Tribalism: The cancer in our midst Part 2

[NASSIR]

Tribalism: The cancer in our midst Part 2

Mahamud M. Yahye, PhD

 

 

Dugsi ma leh qayaaladi waxay dumiso mooyaane

(Tribalism has no benefit except destruction)

- Abdillahi Suldan

 

I. Introduction

 

A few months ago, I wrote an article, titled “Tribalism: the Cancer in Our Midstâ€, in which I tried to show, with strong evidence from our nation’s history, how tribalism has always been the root cause of our problems; how it has led to the total destruction of our state; and how it has thus far prevented the real success of all peace and national reconciliation efforts. I also pointed out that as many scholars have shown in the past, the main problem lies with the “segmentary lineage†system of our clan affiliations which often leads to disunity, strife and perpetual instability. The feedback that I have received from the Somali readers, both at home and in the Diaspora, has been in its totality very positive and the overwhelming majority of them agreed with my analysis. However, there was the usual dissenting voice. For instance, a man who wrote to me from Alberta, Canada, said: “Let us not kid ourselves, and let us put the blame where it belongs. I, Mohamud, am proud Somali who isn’t afraid to say who is my clanâ€. Another one e-mailed me to oppose the thrust of my argument – perhaps just for the sake of opposition, as is now common in highly polarized Somali society – and he wrote: “Tribe is an asset not a liability for Somalia. But unfortunately some people have failed [to] see it as such.†He then continued claiming without providing sufficient evidence: “Tribe is what feeds, protects and allows the locals on the ground level to communicate at amicable and frank level.â€

 

Some Positive Tribal Aspects

 

The arguments of these two gentlemen reminds me of a recent article written by Mr. I. M. Lewis, the renowned Somali scholar and emeritus professor of anthropology at London School of Economics, titled “Visible and Invisible Differences: the Somali Paradox“ in which he attempted to show several positive aspects of tribal affiliations in the Somali nation. One of the examples that he gives to support his thesis is the fact that, after the collapse of the state in Somalia and the disappearance of most sources for decent jobs in a modern society, many Somalis inside the country survive through the generous remittances of their tribesmen in the Diaspora; and one of the easiest ways to reach them – in a country that lacks such basic services as post office or banking - to deliver these cash remittances is to use the names of their clan and sub-clan affiliations.

 

But with all due respect to the views of Prof. Lewis and the two other gentlemen, the negative aspects of tribalism and its destructive nature outweigh its benefits. (Mind you, like nepotism, favoritism, chauvinism, imperialism, etc., tribalism or any other thing that ends with –ism normally indicates something negative). In this regard, when we had a functioning Somali state, we did not need a tribe to protect us or to offer us the numerous social services that we used to take for granted. Furthermore, even in the Islamic faith, tribe affiliations are not supposed to be a source of discord, animosity and oppression. The holy Qura’n says: “O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female, and we made you into nations and tribes, that you may know one another. Verily the most honored of you in the sight of Allah is (he who is) the most righteous of you.†(The noble Qur’an: 49:13). In other words, Allah almighty made us different tribes or clans to know each other and not to kill each other like animals, as we Somalis have been doing in the past 15 years. Prophet Mohammad (peace be upon him) also declared that it is totally forbidden for a Muslim to shed the blood of another Muslim, to take over his property or to damage his family-honor.

 

In the Somali nomadic setting, there was a clear delineation of leadership by traditional elders, like Sultaan, Garaad, Islaan, Malaakh, Boqor, Isin, etc., whose decisions were obeyed without questioning. The clans also had a traditional law of governance in the form of “xeer†that regulated the relations between neighboring tribes, often competing over very limited resources (i.e., water and pasture). That is how they were able to coexist in harmony for centuries, despite the eruption of the occasional deadly fights. However, when urbanization was introduced to our social life, the positive aspects of tribal affiliations disappeared and only the negative elements seem to have been preserved. Add to this the fact that an ordinary Somali normally has greater allegiance to his clan rather than his Islamic faith. Moreover, our understanding of modern Western culture of democracy, human rights and the rule of law are very tenuous. As such, it is evident that we, Somalis, have abandoned the good aspects of our nomadic culture and have not been able to absorb either the lofty tenets of Islamic religion or the rational principles of modern Western culture.

 

In the view of many experts of Somali affairs, tribalism and clan-based rivalry is what led to the collapse of the state in Somalia in January 1991 and to the inability of Somalis to end their ruinous civil war. This is so despite the fact that 14 peace and national reconciliation conferences have so far been held for that purpose with the help of the international community, and particularly Somalia’s neighboring countries, both morally and materially. All reconciliation efforts have failed because certain individuals – most of them semi-illiterate ex-truck drivers, messengers or ex-police sergeants who have not even run a small governmental office or unit in their entire life – have been playing the tribal card to become presidents/prime ministers in Somalia by any means in order to monopolize power and privilege and, thus, marginalize other clans. In this connection, these covetous and misguided warlords – who were comprehensively defeated recently but are still there– used tribalism as a tool to gain both political and economic power, and not to serve their nation. But even when they gained power, they have never attempted to help their own tribesmen in return. None of them has set up a one classroom elementary school or a small dispensary or a single borehole in their own villages to serve the needy inhabitants of their clan areas who have no state to serve or protect them. This is despite the fact that some of these unscrupulous warlords used to earn hundreds of thousands of US dollars from the air and sea-ports that they illegally took over and the sale of qat and other illegal drugs that they were engaged in. Even the new religious force called Islamic Courts Union (ICU), who have lately been expanding their military conquest, would, according to some experts on Somali affairs, only prolong the conflict in Somalia, because they are self-appointed, clan-based militias, some of whose extremist leaders are included in the US list of international terrorists. [see Prof. Lewis, Prof. Said Samatar and Abdalla Hirad as listed below in the references]. Besides, nobody knows what is the real political programme of this amalgam of religious courts, some of whom seem to aim for establishing a Taliban-type regime in Somalia? How are they going to deal with the myriad of hot button issues that face Somalia today, such as securing real peace and stability in the whole country? And how they would carry out and finance the revival of the country’s ruined economy, and the rebuilding of its destroyed infrastructure in terms of education, health, water and power services, roads, etc.? Still, none of ICU’s top leaders has, as reported, any relevant experience in running a government?

 

III. Lessons from Recent Somali History

 

In my previous article, I have indicated that the old leaders of our previous generations and the founders of the Somali state, i.e., men and women who started the national struggle for freedom in the early 1940s or assumed political leadership after independence in 1960, knew the destructive nature of tribalism. That is why they shunned it and endeavored, as much as possible, not to use it as a guide and a principle for running the new Somali state. Consequently, they did their level best to select for leadership the most suitable, experienced and capable among them, irrespective of their tribal or regional origins. That is why a man like H.E. Aden Abdulle Osman – arguably the best head of state that Somalia has ever had - who hails from one of the smallest and least influential Somali clans, was elected as the first President of the new Somali Republic that united both the ex-British Somaliland and ex-Italian Somalia in 1960. (Isn’t it ironical, as well as a reflection of our current lop-sided political culture, that in the last two transitional governments, set up in Djibouti and Kenya in 2000 and 2004, respectively, his son, Abdulqadir, could not get a ministerial position or even that of a simple member of parliament, just because he doesn’t come from a big clan, according to the infamous 4.5 formula of tribal power sharing currently in force. Mind you, Abdulqadir Aden Abdulle, is a highly qualified engineer who graduated from a fine Italian university and who had assumed an important ministerial position in Somalia’s previous governments). In these previous Somali administrations, though they were far from being perfect, at least such universally accepted standards as education and work experience were the main qualifications for selecting officials for high positions in government – and not his tribal background or the strength of his armed militia. I still remember with great admiration that, during the tenure of one our previous Prime Ministers of the mid 1960s, i.e., that of Mr. Abdirizak Haji Huseen, two words, i.e., karti iyo hufnaan (competence and cleanliness) identified the basic philosophy of his government, as well as the prerequisites for appointing civil servants in the high echelons of his administration. But this is now, unfortunately, replaced by the blatant tribal system of power sharing which has taken hold of Somalia’s political life and which became the main impediment against peace, stability and a functioning central government in the past 16 years.

 

Due to our unfortunate return to the out-dated, irrational and disastrous system of tribalism, every Dick and Harry wants to be a minister or MP, and no educational and relevant work experience are necessary for assuming high ministerial portfolios. That is why until its recent reshuffle, Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government had a cabinet of over 90 ministers and deputy ministers (America has only 15 federal ministers). This was so, not because a penniless and economically ruined country like Somalia needs this excessively bloated cabinet, but because every clan and sub-clan had to be rewarded – I dare say bribed - by allocating at least one ministerial position to them. And, as I alluded to earlier, it is really Somalia’s great misfortune that some semi-literate men, none of whom had ever run even a small district or government department, have the audacity to insist nowadays on leading a whole nation, simply because they belong to a certain clan or they possess a few guns.

 

IV. Tribalism is Destructive

 

In one of his famous poems, the well-known Somali poet, the late Mr. Abdillahi Suldan “Tima-addeâ€, summarized the totally negative nature of tribalism in that poem’s refrain: “Dugsi ma leh qabyaaladi waxay dumiso mooyaane†(Tribalism has no benefit except destruction). He then elaborated his argument by chanting with his very beautiful and moving poetic voice:

 

Docda bari, dareeriga baddiyo, Seylac dariskeeda

Dusha koonfureed iyo ilaa wabiga daaciisa

Degmadeenna oo idil haddan deyey abwaagteeda

Nimaan duubiyadu naafo noqon deelka laga waaye

 

Dulmi iyo dhac waa waxa kharibay dagalladeenniiye

Dul iyo hoosba waan ugu dhigay ee waa dix dhagaxeede

Anun baa damqanayee dhaguhu uma daloolaane

Dadkaan la hadlayaa baan lahayn dix iyo iimaane

Bal inay dalfoof tahay, caqliga doonni laga saaray

Wixii horay u soo daashaday bay dagashanaysaaye

 

Dugsi ma leh qabyaaladi waxay dumiso mooyaane

 

If I try to give the gist of these few lines of Tima-adde’s longer historic gabay (poem), not in a literary but rather a more literal translation, it could roughly be rendered as follows:

 

Towards the east, the sea channels and Seyla’ neighborhood

Beyond the southern parts and the river fountains

When I looked at the records of our region

A person not injured severely could not be found

 

Looting and injustice are what has corrupted our nation

I’ve told them plainly, but they’re as hard as rocks

I’m the one who is being agitated, but they are deaf and dumb

Those I’m talking to, have no sense or faith

They have gone stray and their mind has been shipped away

And they are hankering after what has already harmed them

 

Tribalism has no benefit except destruction

 

V. Concluding Remarks

 

In conclusion, if we don’t find an appropriate and lasting remedy to the devastating disease of tribalism which has plagued our nation in the past 16 years, destroyed all its state institutions and kept our people in perpetual insecurity, abject poverty and misery, we will suffer even more. And our country may become prey for the disruptive interference – or even total takeover – of its hostile neighbors who have always sought to dismember and dominate the Somali nation. Finally, our present, and the more serious dangers looming on the horizon, could best be summarized in what the US magazine Newsweek has recently written about this unlucky country of ours when it said: “ It might seem that Somalis were put on this earth to suffer. For the past 15 years, they’ve had civil war. For most of the past decade, there’s been drought. The few times the drought has eased, there have been floods. The state has collapsed so totally there are not public services whatever. Potholed roads have been replaced by tracks in the bush. Water is sold by private entrepreneurs. Hospitals tell patients to bring their own mattresses, even their own beds, and enough money to fuel the generator if, for instance, they need the use of an X-ray machine.†(Add to this the fact that today Somalia has the lowest level of primary school enrollment in the whole world [around 20% only], according to the UN). What a bleak picture for a nation essentially ruined by tribalism and its horrendous consequences!

 

May God almighty save Somalia, and protect her from her own sons.

 

Mahamud M. Yahye, PhD

 

Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

e-mail: mm2yahya@yahoo.com

 

Source: Wardheernews

[Taleexi]

Nice piece I liked it.. thanks Caamir

[SOO MAAL]

Thanks Caamir

[NASSIR]

Mansa and Soo Maal, thank you both. I sure liked it, but what surprises me is the e-mails the author got from his readers that they indeed censured him for his debasement of tribalism.

[NASSIR]

TRIBALISM: THE CANCER IN OUR MIDST

 

PART I

 

By Dr. Mahamud M. Yahye

April 16, 2006

 

 

Introduction

 

In the past, the conventional wisdom has been that Somalia’s population would not face serious inter-communal problems because it has one of the most homogeneous peoples in the world, in general, and in Africa, in particular. This is so, because they belong to the same ethnicity, share the same faith (Islam), speak the same language and share the same culture and history. (I heard the arrogant Ethiopian Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, talking about this topic in a very sarcastic manner some time ago). However, these assumptions have been dealt very serious blows by the outbreak of the devastating, cut-throat civil war that has, for all intents and purposes, been going on for the past 15 years. This senseless civil strife, together with the widespread famine that accompanied it in the early 1990s, is estimated to have killed at least 500,000 Somalis, the overwhelming majority of them being innocent civilians; and hundreds of thousands, if not millions, more were displaced both internally and externally.

 

The question that imposes itself immediately is: What is the root cause of this terrible tragedy? In my view and in the view of many observers of Somalia’s recent history, both nationals and foreigners, tribalism and the relapse of the Somali nation into the old, primitive ways of the distant past is what brought about this catastrophe. It is what has destroyed our State, caused us all kinds of misery in the last 15 years, and made us a laughing stock in front of the other nations of the world. Whenever a foreign friend puts to me a question as simple as: “Why are you killing each other?” or “Why did you destroy your country?” I fail to give a coherent, plausible answer. But deep down, I know that the root cause of our present crisis – and that of other critical stages in our history – could be summarized in one word: tribalism; and unless we eradicate or find a proper remedy to this cancer in our midst, our people will be immensely suffering for many years to come.

 

Lineage Segmentation

 

This is the very bleak situation of today. But almost 80 years ago, a British colonial officer by the name of H. B. Kittermaster, who worked in our country, wrote the following about the Somalis: “Why do the Somalis occupy today their present position in the scale of civilization and development? This is a question which perhaps demands a passing thought. They are undoubtedly still primitive, having reached only a system of loose tribal organization in which even the tribal elders and herdsmen exercise but small control.”

 

Eighty years later, the situation seems to be equally dismal, if not even worse, despite the fact that we had first hand contacts with the civilized world; thousands of our nationals have gone to universities, at home and abroad; and we have experienced more than 45 years of independence and self-rule. Still, Somalia now passes through one of the most painful chapters of its history which has culminated with the onslaught of a very deleterious civil war that seems to be quite intractable and never ending. Consequently, at present it seems that, as a US Library of Congress publication put it “… Somali society has retrogressed to a collection of warring clans reminiscent of pre-industrial times.”

 

As I indicated earlier, the root cause of this utterly ruinous upheaval that destroyed the country’s national government, and all the essential state institutions as well as services, could be attributed to the fact that we have gone back to the pernicious system of tribalism. That is why we had to go through 14 conferences of peace and national reconciliation conferences, none of them has so far borne out real fruits. The fact that everything has now to be allocated or shared on tribal basis is the most glaring mistake that our so-called leaders, and their well-intentioned foreign supporters, have been committing. This is clearly exemplified by the notorious 4.5 formula, whereby Somalis are divided into four major clans, plus all the minor ones lumped together into half a clan, also referred to at times as: Others. As a result, in the last reconciliation attempt in Nairobi (Kenya), for instance, a cabinet of over 90 positions had to be set up in order to satisfy every clan and sub-clan. (Here, no rational criteria like education, adequate experience in government work and other relevant qualifications were ever given due consideration). Compare this with the situation in USA where the most powerful country on the planet, economically speaking, currently has a federal cabinet of 15 ministers only!

 

What the current so-called Somali politicians and warlords don’t understand is that tribalism is the most divisive and destructive element in the our nation’s social fabric. Its resurgence creates unnecessary hatred, hostility and the flouting of the rule of law. It encourages you to take a certain position, whether positive or negative, towards another Somali simply on the basis of his clan affiliation and without even knowing that person and without, at times, being acquainted with his/her opinion or political stand. When a Somali asks you: “Yuu yahay?” (Who is he?), he expects you to tell him the third person’s clan; and on the basis of your answer, the enquirer will immediately regard this other person as a friend or an enemy. As such, a person will blindly support, say, a corrupt and murderous politician/warlord simply because the latter belongs to his tribe as if he is saying: “My tribe, right or wrong.” At the state level, it is this irrational tribal identification and allegiance, and lack of personal accountability, that has led to all kinds of nepotism, favoritism and corruption – and ultimately to the destruction of the state itself. Another negative aspect of tribalism is that it is susceptible to external manipulation because of the constantly shifting, opportunistic clannish alliances. Look how our quintessential enemy, Ethiopia, was able to meddle in our internal politics, because we allowed them to play Somali clans against each other.

 

This pernicious social order in Somalia has been identified and amply analyzed by such luminous scholars as Enrico Cerulli, I. M. Lewis and Said Samatar. As these insightful men have pointed out, this primitive social system is based on what is known as “segmentary lineage” whereby each tribe is further divided into innumerable clans, sub-clans, sections and families which only unite in order to face a common danger. The most negative symptom of this lineage segmentation is that it leads to constant instability and chaos, since it does not, literally, have a permanent friend – not even a Muslim one – or a permanent foe; there is only a permanent context and a permanent competition – or rather a constant fight over the very scare resource in Somalia harsh, semi-desert environment . This tribal system could aptly be illustrated by the famous Arab Bedouin saying: “Anaa wa akhi calaa ibnu cammi, wa anaa wa ibnu cammi calaa algariib”. [My brother and I against my cousin, and my cousin and I against the stranger]. As a perceptive foreign commentator succinctly put it, this segmentation goes down to the household level with the children of a man’s two wives [laba bahood] sometimes turning on one another on the basis of maternal line. In other words, it is extremely difficult to satisfy Somalis on a clan basis.

 

The system is very fluid and the ephemeral alliances between the clans are constantly changing for no apparent reason. This point is amply illustrated by the recent terrible fighting in Mogadishu between militias loyal to the local warlords/businessmen, on the one side, and the so-called Islamic courts, on the other. The members of the these two camps used to boast about belonging to the same clan-family that owns the Somali capital. A similar ruinous fratricide war has recently taken place, and still continues to do so, between four sub-clans of two closely related clan-families in Central Somalia, i.e., Mudug-Galgudud regions, as well as the Somali Region of Ethiopia.

 

Besides, as the British writer Douglas Jardine (author of the famous book “The Mad Mullah” about the Somali historical figure and freedom fighter, Sayyid Mohamed Abdille Hassan) pointed out, Somali clans are highly polarized and are “…usually ready for a fight if they think that thereby they may increase their live-stock at the expense of their neighbors.” Or they engage in what Prof. Said Samatar calls “a permanent attention to the availability of self-improving opportunities.” In other words, human ethics, basic morality and religious precepts have no meaning, whatsoever, for them. In fact, in the traditional Somali pastoral environment, it seems to be quite natural and acceptable that a stronger clan could raid a weaker clan, slaughter its people, loot its property, particularly camels, and even boast about it in oral poetry! We should not have gone back to this awful, discredited social order.

 

In the opinion of many observers of Somalia’s political scene, two generals were instrumental in the revival of tribalism in its most naked, highly destructive form: namely, ex-military dictator, President Gen. Mohamed Siad Barre, who had kept manipulating Somali clans, rewarding handsomely some of them and severely punishing some others, in order to perpetuate his rule which lasted overt 21 years; and General Mohamed Farah Aideed who resorted to tribal warfare in the 1990s so as to assume absolute power in Somalia for his personal benefit and for the benefit of his own clan.

 

Lessons From Recent History

 

Somalia’s older generation of leaders knew the inherent, destructive nature of tribalism. They also knew that it can not be compatible with running a modern state. That is why when they started preparing for the struggle to rid the country of colonialism, they established in 1943 a national party that united all Somalis under the aegis of Somali Youth League (SYL). One of the basic tenets of that political movement was the renunciation of tribalism and clan affiliations all together. In fact, unlike the situation in Somalia 60 years later, it was at that time very shameful, or even punishable, to utter a clan name openly. That is how our people was to able to get united and constitute a formidable force to win their cherished independence, their dignity and their national pride; and that how they managed to get rid of the powerful colonial powers who had oppressing them for decades through the use of their infamous mechanism of divide and rule by penetrating though our soft spot: tribalism.

 

At the time of gaining independence in 1960, and despite the fact that Somalia had no many highly educated nationals, and had a very few university graduates, it was able to establish a functioning democratic state, though not a perfect one, for nearly the first decade of its existence. It was able to do so, because it had a more dedicated, honest and patriotic leadership who knew the history and culture of their people very well. That is how, arguably the best President that Somalia has so far had, Mr. Adan Abdulle Osman, who hails from one of the smallest clans in the country, could be anointed as the country’s first head of state (1960/1967). At that time, these visionary leaders did not say let us distribute ministerial positions on purely clan and sub-clan basis, but chose the best and fittest among their prominent men to lead the country and serve its people (though the country’s reality dictated that an all inclusive political system be normally observed). And it is this very good model that we should have followed today. But it was only after the arrival of the military/socialist dictatorial regime in 1969, that initially appeared to be fighting against tribalism, but used it later as an essential instrument for keeping power forever, that the country started unraveling. Naturally, it was with the arrival in 1991 of the notorious, unpatriotic and unscrupulous warlords, who openly promoted and relied on tribalism so heavily, that the country really went down the drain and experienced total collapse in every aspect. But one of the main lessons of the ensuing devastating civil war is that no single Somali clan is strong enough to wipe out or even subjugate the rest of the clans and, thus, rule the country alone. So, it is now in the best interest of all to try to live together in peace and harmony, if we wish to remain as a nation.

 

Conclusion & Remedy

 

In conclusion, the only way to address Somalia’s thorny problems is to tackle this cancer called tribalism which has been wreaking havoc on our nation, especially its body politic, for the past 15 years and find an appropriate remedy for it. The only way to accomplish this will be to minimize the role of tribalism and cleanse it, as much as possible, form our modern state apparatus, thus relegating it to its proper place, i.e., our countryside (or baadiye) where it belongs. Here, it may be worth quoting, once again, Mr. Kittermaster who said, when he was talking about the Somalis and their future almost 80 years ago: “But these people are by no means unintelligent or decadent. It is probable that they must be regarded as among the most virile and intelligent of any African peoples.” He then concluded by affirming: “Their intelligence and their keen ability as traders mark them out as capable of development, but there appears to be little hope of a radical change in them unless it is possible to destroy the camel complex [emphasis added].” That is, tribalism has to be destroyed if the Somali people are to be saved from perpetual internecine war, misery, abject poverty and the possible take-over of their country by more powerful, hostile neighboring countries.

 

In the long run, tribalism could be fought against by making modern education available to as many Somalis as possible. Educating the Somali masses, especially the warring young men, will equip them with skills that would enable them to get decent, lawful jobs. This would, in turn, make them economically independent and would, thus, prevent them from being recruited for illegal and dangerous tribal warfare. On the political front, we could start right away by replacing the destructive tribal associations and their armed militias by forming a few political parties, based on ideology and political agendas, in which each Somali adult can be a member, irrespective of his or her clan affiliation. Preferably, the first step in this regard could be the revival of the historic SLY party which has always united Somalis and mitigated against their anarchic, tribal tendencies.

 

References

 

Casanelli, Lee V. The Shaping of Somali Society: Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People, 1600-1900 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982)

 

Cousin, Tracey. “Somalia: The fallen Country” in ICE Studies (Case No. 75), to be accessed in the internet through Google.

 

Jardine, Douglas. “Somaliland: the Cinderella of the Empire.” African Society Journal, Vol. XXV (1924/25), accessed through Somali Online Magazine, vol. 4, in the internet.

 

Kittermaster, H. B. “British Somaliland.” African Society Journal. Vol. 27 (1927), accessed through Somali Online Magazine, vol. 4, in the internet.

Latin, David and Samatar, Said. Somalia: A Nation in Search of a State

(Boulder, Col., USA: Westview Press, 1987)

 

Lewis, I. M. Blood and Bone: The Call of Kinship in Somali Society

(Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press, 1997)

 

Samatar, Ahmed.. Ed. The Somali Challenge From Catastrophe to Renewal. (London: Lynne Reinner Publishers, 1994)

 

Samatar, Said. “Unhappy Masses and the Challenge of Political Islam in the Horn of Africa”. Wardheernews Website, 9/3/2005 (to be accessed in the internet through Google)

“Country Study: Somalia.” US Congress Library. [To be accessed in the internet through Google].

 

 

Mahamud M. Yahye, Ph.D.

Jeddah, Saudi Arabia

 

E-mail: mm2yahya@yahoo.com

[Sharif_seylaci]

Qabil will never leave somali culture even in here somalia online u cant use tribe names thats cool but thats just here

 

but if u go 2 places like somaliuk somalinet ********** somalilandnet somalivoices

 

and also somali websites like

www.puntlandpost.com

www.somaliweyn.com

they still use tribe names and in our socity for me its diffrence i just check if the person is a somalilander then we can relate doesent matter what his tribe is

[Sharif_seylaci]

widhwihd.com

[Sharif_seylaci]

and hadhwanaag