The SSC Predicament!

[Malika]

Ngonge my dear friend ,

 

SL was born out of a fight for freedom on the grounds of liberty and equality, and on the grounds that every people must have the right to determine for themselves the conditions under which they would be GOVERNED – maa bentaay miyaa? Furthermore they made a conscious decision to secession and claim the boundaries inheritated from colonialism – within which they felt was appropriate for safeguarding the life and liberty of its inhabitants – Now this is only possible if all its habitants within those borders shared the movement to secession but alas! It isn’t the case – and that is not because they reject development and progress as you put it but it stems from the near history , it will be foolish to ignore history. History my friend holds an insight into the recent and forgoing conflict - as it seems to repeat itself by the way SL feels the only way to bring everyone under its authority is to use force – that just says a lot. Kuwii iis raceen, don’t need to be held at gun point to be Slanders, kuwii dideen naa seem to be harassed and threaten. As they say statehood and unity can only be general acceptance by the participants. You and I know in the case of SL and SSC there lacks unity in agreement to secession, despite the few men here and there that joined the SL movement that doesn’t mean the whole people of those areas have accepted secession, and those who have done are seen as traitors[Your friend Xaabsade is one of them]– This lack of Unity in agreement to secession is what the problem is. It has nothing to do with the waterhole they are fighting over today. What is fought over is the right to self determination – which is to remain A region within Greater Somalia.

 

As for development and progress my dear friend in time it will come, like SL knocked on many doors to be where it is today in terms of donors [falling over themselves to give], in time SSC will also have the same donors falling over themselves – after all, whatever is given to SL was determined also for SSC – They will ask for their cut dee. Haa uu biqiin taasi.

[NGONGE]

^^ Don't be mean Malika, give me more dee. I already accepted and aknowledged what you wrote above but did pose many questions that neither you nor Al Khadar attempted to answer.

[Peace Action]

NG maanta waa isxiigisay but you forgot or you are ignoring the fact Silaanyoo committed a major mistake that will unravel SL if he does not withdraw from Kalshaale and seek peace resolution for the clan dispute. As a former SNM leader, it will be impossible for him to do so and tragically he is being pushed by die hard secession supporters (Good Lord, even Hargaysa Women are calling for war against SSC). I hope you are not of them.

 

Silaanyo in less than a year managed to fuel a clan war and guaranteed a major backlash from SSC and Puntland. You are minimizing your uncle's foolish stand at Kalshaale.

[Thankful]

N.O.R.F;697908 wrote:

Where did this war start? When? What happened to ignite it? Where did the mediation take place before it kicked off again? Who was involved in the mediation? Clan elders?

 

Web warriors and siyaasiyaal made it anti SL (ie political).

Again your question should be directed towards the SSC and its supporters and neither you nor I can try and interpret what we feel the freedom fighters true feelings and motives might be!

 

One thing the residents of Buhoodle are doing is waving Somalia's flag and making clear is they want nothing to do with Hargeysa's admin! Remaining part of Somalia is one of the main goals!

[Valenteenah.]

NGONGE, your analysis is insufficient in terms of what brought about the current situation. The confrontation has been coming for a long time. Your suggestion that SL need only offer an economic incentive to lure SSC back (the carrot) and Ibti’s assertion that SL need only ignore the regions economically to make them crawl back (the stick) makes me think you both need to reassess SL’s economic capacity along with its track record in dealing with the SSC regions in the past.

 

 

You might be surprised to hear this but Somaliland never offered much to the regions in question in the past. What little taxes the administration collected and what aid it received didn’t get past the election and army budget, numerous ministers’ salaries and oiling of hands unknown. Forget about the SSC regions, SL wasn’t even in an economic position to develop their capital city – the progress and developments that have been happening in Hargeisa and other cities have been steered solely by residents, businessmen and women hailing from both inside and outside SL and, of course, the Diaspora. Granted, this boom of enterprise was engendered by the peace and calm enjoyed in SL, but the admin had very little to do with it in a practical sense.

 

Moreover from the beginning there was a lack of political accessibility and an in-ward driven attitude in Somaliland, so much so that those people from SSC (however few or many) who might have wanted to support SL found it difficult to engage with its political mechanisms. If the early economic and political processes and initiatives in SL are analysed you’ll find the regions of SSC never had much involvement or engagement. The few times previous administrations mentioned these regions were usually to reiterate how they were part of the former British Protectorate boundaries and therefore part of SL. SL wanted the SSC regions to join (perhaps because this would go some way in legitimising the struggle for independence) but was also somehow afraid of involving them in their governing structures (perhaps because of tribal distrust). As it happens, you can’t have everything as you want it and so the people of SSC together with their kinsmen built another governing alternative, Puntland. An entity that could be autonomous and take strides in developing the combined Northern and Eastern regions, without the need to abandon or break away from Somalia. The best of both worlds as could be had at that time.

 

 

The interesting thing is, whilst most people from SSC supported Puntland and felt SL wasn’t politically viable for them, they still saw the cities and the people of SL as theirs, still sent their kids to schools in Hargeisa, still moved there to live and opened businesses and travelled freely between the regions. Despite the differences in political opinions, there wasn’t any tension, ill feeling or fear regarding SL’s objective.

 

 

Fast forward a number of years and we come to a situation where everything has changed. Where Somaliland’s rhetoric and actions have both become increasingly proprietary and aggressive, where Puntland has somewhat veered from its political aspirations and failed to deliver the anticipated potential, but more damagingly has been unable to protect the people and the lands of SSC.

 

 

All of a sudden the people of SSC came out of cruise mode and found themselves under siege. Their neighbours and clan equals were declaring ownership in no uncertain terms. They were part of the British aligned boundaries and were therefore legally owned! (An unacceptable and provocative claim in the eyes of the SSC people.) Perhaps if the posturing remained purely rhetorical things wouldn’t have deteriorated to the current level, however SL chose to follow up with the ill-advised, underhanded occupation of Laas Caanood. Suddenly the picture was very clear, SL was no longer just talking the talk, they were walking the walk (albeit with home-grown support)!

 

 

What was SSC to do? Could they trust and rely on Puntland to act effectively on their behalf? Alas, the answer proved to be a solid NO. What next?

 

A flurry of meetings, conferences and get-togethers ensued. Men talked and women collected money. A multitude of politically-inclined groups formed. Finally, some sort of consensus was reached. If SSC was to survive, the people had to organise themselves. They had to build a political consciousness as a region. They had to create and install their own administrative and governing structures. The many garaads and generals with the many agendas had created too many partitions and too much confusion. If the SSC people couldn’t organise and administer their own affairs, if they couldn’t negotiate on their own behalf, if they couldn’t secure their own people and lands, if they couldn’t raise funds and rebuild their civil infrastructures, they would not only continue to be neglected and degenerate but they might altogether disappear into another country!

 

 

And so Ololaha SSC began. There were more meetings and conferences. Decisions were made and leaders chosen. SSC finally had something to believe in – themselves! They wouldn’t, couldn’t rely on others to do for them what they could do themselves! SL with its mounting threats and newly uniformed soldiers was not going to sweep them into their political ideology.

 

The importance of this revival, this new believe in SSC as the beginning of an administration is the desire for a chosen local leadership which can speak for the people, source funds from both the Diaspora and from within the regions to implement initiatives that can make direct impact, encourage entrepreneurs to invest in their cities and towns, and actively lead the regeneration of the region. For in order to advance and make any effective contributions to the overall region (Puntland) and to greater Somalia, the SSC regions would need to be in a strong unified position.

 

 

And so, with the new fervour blazing through people and with the threat of ‘border-closing’ hanging over the regions, the tension, suspicion and fear ratcheted up and up. And then one day, there was a small conflict over watering holes and those newly-uniformed SL soldiers arrived in all their glory. Boom! We could all predict what happened next.

 

 

Considering all of this, is there a shadow of a doubt that SL has lost any and all prospects in these regions?

 

 

There is no comparison or competition with Puntland in this case, because Puntland was always a means to an end – a united and stable Somalia. Being part of Puntland and being for a Greater Somalia weren’t and aren’t mutually exclusive. But Somalia and Somaliland, on the other hand, ARE mutually exclusive - this is what’s at the core of the resistance in SSC. It’s less about support for the TFG and much more about the ideology of a united Somalia.

 

 

In conclusion, "Nothing has changed. And yet Everything has changed".

[Ace of Spadez]

First and foremost I would like to stress that peace is a valuable commodity in the Somali Peninsula. We have all seen what war is like, and I would hope none of us wish for it to occur. Second I would like to remind everyone “af xumo nabadna way kaa kaxaysaa colaadna waxba kaagama tarto”.

 

Many people have tried to distort the real issues at hand. Frankly speaking, the SSC project is not about fighting oppression, nor is it about liberty, or freedom. It is about causing anarchy and reigniting the civil war that has stopped in Somaliland in 1991. It is quite simple really if you are not looking things through a clanish prism. The reason is Somaliland is a democratic state, which gives every region the freedom to thrive and prosper. Somaliland is not a dictatorship. It is not a police state. It is a state that affords its citizens the right to seek the highest political office and go about their business without fear or favour. Contrast this utopian polity in Somali standards to the alternative? The alternative is quite clear; it is to cause a civil war much like what is going on in Somalia. This neither fosters Somali Unity, nor does it help much less in attaining it. All it does is further fragmenting and causing unrest in the Somali Peninsula. SSC’s position is rather reckless and not well thought out. Somaliland did not come out of thin air. If Somaliland was not declared in 1991, I believe we would have witnessed the same melee that took place and continues to take place in Somalia. The glue that binds everyone to respect the peace is the nationhood of Somaliland. If we were to dismantle it, we’d be back to square one. No development, no peace and definitely no future for any parties concerned.

 

This latest skirmish started from dams being built in Kalshaale. Two neighbouring sub clans who live side by side had a dispute and went on the offensive. This was unfortunate; however, true to the ideals of Somaliland principles of resolving conflict by peaceful means mediation was immediately innitiated. Somaliland’s armed forces were sent to keep the peace while the deliberation was going on and a final resolution can be reached. The judgement was not palatable for one of the parties and there was talk of an appeal. At this moment the SSC group tried to change the tone of situation from a sub clan squabble over a watering hole and into a civil war within Somaliland. SSC agrees that they are the ones on the offensive, but say in the same breath they’re on the defensive because the Somaliland armed forces are in their territory. They conveniently forget the reason why Somaliland’s armed forces were stationed there in the first place was to stop sub clan skirmishes from getting out of control and keeping the peace.

The fact that Somaliland’s president called for peace & his willingness for dialogue on more than four occasions, while SSC group have declined attests to who really wants peace. Somaliland knows that it is easy to cause war but it is harder to regain the peace. It has gone through civil war before in the early 90’s and understands force is not an option. We have learnt our lessons and Somaliland will not and does not want to invade any city. Contrary to the myth that Somaliland is poised to enter Buhoodle through the use of force, its aim is to reach its borders peacefully. Every step in how Somaliland was made was through consensus. It has gone from consolidating its sovereignty in the west and has been inching east ward ever since. When LA was liberated the clashes did not take more than 10 minutes and the dead were not more than a dozen. Somaliland’s armed forces waited 3 years on the outskirts of LA before the people of LA realized their interest lie more with Somaliland than anywhere else. In the same token, there will be no conquering of Buhodle or any other city that is outside of Somaliland’s authority. It is wiser for the local population to decide for themselves. Case in point the recent infrastructure investments in Dhahar that yielded pro Somaliland demonstrations.

 

Somaliland is a viable and functioning country. Its existence has been a boon for Somaliland’s citizens and those from Somalia as well. Much like Djibouti, another safe and secure country where Somalis can seek refuge is in every one’s interest. To declare war when there is no pretext, no subjugation, no humiliation, no dictatorship is nothing short of irresponsible. People can have differences but they resolve them at the negotiation table.

 

This SSC saga will come and go much like tomorrow will come and go. I am confident that Somaliland will not be drawn into a civil war. I hope and pray that we can all see that the civil war SSC is attempting to ignite is not in the interest of Somaliland, nor is it for the residents of Buhodle, neither is it for those who preach Pan-Somalism.

 

P.S. Salaamz Valanteenah long time no see @----,---------------

[Che -Guevara]

NGONGE-What I can say that haven't been said by Habo, Val and others.Horta ninyahow, you are beginning to sound like Omar Suleiman, my dear children please go back to your homes and lives. Your father (Siilaanyo) is listening and your demands will be met. To the parents (Garads) call your children home. Even worse, if you keep this up, you will start sounding like Qaddafi. Your children are being used by others including our brotherly Somali nations. They were given hallucinogenic drugs. Worse, they are being by AS.

 

On serious note, what you gave us are false choices, wrong assumptions and a bit of bravado on your part-induced by what, that I can't say. Based on your arguments so far, I'm gonna assume (correct if I'm wrong) you see Sland as functioning state with viable economy and enough political space that will accommodate everybody including those on the fringes. Now the question arises what economic and social advantages can SSC gain from Somaliland. Based on the current reality, I will say there's none as much of Sland's economy depends on remittances, the NGO industry, occasional Sheikdom investment, and returning diaspora. The people have no disposable income and the State does not generate enough revenues to make any serious investment in human capacity, infrastructure and democratic institutional politics that protects not just the majority but the minatory. In short, the idea that the Sland could offer carrots to the people of SSC is wrong assumption. If Sland as State could offer any economic advantage, there wouldn't be so many street children in Hargeysa, Amoud graduates wouldn't risk lives on tahriib and Siilaanyo wouldn't have fired civil servants just so he could help those he considers friends or kinsmen.

 

On the political front, let me reiterate the idea of Somaliland as presented by those that advocate for secession. Somaliland was deliberate and intentional decision made to free people from injustice. Though I might disagree with secession, I'm no position to question the sincerity and principled decision made by people of Somaliland. Any future negotiations between Somaliland and Somali proper will have to be within the context of the people's aspirations. I simply can't dangle a carrot and expect them to jump like an excited puppy waiting for you to throw a ball or frisbee. So to say SSC must choose between Sland, Pland and the TFG , and that Somaliland offers the best deal is false choice as it ignores the principled and deliberate decision made by the SSC in regards to secession.

 

And thing you said about dignitaries flocking to Hargeysa, that is neither here or there or in the timeless words of yours "stuff and nonsense"

 

Finally, you speak of the Sland youth not burdened history, I beg to differ history is very much alive. Forget about the civil war generations, do little experiment for me. Sit among your kinsmen and bring the story of the Sayid to the forum and you will see how some men relive history.

 

Ibti-I agree with you up to point about nomads fighting over watering hole. In normal circumstances, this will be another geeljire fight but you will examine this one within the context of the current political climate. What might have been innocent geeljire fight (if there's such thing) is now something else in this reality.

[Taleexi]

The learned Ngonge decided to come to the discussion table as if his clan enclave is the Swiss of Somalia. He didn’t even ashamed but rather portrayed SL admin to be the self guardians of others in the north as far as the self determination is concerned. He went further and ignored what the epicenter of the conflict is all about. It isn’t a secret that SSC & Maakhir communities have rejected vehemently the secession enterprise. As Valenteenah eloquently put it; once your beloved SL couldn’t live with the wishes and inalienable rights of the said regions “it” has deployed coercion policies where it invaded, maimed and killed innocent people. The ramifications of that ill-planned, visionless endeavor on the part of SL have confirmed t jUo be what the people of SSC have been longing for. Their cohesion for a common cause is getting strength exponentially by the day.

 

With that, Ngonge laid three alternatives for SSC destiny as they are only choices available to them; a self autonomy, being part of PL (of which they are already co-founders and theoretically part of it) or SL. Among the three the least se-xiest is to joining SL and Ngonge knows it. The chances are almost zero to none.

 

The Economic factor: The gap between Somalis in terms of richness is very slim irrespective of their location; be Kismayo or Saylac or what lie there in between. Naturally, wherever security and tranquility and, some sort of semblance of governance, exist the wealth flows. Little do you know the spillover of ethnic conflicts if Kalshaale incident becomes an all out war I bet you the heat will be felt in Buroa in your beloved city? Thus, economic factor will be eliminated from your bargaining calculus.

 

In simple terms, would you mind sharing with SOL nomads what are the sources of SL economy you are so proud of? Livestock comes to mind, right? Aren’t other regions in similar situation? In the case of getting more handouts from the donors than others in the territory yes there is some truth in that! But that is a curse to be proud of at least methinks.

 

You mentioned dignitaries of 16 nations visiting in Hargeisa as if they will make your elusive dream sooner. War i dhegayso your recognition is to be found in Mogadishu, LA and Kalshaale not in Rome, London or Washington. SSC, Maakhir and to some extent Awdal folks have decided to be representative of their regions and the donations of the international community will be shared in proportion and evenly in the future. I hope you shall come back here and have your say when that happens. Hence, look at the shallowness fallacy of your argument. Such dignitaries have been on/off for the last 20 years, haven’t they?

 

SSC destiny:Truth to be told their lack of cohesion has put them in their current predicament but they’ve awakened, and permanent change has happened to them. Their ultimate goal is to be part of a federal Somalia. Whichever/however way they quest realizing their dream is entirely up to them not to you nor to your beloved Siilaanyo, ma i fahantay?. Rest assured though, SSC wants to cohabit and coexist with SL in an environment where common interests are safeguarded and mutual respect exists while SL’s aggression portrays otherwise what a contrast!

 

In a nutshell from the horizon of the dry valleys Somalia shall rise.

[Liibaan]

February 25, 2011

 

Buhodleh, SSC: A city that symbolizes Peace, Somali Unity & Dervish Valor is under siege

BY: Ali H Abdulla

 

Buhodleh is a small city along the border between Somalia and Ethiopia. Its residents are the descendants of the Dervish Warriors who resisted against colonial ambitions in the Horn of Africa for 21 years. They fought against the French, Italian, British and Ethiopian hegemony. The leader of the Dervish movement, Sayid Mohamed Abdullah Hassan was born in Sacmadeeqo, 11 km from Buhodleh.

 

Sayid Mohamed grew up to become the Mahdi of Somalia and frustrated the efforts of the colonial powers to establish an effective rule in Somalia. Although he was finally defeated by the combined forces of these powers and their Somali collaborators, he leaves a legacy for Somalis unparalleled in Somalia’s written history. He inherited his poetic prowess from relatives on his mother’s side such as Ali Dhuuh and Ismail Mire, both of whom are bards in their own rights.

 

Although all Somali pastoralists practice Egalitarian democracy, I.M. Lewis uses the Buhodleh area as a base for his famous book “A Pastoral Democracy”. In my travel to the area, I met a pastoralist in a small town known as Widhwidh who told me that his camel herd includes a number of camels in the name of I.M. Lewis, a gift from his father to Lewis in the 1950s when the latter visited the area.

 

Buhodleh can be compared to the legendary city of Troy which resisted its enemies for a long time. The comparison stems from the fact that Silanyo and Farole, the respective presidents of Somaliland and Puntland use their own Trojan horses to try and infiltrate the defenses of the city. Although Farole has not used force against Buhodleh, both administrations use some local collaborators to weaken the resolve of the city inhabitants for supporting a local administration known as SSC and their unwavering intention to stand up for Somali Unity regardless of the huge costs involved in terms of lost lives, lost income and lost development. True to their Dervish history, the people of Buhodleh are ready to sacrifice everything dear for the sake of dignity, honor, freedom and the blue Somali flag.

 

Background to the Conflict

 

For people who are not familiar with the current conflict in Northern Somalia, a short background history is a must.

 

Before, and even after the colonialists divided Somalia into 5 different spheres of influence, the Somali people never recognized any borders and grazed their livestock wherever the grass was greener. They used to migrate with their herds wherever it rained. This behavior even led to British intervention to stop their movement south into Kenya. An American Archeologist theorized that the ancient Egyptians were Somali pastoralists who settled in the Nile Delta. The constant migration contributed to the homogeneous nature of the Somali people who speak the same language, and pray to the same God.

 

In 1960, two of the former colonies, Italian ruled Southern Somalia, and British ruled Northern Somalia united to form the Somali Republic. After enjoying 9 years of civilian rule, the military took over power in Somalia in 1969 after the assassination of the elected president, Abdirashid Sharmarke. The military dictators ruled Somalia for 20 years. In 1991 they were eventually replaced by clan-based militias that collaborated with the Ethiopian regime of the brutal dictator, Mengistu Haile Miriam. One of the rebel movements that destroyed the Somali State and plunged it into the current chaos that fostered pirates, Warlords and Islamic extremists is the Somali National Movement, the SNM. The current president of Somaliland, Silanyo, used to be its chairman.

 

Just like Gaddafi is trying to use clannish sentiments to derail the unfolding revolution in Libya, the SNM used the clan factor to fight against the Somali government. It also stormed large population centers such as Hargeisa and Burao in the hope that the Somali government would use force to dislodge them out and thus displace thousands of innocent civilians in the process. The tactics worked and thousands ran for their lives to Ethiopian refugee camps that provided the SNM with more recruits filled with hate for the government and their supporters. This is the same hate that is now fueling the current conflict in the Buhodleh area.

 

After the collapse of the Somali government, the SNM called for a meeting in Burao, known as the Burao conference to which all the traditional leaders of Northern Somalia were invited for ending the clan conflicts that could have destabilized the area. The conference was dominated by the SNM militia that just emerged from a brutal conflict. They forced the participants to declare the unilateral secession of Northern Somalia from the rest of Somalia. Somaliland bases the legality of its secession from the Somali Republic on defunct colonial borders and the declaration of the Burao conference that was based on coercion.

 

To sell their case to the world, Somaliland hired foreign lobbyists who advised the enclave to show the world an image of stability, democracy and the rule of Law. They held two presidential elections that, although marred by vote rigging, seem to have convinced countries like the former colonial power, Britain, to become sympathetic to their cause. According to Wikileaks, the British seem to be pushing for Somaliland recognition. The British also increased their foreign aid to the enclave.

 

But democracy can be deceiving. Somaliland is an area that is based on clan structures. Loyalty to the clan takes precedence over loyalty to the state and democratic institutions. The use of force against the clans that are not sympathetic to the secession agenda is not democratic. The ban of political parties that oppose the secession is not democratic. The use of aid money to mobilize thousands of militia to attack cities like Buhodleh to force a secessionist agenda upon its residents is not democratic.

 

The Somaliland philosophy can be summed up in a few lines:

 

It is legal and democratic for Somaliland to unilaterally annul the act of Union with the rest of Somalia without holding any Internationally supervised referendum. The forced declaration of unilateral secession in the Burao Conference is binding on all clans in Northern Somalia. It is illegal to withdraw from such an agreement although it was obtained under coercion in the first place.

 

All clans that resist the secession are terrorists who are allied with the Shabab and international terrorism.

 

All the SNM fighters who died in the Somali civil war are martyrs who will to go to heaven while all the clans that sided with the defunct Somali government are traitors who deserve death or incarceration. It is even legal to ethnically cleanse them from Somaliland as long as they oppose the unilateral secession from Somalia. It is legal and democratic to teach school kids in Somaliland the history of the SNM martyrs while it is a criminal offense to teach them the history of the Dervish warriors and their leader Sayed Mohamed.

 

It is perfectly legal to use all development funds obtained from countries like Britain to mobilize thousands of militia and use heavy artillery to pound cities like Buhodleh to rubble.

 

It is democratic to assign 75% of the seats in the Somaliland government to SNM sympathizers although such allocation is not based on reliable demographics. It is democratic to earmark all aid from the UN and other countries for developing SNM controlled cities like Hargeisa and Burao while preventing aid from reaching other areas labeling them as disputed areas.

 

Concluding remarks

 

The city of Buhodleh will resist to the last man and woman. In two recent major battles that lasted from dawn to dusk, the SNM militia used all types of military hardware to break the will of the defenders of the city. Even young girls have taken up arms against the SNM militia. The Buhodleh side lost around 50 pastoralists including 2 women and they are ready to sacrifice more to defend themselves against the unjustified aggression of the SNM militia. The weak Somali government understandably remains silent about the massacres being committed against a section of its population since it is under siege as well and hardly controls a few block of Mogadishu. The international community seems to be oblivious to the conflict and continues supporting Somaliland indirectly in its genocidal war against the people of Buhodleh in particular and the other regions that support Somali unity in general.

 

I call upon the world community to put some effort into understanding the root cause of the conflict and help put an end to the senseless killing and destruction unfolding in this remote area that is far from the spotlight.

 

Even as I draft this article, the SNM militia has launched another attack against the defenders of Buhodleh and heavy artillery can be heard from the outskirts of the city. Let us pray that the casualties on both sides will remain low.

 

Ali H Abdulla - A native of Buhodleh

[Blessed]

That's a great overview, Val. It's a shame a more peaceful diplomatic route isn't taken by all concerned.

[AfricaOwn]

Thankful;697904 wrote:

Excuse me? First Who are we to say what the SSC motives are? None of us can speak for this movement or say that we some how now the truth about what they are fighting for......ALL we can do is listen to what their press releases are - I am pretty sure the numerous Somali flags waving on the streets of Buhoodle

Why isn't the flag flying else where? Why is Buhoodle the focus? They claim to rep all of Sool, 'Cayn", and Sanaag. If they can claim Erigavo why can SL claim LA or Buhoodle. We're claiming each other land right? I think this sh!t goes both ways...think about it.

[Taleexi]

Erigavo is shared city by four subclans.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

i consider taleex also part of my land;)

[Taleexi]

Taasi waa waalidiinii oo aan loo cimaamadin. War tolow colka jooja, tani mid isku madhanaysa bay u egtahay.

[Liibaan]

Xaaji Xunjuf;698103 wrote:

i consider taleex also part of my land;)

 

And I consider Zaylac, Borame, Mogadishu, Baydhabo, Galkacyo, Hargeisa and Burco part of my land ( SOMALIA), and the whole world agrees with me.