How Far Are We?

[Guhaad]

A day after a 1da Luulyo, we the Somali people, have nothing tangible to celebrate, something to be actually proud of. We can’t achieve or aspire to the same things that every individual anywhere in the world wishes for; a safe place, school, a house, and the many tiny bitsy things that come and go in life under our own turf. It has only been 15 years since Afweyne collapsed, though many have brandished and tarnished his 21 brutal and dictatorial rule, no one has actually brought anything better to the table, if there was the possibility, it was never given a chance to fully materialize. Someone always stood up (or raised their hand ) to argue, doubt, or find fault in power distribution, clan maneuvers, regional imbalances, individual advances, and the many ways to ruin the possibility of having a Republic that has a head of state, ministries, administrative capabilities, and local and regional power.

 

The Embagathi wave was no different. It contained some of the bloodiest hands and some of the qabiilist individuals all there to argue and justify one qabiils superiority and kuraas over others in a foreign country that does not speak or understand our culture and language (it has always baffled me why we travel so far to talk to each other when we are 200km away from each other, reside in the same country, speak the same language, etc.). The uniqueness of the conference was also its weakness. Bringing all the warlords and important players was an obstacle to reaching a final decision on almost all the different stages of the peace conference from the 4.5 formula to the final stages of picking and naming. The candidates for the top position appeared in big numbers, but anyone, who follows Somali politics, knew that Yey had the best chance of all from the start. Not only was he clearly destined for that position, but he has worked towards that goal endlessly. His Puntland presidency almost sank and many times sacked due to the unconstitutionality of staying away such a long period from the state. There were numerous reports that also alleged that Yey used some of monies of the state to fund his own claim/reach to power.

 

My point was not to recapture how the current government was formed, but through the many struggles and triumphs of the conference with the bakoorad bashing included, we finally have agreed to agree on a government that was deemed satisfactory and inclusive. The many years after its formation included long delays and stays in Nairobi, unsuccessful attempts in Xamar and Jowhar, to finally settle in Baydhabo. Though as irrelevant and weak as it might seem, the government still has a chance for once again to become an entity that can spread its wings throughout Somalia. I find unique features of this government that is unlike other ones. First, the government has a clear agenda in restoring peace. From its inception to now, the government has clearly stood by the same things it did when it started; foreign troops, staying away from Mogadishu, etc. Second, it is a reconciliatory one. It has taken a long time to actually get rid of the bad apples in Xamar only because it was best to give them time to think and rethink of their actions and its deleterious consequences (kaadi badshe waa loo gogol fidiyaa ). Also the government has tried everything to maintain all of its ministries and parliamentarians at all cost (though I couldn’t be right or wrong, I wouldn’t exclude a little handouts at times ). Third, the government seems to be both politically mature and stable. There seems to be political system that seems to give and separate powers for officials in terms of who can do what and what not (unlike that time when Qanyar appointed Qaybdiid for the police chief ).

 

Though there was a heated debate and disagreement, and ultimately leading to the two camps in Mogadishu and Jowhar at the beginning, it seems a lesson has been learned, and there seems to emerge a greater appreciation and understanding of the different roles and responsibilities of the different ministries. This maturity also shows a government that is inclusive. We have seen how the government managed to keep key players involved such as Hussein Ceydiid, Barre Hiiraale, and others of such a stature. Even to an important extent, is the retention of the highest three officials of the government in one city. It must have taken a lot of effort and mind to have convinced each one of these individuals and almost all of the other parliamentarians to stay and work from one city considering how far apart some of the parliamentarians were just some months ago. Another area that the government is doing very well is also its international efforts abroad to get funding, support, recognition, assistance, and most importantly troops to Somalia.

 

Not to elevate the government more than it deserves, it also has its weaknesses. The first of it is its inactivity in Somalia. The government has put all its eggs in one basket when it comes to this regard. A better balance would have been to both be active on the inside as much as they are on the outside. What you can’t do for your people, foreign troops will never. There seems to be a priority issue. If the government is truly for the people, it should also put some efforts in involving them in the process. A good way would be to set up regional and local government offices throughout the country to open a communicative channel that the populace can pass their views and opinions about what is happening. The other thing is how the government handles some issues, most importantly the UIC victory in Somalia. Rather than applaud this tremendous effort, the government displayed its fear towards the new group and in many occasions prejudging negatively and prematurely the UIC efforts. Maybe a proper response would have been to actually seize the opportunity to befriend them, and figure some kind of a system that would both satisfy the UIC and TFG. The UIC’s election of Aweys wouldn’t make this matter any better nor will Cabdullahi’s allegation that the UIC might be of a worst threat than the warlords. The good news is that, for the first time in the last 15 years, the only powers in the south seems to swirl between the UIC and TFG. Together they can make peace or produce a war. Our hope clinches on which way they lean so that we can either rock with it or run from it.

 

like we have heard in the past two years, may the third year be the real one that brings peace and prosperity