Kenya, where retention of the presidency is seen as a tribe's "turn to eat," post-election riots in 2007 led to over 1,200 dead and thousands more injured. In the impossibly complicated case of Nigeria, itself the victim of a civil war and brutally corrupt regimes, the rise to power of the Christian south, buffeted by oil revenues from the Niger Delta region, has helped spur religious tensions in the north once again. To this situation is added the ongoing tensions with the Delta region itself, where anger has persisted - and led to low-intensity conflict - over the perceived inadequate reinvestment of oil wealth into the region as well as environmental degradation.

 

While it is important to recognize each unique country's circumstances and subtleties, the continued perception of access to state institutions as a means of personal and group enrichment has the potential to alter the authority of the state vis-à-vis marginalized groups across the continent. Continued kleptocratic practices, including diversion of state rents from natural resources like oil, ethnically motivated cabinet packing or selling state assets cheaply, all historically successful ways of looting the state, will only further ensure the dispersion of power when opportunities presents themselves.

 

Conversely, national policies which promote inclusionary politics and institutionalize rule of law can dampen desires for autonomy while simultaneously strengthening the legitimacy of the national government. Such policies should broadly focus on comprehensive stakeholder engagement as well as equitable resource allocation, giving minority identity groups an ability to share in the process of state development. Examples of this already exist. Following Kenya's 2007 elections and the disastrous aftermath, a new constitution was written and put up for a national referendum in 2010. Power was stripped from the too-powerful presidency and devolved to local governments and a Bill of Rights was granted. Beyond this, multiple independent commissions were created to guard against corruption. Should this help Kenya move beyond its history of corrupt tribal politics, this could provide a model for national reconciliation.

 

Ultimately, as African nations look to move up the economic development ladder, governments must move beyond divisive identity politics. Building a prosperous society requires above all else a secure environment, which in turn requires a government with widespread legitimacy across all sectors of society. Institutionalizing how power is structured within the government and allowing for all key national identity groups to participate in determining such will go a long way to building such legitimacy.

 

The National Transition Council, guiding Libya through its post-Gaddafi transition from Tripoli, was quick to denounce Cyrenaica's call for autonomy. Such a stand is logical. As a species, we don't have a great track record of sharing power willingly. However, leaders in Tripoli would be wise to proceed cautiously. Listening to the demands of their historically neglected countrymen could mean peace and prosperity. Failing to listen may bring the exact opposite.