An Open letter to the leaders of Somaliland

[Carafaat]

An open letter from Ambassador Mahamed Jamac 'Sifir'

 

Some Preliminary thoughts on responses to the Taleex and London conferences. What are the purposes of the two conferences? How should the Government of Somaliland respond?

 

The Taleex conference: The Taleex Conference highlighted a challenge Somaliland faced through most of the last twenty years: the perception and reality of Somaliland as an *****/SNM Project, and the reservation and opposition of non-***** communities particularly the two subclans in Eastern part of Somaliland and some of the Diaspora from Boramo district/ Awdal region.

 

The Taleex conference is also part of a new Somali phenomenon: substitution of clan-based factions that sought to take control of the central authority in order to control both domestic resources and external aid with lineage-based cliques with territorial ambitions. But like the factions, they seek a role in the UN-sponsored road map and a share in the new FG and its parliament.

 

The London Conference: The London conference similarly highlights the international reservations and unwillingness to endorse Somalilands unilateral separation. The British and other western countries want Somaliland to join the current road map and plans for replacing the TFG. The invitation is also an acknowledgement that Somalilands absence weakens the efforts of the international community to find a lasting solution to the collapse of the state.

 

The Taleex conference proclaimed the establishment of the Khatumo state of Somalia. Indoing so, the organizers and participants of the conference have rejected that the Dolbahante subclan are part of the Somaliland or Puntland. The organizers and participants included groups that were among the founders of Somaliland and Puntland, but concluded that the establishment of their own state is politically more advantageous and enhances the role and opportunities of their leaders in the new federal government.

 

The Khatumo state and its organizers and supporters have chosen to confront Somaliland. Both Somaliland and Puntland formally incorporates the Dolbahante communities in their political and government institutions. Puntland is willing to shift its territorial dispute and contest for the control of the the Dolbahante districts to Khatumo. It will continue to formally claim Dolbahante as part of the Puntland subclans. The Taleex conference therefore puts Somaliland and Khatumo state on a collusion course. This has already triggered violent confrontations in Bohoodle between Somaliland forces and militia of the clans supporting Khatumo.

 

An agenda and a strategy for action

The two conferences both pose threats to the legitimacy of Somaliland. The outcome of the Taleex conference poses immediate threats to the security of Somaliland while the outcome of the London Conference could undermine the legitimacy and long-term stability of Somaliland. The two conferences create conditions similar to those in the rest of Somalia and will therefore undermine Somaliland successful resistance to the Shababled Insurgency. Greater instability in Somaliland will increase the risks of external counter-terrorist intervention and justification for unilateral interventions. Hence, the two Conferences constitute serious challenges to the immediate security and stability of Somaliland and its goal of independence.

 

The Somaliland Government must act and act strategically to confront and neutralize the threats and develop strategies for dealing with the new political environment in a manner that recognizes the radical changes in the regional and international conditions. The leaders can not afford to remain aloof from developments in Somalia and the region and the growing international determination to confront the threats of piracy and terrorism that the collapse of the State in Somalia represents.

 

Somaliland needs to prevent the escalation of the strife. It also needs to safeguard the democratic achievements of its people while acknowledging the challenges to the security and stability of Somaliland and Somalia are intricately connected. .

 

What are the strategic options of Somaliland?

Somaliland and its leaders must choose among several options.

 

 

Option A: Stay the course

- mobilize forces and the public to confront and defeat the plans for the establishment of the Khatumo;

- Decline to attend the London Conference and restate Somalilands position: Somalilands independence is irreversible and Somaliland will only enter into a relationship with Somalia as two separate and sovereign states;

 

 

Option B: Pursue no unity, no recognition path,

- attend the London conference and seek international support for Somalilands security and reconstruction and international support to limit the hostilities with Khatumo State;

- Present concept paper to the conference on prerequisites and strategies for security and reconstruction in Somaliland.

- Organize an inter-clan conference of all Somaliland communities along the Boramo- Burao model and ask the conference to reaffirm or modify Somaliland independence.

 

 

Option C: Join the process but insist on impendence and present Somalilands election plans for local government councils and parliament and seek international endorsement for these elections as part of parallel transition in Somaliland and Somalia.

 

Option D: Join the process

 

- Propose interim joint arrangements cooperation with Somalia and the possibility of a reunification after an internationally-sponsored coordinated transitional process;

 

 

Option E: Seek immediate long-term solution

- Acknowledge and accept Khatumo state and seek dialogue between Dolbahanta supporters of Somaliland and Khatumo; and Join the road map and seek revisions to the transition in conformity with Somaliland constitution:

 

- Propose a confederation with or without Khatumo

 

 

Mohamud Jama(Sifir)

January 28, 2012

New York,

Jama11432@Yahoo.co.UK

[Somalia]

I'm pretty sure that isn't the Somali ambassador to the US.

 

Why would anyone make that up?

[Carafaat]

Somali, Sifir is a former ambassador and foreign Minister of Somalia. go read some.

 

Sifir has presented some strategical options for Somaliland without specifying what he favours, a real diplomat.

 

I would choose for option B or E

[Somalia]

Then how come it doesn't say FORMER ambassador. It is as if he wants to use his former status to make the gibberish he is writing legitimate?

 

Hmmmm, let me think...

[Leezu]

D seems like the best one for everybody.

[Carafaat]

Sifir, has outlined 5 diffrent strageties for Somaliland. Atleast they make it clear to everyone which line they choose.

[Mintid Farayar]

Once again, Carafaat, you must learn to get your facts correct. Sifir is a former, long-term UN technocrat who joined the TFG under Abdullahi Yusuf's administration. He was closely aligned with Sharif Hassan, the current Speaker of the Parliament, during his time in Xamar and Nairobi. He was never a Somali ambassador nor ever a member of the collapsed military regime.

[Carafaat]

Mintid Farayar;782193 wrote:

Once again, Carafaat, you must learn to get your facts correct. Sifir is a former, long-term UN technocrat who joined the TFG under Abdullahi Yusuf's administration. He was closely aligned with Sharif Hassan, the current Speaker of the Parliament, during his time in Xamar and Nairobi. He was never a Somali ambassador nor ever a member of the collapsed military regime.

I didnt say he was member of the collapsed regime. But that he was a Foreign Minister for Somalia and thus its Ambassador.

 

Anything to add on the article, content wise.

[Carafaat]

Oodweyne;782214 wrote:

Well, it seems to me, that, what we have in here, is nothing but

Dr Sifir

and his long-term (which was never hidden) political distaste for Somaliland and all it is stand for.

 

In other words, bring

Dr Buubaa’s

next missives about Somaliland (even if you coached it as a diplomatic verbiage in-order to hoodwinked the gullible) in here, and then, you have

“one short of a hat-trick"

of a full absurd argument, from the

“ever-tireless-pen”

of yesterday’s men and their political delusion about what Somaliland should be. Instead of what she is currently; and with God’s help of her ever vigilant people will remain so, indeed…

So, you would choose for A.

 

Option A: Stay the course

- mobilize forces and the public to confront and defeat the plans for the establishment of the Khatumo;

- Decline to attend the London Conference and restate Somaliland’s position: Somaliland’s independence is irreversible and Somaliland will only enter into a relationship with Somalia as two separate and sovereign states;

 

[Che -Guevara]

Carafaat.....I think you are the one writing the conciliatory articles using multiple names, here;s another one

 

http://www.wardheernews.com/Articles_12/Jan/Askar/29_Consequences_of_possible_disintegration.html

[Mintid Farayar]

Option A, with all the risks it brings in displeasing the UK, has brought some tangible benefits for the people of Somaliland - which is uncontested peace, governance, and a strategic space to achieve more than the rest of the former Somalia has achieved.

 

Some choose to ignore the fact that 20 years ago, the official government of Somaliland only controlled a few sectors of Hargeisa and has been gradually expanding its writ throughout the land it claims step-by-step. So if Somaliland is to attend this conference, the guarantees of certain incontestable parameters must be clearly ironed out for all to see in advance.

[Carafaat]

Mintid, previous goverments of Somalia Manifesto ignored Somaliland actors or like the TNG were not prebared to sit down with Somaliland and even denied its existence. So the policy of isolation was back then not by choice but by the southern political situation. Today the landscabe has changed and SL existence and its domestic souvereignity are hardly in question. Do you think its sensible to remain on the same track? see the comments made by another uncle of yours, Faisal ali Waraabe.

 

I clearly agree with him and with Sifir that Somaliland needs to revieuw its policies regarding Somalia.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Carafaat;782240 wrote:

Mintid, previous goverments of Somalia Manifesto ignored Somaliland actors or like the TNG were not prebared to sit down with Somaliland and even denied its existence. So the policy of isolation was back then not by choice but by the southern political situation. Today the landscabe has changed and SL existence and its domestic souvereignity are hardly in question. Do you think its sensible to remain on the same track? see the comments made by another uncle of yours, Faisal ali Waraabe.

Same track works for Somaliland and it works for Somalia why change something that actually works.

[Carafaat]

Xaaji Xunjuf;782241 wrote:

Same track works for Somaliland and it works for Somalia why change something that actually works.

Correction: it maybe used to work for Somaliland. but dont know if it will.

[Mintid Farayar]

Carafaat;782240 wrote:

Mintid, previous goverments of Somalia Manifesto ignored Somaliland actors or like the TNG were not prebared to sit down with Somaliland and even denied its existence. So the policy of isolation was back then not by choice but by the southern political situation. Today the landscabe has changed and SL existence and its domestic souvereignity are hardly in question. Do you think its sensible to remain on the same track? see the comments made by another uncle of yours, Faisal ali Waraabe.

 

I clearly agree with him and with Sifir that Somaliland needs to revieuw its policies regarding Somalia.

 

Once again, incorrect, Carafaat. You're confusing talking to Somaliland with accepting its independence when it comes to the positions of the various pseudo-administrations in Mogadishu since 1991. They had all expressed a great willingness to sit down with Somaliland and talk about previous transgressions against Somaliland (during the military regime), but did not accept the independence of Somaliland. Sharif's gov't is no different in that belief. Rather it was the Somaliland administration that always refused to meet with them.

 

What do the different political actors in the former Somalia have to offer Somaliland? I believe (currently) nothing. They're slowly being led to the slaughter and they don't even realize it (i.e. a creeping, stealth trusteeship). Even the Ethiopians officially said last week they are willing to hand over control of the Hiiraan regions they control to AMISOM when the time is right - no mention of handing it over to the TFG and its forces. The international community is more conversant than you are (it seems) with the capacity/non-capacity of the different administrations.