Djabouti Returns , IGAD The Arab League give support and the conference is on.

[General Duke]

Arab League statement on Somalia.

 

Statement from League of Arab States Secreatry General`s. Special Envoy for Somalia

OFFICE OF THE

SECRETARY- GENERAL`S

SPECIAL ENVOY FOR SOMALIA

LEAGUE OF ARAB STATES

Date: 28/10/02

 

SUPPROTING THE REPUBLIC OF SOMALIA

 

The League of Arab states Council/Summit Level

 

DECIDES:Re- empasizes the unity and sovereignty of Somalia and its territorial integrity. Calls on all Somali factions to put their national interest on top of any other considerations, commit themselves to the cease-fire agreement, support the Somali Reconciliation process in Kenya and speed up a political settlement to the Somali crisis that would ensure unity and enable Somalis to reconstruct their country.

Requests the Secretary General to continue contacts to form an international committee comprising all concerned states and international & regional organizations, with a view to prevent divergence and duality of the efforts and enable Somalis to fulfill their pledges and commitments towards settlement of the crisis.

Calls on all concerned international and regional organizations to establish, in cooperation with the League of Arab States, an emergency program fro disarmament of the militias and their reintegration into the Somali State and social institutions, for the sake of security and stability.

Calls on the member states to provide speedily humanitarian relief aid to Somalia all over the country to enable them face their hard living conditions.

Extends thanks to the member states that provided direct financial aid to Somalia or to the Somali support account at the Arab League, and calls on the rest to speed up financial contributions to this account, in compliance with the Beirut summit (2002) resolution.

Calls on the concerned Ministerial Committee to follow up situation in Somalia and the Secretary General to pursue his efforts to promote the National Reconciliation Process there so that unity and safety would prevail. Further calls on the Secretary General to table the issue for discussion in the upcoming session.

[General Duke]

IGAD Ministerial meeting final Communique

JOINT COMMUNIQUE

ISSUED BY THE IGAD MINISTERIAL FACILITATION COMMITTEE ON THE SOMALI PEACE PROCESS

NAIROBI, KENYA

TUESDAY, 28TH OCTOBER, 2003.

 

 

1. The meeting of the IGAD Ministerial Facilitation Committee on Somalia Peace Process was held pursuant to the decision of 10th IGAD Summit held in Kampala on the 24th and 25th October, 2003. The Summit directed the Facilitation Committee to meet in Nairobi on the 28th October, 2003, in order to review the status of the peace process and report to the Chairman of the Summit.

 

2. The meeting was attended by Hon. Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kenya, and Chairman of the IGAD Ministerial Facilitation Committee, Hon. Augustine Nshimye, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Uganda, representing the Chairman of the IGAD Council of Ministers, H.E. Ali Abdi Farah, Minister for Foreign Affairs, International Cooperation and In-charge of Parliamentary Relations, Republic of Djibouti, Hon. Ali Said Abdella, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Eritrea. Ethiopia was represented by H.E. Ambassador Kongit Sinegiorgis, Director General African Affairs, Ambassador to AU and the UNECA. The African Union was represented by Ambassador M. A. Foum, Special Envoy to the Somali Peace Process. Dr. Attalla Hamad Bashir, Executive Secretary of IGAD also attended the meeting.

 

3. The following IGAD Development Partners also attended the meeting; Italy, United Kingdom, the United States of America, Sweden, Germany, Egypt, League of Arab States, the European Union and the United Nations.

 

4. The meeting received progress reports on the Somali National Reconciliation Conference and noted that substantial progress has been achieved.

 

5. The Ministers welcomed the Summit's decision to expand the IGAD Technical Committee, now renamed the Facilitation Committee, led by Kenya and to include Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Uganda and hopefully the Sudan and the African Union. They noted that the establishment of the Facilitation Committee would give fresh impetus to the peace process. They urged the new Members to appoint their representatives as soon as possible.

 

6. The Ministers called on the Somali Leaders to remain focused on the peace process and embrace dialogue with a view to achieving lasting peace in their country. They further urged the Somali parties to put the wider interests of the Somali people at the forefront.

 

7. The Ministers agreed that all Somali leaders be invited to a Leaders Meeting on 20th November, 2003 for ten days, at a venue in Kenya to be decided on by the Facilitation Committee. The meeting will be attended by H.E. Mwai Kibaki , President of the Republic of Kenya H.E. Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of the Republic of Uganda and Chairman of the Assembly IGAD Heads of State and Government, H. E. Joachim Chissano, Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union and H. E. Alpha Omar Konare, Chairman of the Commission of the African Union.

 

8. The Ministers stressed the importance of ensuring that the resolution of the Somali conflict should result in the formation of institutions that would enjoy the support of the Somali majority, and ensure lasting peace.

 

9. The Ministers noted the need to embark on preparations for post conflict Somalia. They called upon the African Union, United Nations and in particular, the United Nations Security Council to render support to the initiative. They reiterated the importance of Disarmament, Demobilization, Reintegration and Rehabilitation of Somalia as the main focus for all the stakeholders.

 

10. The Ministers called upon IGAD Member States, the IGAD Partners Forum and the International Community to avail adequate and predictable funds to support the peace process. The meeting noted that the Somali Peace Process is a costly initiative that requires necessary political, diplomatic and financial support.

 

11. The Ministers thanked members of the IGAD Partners Forum, in particular, the European Union for their relentless support to the peace process.

 

12. The Ministers agreed that whilst inter-clan consultations continue, the Conference will enter Phase III after the successful conclusion of the Leaders Meeting.

 

13. The Ministers agreed to hold their next meeting in Nairobi on 19th November, 2003.

 

14. The Ministers thanked the Government of the Republic of Kenya for hosting the Somali Peace Process and for convening the Ministerial Facilitation Committee Meeting.

 

Done at Nairobi, Kenya.

28th October, 2003.

[General Duke]

Djibouti's turn-around on Somali Peace Talks

Standard Correspondent

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

 

Djibouti has rescinded its decision to pull out of the Somali Peace Talks.

 

Foreign Affairs Minister Kalonzo Musyoka hailed the move saying concerted efforts by all parties in the process would achieve the conference's goals.

 

Signalling a change of mind was Djibouti's Foreign Affairs Minister Ali Abdi Farah, who turned up for a meeting of the facilitation committee held at a Nairobi hotel.

 

Musyoka said a resolution at the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (Igad) summit in Kampala resolved that the facilitation committee be expanded to include Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia and Uganda.

 

Musyoka said: "His presence lends null and void earlier statements on his country's stand." However, Farah did not respond to Musyoka's statement.

 

Announcing the decision to pull out of the Igad technical committee two weeks ago, the Djibouti ambassador, Mr Ismael Goulal accused Kenya and Ethiopia of high-handedness.

 

Member states, he said, had failed to adhere to the objectives of the peace process. He added that his country would not recognise a Somali government that would result from the talks.

 

Musyoka announced that the conference is faces a cash crisis.

 

The peace conference was operating under a deficit because pledges for funding had not been met, Musyoka said.

 

In Eldoret, where the conference started last year before being moved to Nairobi, the conference owed local businesses huge debts, he added.

 

Musyoka appealed to the international community and countries, who made pledges to honour them, saying the conference was costly.

 

The minister did not say how much was owed.

 

The meeting had been convened to review the conference's progress.

[Thinkerman]

thx for keeping us updated bro

[General Duke]

Interview with Djibouti President Ismail Omar Guelleh

By Mahamud Shabele Posted to the web 30-10-2003, 11:29:55

 

DJIBOUTI:- (IRIN) During a tour of the Horn of Africa region, IRIN was granted an interview with Djibouti President Ismail Omar Guelleh. He discussed the internal situation in his country, regional issues and the Somali peace process. Here are the main points of the interview:

 

 

QUESTION: What are the biggest problems faced by Djibouti?

 

ANSWER: Djibouti has the same problems as all developing countries. Unemployment, malnutrition and so on. We also have a home-grown problem of drugs, immigrants – not just those who come to look for work but those who use Djibouti as a transit country. Every day, people die at sea – they come from Ethiopia and Somalia mainly, trying to board boats in Djibouti and leave Africa for what they think is a better life.

 

Often they are thrown overboard – it’s a tragedy. We do all we can to stop those who want to profit from these people. We put them in jail, but there are still those who find clients – they give false hope to people ...

 

There is of course of a problem with HIV/AIDS, because we are a transit point. Also as we are a Moslem state, it is difficult to educate people and encourage them to take precautions. We have signed a big programme with the World Bank, to the tune of US $ 12 million, aimed at controlling AIDS.

 

Q: What are your requirements in terms of aid?

 

A: We are not among the biggest beneficiaries of international aid. It does not correspond to what we would like to do. But we do get support – and we stay within the framework set by the IMF and the World Bank. We also have pretty good investment from the Arab financial institutions, particularly in terms of infrastructure. And the Americans are also our friends. The head of USAID is coming here for the first time ever.

 

Q: So you have benefited from having the US military base in Djibouti?

 

A: Well we didn’t put out any advertisements! But undoubtedly we have benefited from this. The USAID people are so rigorous, if they hadn’t approved of the situation in Djibouti, if they hadn’t found a favourable climate, a transparency - they would not be coming. They are particularly looking at the field of education, but also health issues.

 

Q: You touched on security issues. Recently you expelled thousands of illegal immigrants ...

 

A: No, we didn’t expel them. We invited them to leave and to return to their countries [mostly Somalia and Ethiopia] with all their possessions. I recently signed a decree amnestying those immigrants who are in our jails and they have gone home.

 

Q: Well I guess they preferred that option! But what about those who weren’t in jail?

 

A: Well they left of their own accord. But some remained, and they are currently staying at a camp in Djibouti while the eligibility commission assesses their cases for remaining in the country. They have to prove they are being persecuted at home and then they might have a case for refugee status. There are two classes of refugees.

 

The rural refugees leave their country, not because they are persecuted but because they are fleeing conflict at home. But as soon as the situation normalises they can return home. So it’s more the urban refugees who may be persecuted. But there are very few of them here.

 

Q: But these immigrants have been here for many years. Why have you decided to send them home now?

 

A: Because we have gone beyond our tolerance threshold. There was not one street which was devoid of them. They were squatting everywhere, sleeping on pavements, taking all the small jobs – it became intolerable. There was a risk of the situation exploding. Particularly with the unemployment we have. Djiboutians were really fed up and we had to take measures to stop a potentially huge problem developing between our people and these illegal immigrants.

 

Q: So your decision was not influenced by outside, by the Americans for example?

 

A: Not at all. They protect themselves. They don’t need us to protect them.

 

Q: They have their counter-terrorism base here. How does that work?

 

A: They feel at ease here. They don’t disturb anybody and they are not disturbed. For example there are 1,200 km of coastline in Eritrea but they were not able to go there because the Ethiopians would not have been happy. They didn’t want to upset either side.

 

Q: What effect has the American presence had on Djibouti?

 

A: Substantial economic benefits. Over 1,000 people have found employment, local businesses are engaged, they are making some considerable investments – the port, the airport, they are building parking lots, taxi ranks and so on. And have you ever seen the dismantling of an American base – apart from the Philippines? So they will be here for a long time. It has definitely had a positive effect on Djibouti.

 

Q: The American envoy Mr Yamamoto was visiting here recently. What did you discuss?

 

A: Well it was this problem between Ethiopia and Eritrea. He wanted to get a regional perspective. But this issue of Badme now seems insoluble.

 

Q: What role is Djibouti playing to try and resolve this problem?

 

A: They are both very tough people. Those who give economic aid are the ones who could find a solution. We have done all we can, but we don’t want to damage the good relations we share with both countries. I’ve done what I had to do, I talked with the leaders of both countries. I didn’t try to mediate but I weighed up the effects of what it meant to each of them ... However I don’t think they will resort to war.

 

Q: Isn’t there a sort of contradiction in your relations with Ethiopia? On the one hand you have good economic ties because Ethiopia relies heavily on the port of Djibouti, but politically you have very strong differences regarding the Somali issue?

 

A: We have agreed not to make it an issue between ourselves. We avoid discussing it because we have very different points of view, but we do not want to negatively influence our bilateral relations. Our temperaments are very different and we react differently to problems.

 

Q: Yes but it seems you have lost patience because your envoy has pulled out of the Somali peace talks [underway in Nairobi].

 

A: Yes, but that is not an issue with Ethiopia – it’s an issue with Kenya who thinks Djibouti is just a small country and that Ethiopia represents its interests. So it gave more importance to Ethiopia and ignored our point of view. We tried to tell them that the committee [of frontline states steering the talks] was purely technical and that the Somalis should run their own peace talks.

 

But [bethwel] Kiplagat [Kenyan chairman of the talks] wanted to decide everything and did not create a situation favourable to handing back the conference to the Somalis. When the Somalis met here in Arta, it was they themselves who made their own decisions. We just facilitated the process. Kiplagat has badly managed the whole affair and we were obliged to pull out.

 

Q: What is the future of the peace talks in Kenya?

 

A: Well we’ll see. Discussions are underway, our envoy is still in Nairobi. But the illness has to be treated ...

 

We are fed up of the Somali issue. You have a group of people who are holding their country hostage. They don’t want to move forward. They just defend their own interests. They don’t want to create the necessary conditions for the people to express themselves, and nobody can remove them. There are 800 people in Nairobi gorging themselves at the expense of the international community while the people back home are dying of hunger. They couldn’t care less about their people. How can you still give those people any importance? We are really in a corner ...

 

It’s very discouraging. And at the end of the day, the real problem is the warlords. I’m not even sure an international tribunal is the answer. To want to continue to harm your people is a crime that can’t be judged except by God. I really don’t know what the solution is.

 

Q: Do you think the technical committee should be enlarged, given the current difficulties?

 

A: No, I don’t believe enlarging it and bringing more outsiders is going to increase the chances of success. I think the talks should be run by the Somalis, and outsiders should only have the role of facilitators.

 

Q: How are your relations with the TNG?

 

A: The error we made after the TNG president was elected in Arta [in 2000] was to think this was a normal situation in a normal country. We thought - there have been elections, he will form a government of 25 members and so on. But of course in reality it was a completely ruined country where militias and killers ruled the streets.

 

If, at that moment, the president had said – I can’t go there unless I am accompanied by everyone including the international community and our first priority is to disarm the people - if he had said that perhaps we would not now have a government which is said to have failed, when in reality it hasn’t been allowed to carry out its mission. The renaissance of the police, administration etc became a source of corruption and the people were forgotten again.

 

There is now a lassitude. Every time the people regain hope, they are knocked back again.

 

Q: What about your relations with Somaliland which is your immediate neighbour?

 

A: It is going the same way as the south – there are now fundamentalists who want to destabilise the situation. Unless the south is stable, Somaliland cannot be stable, contrary to what they think… And of course we support a united Somalia. We cannot allow ourselves to advocate secession, but if they come to some agreement then that’s fine with us.

 

 

By IRIN

[General Duke]

Interview with Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi

By Mahamud Shabele Posted to the web 30-10-2003, 11:11:47

 

ADDIS ABABA:- (IRIN) - During a tour of the Horn of Africa region, IRIN was granted an interview with Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in which he discussed at length problems concerning the peace process with Eritrea. He also talked about Somalia and domestic issues. Here are the main points of the interview:

 

 

QUESTION: The peace process with Eritrea is at a stalemate now. What is the way forward?

 

ANSWER: The first thing that needs to be recognised is that the peace process is about the demarcation of the boundary, but it is not solely about the demarcation of the boundary. The Algiers Agreement is much wider in terms of scope. And so in my view the demarcation process has encountered some difficulties and to that extent the peace process has encoun-tered difficulties. As to the way forward, the only way is to talk and find ways and means of peacefully resolving the problems that have cropped up.

 

Q: Eritrea has said categorically that it will not talk before demarcation. How do you think Eritrea can be persuaded to have a dialogue?

 

A: They need to know that it is the only game in town because the only alternative to talking is shooting, and shooting is not a viable option.

 

Q: So what you’re saying is that if Eritrea maintains its stand and won’t talk until after demar-cation, then war is inevitable?

 

A: Well as far as we are concerned, war is not an option and as I have repeatedly indicated we are not going to initiate any conflict with anybody, let alone with Eritrea. If Eritrea does not want to talk, then either the stalemate will continue or possibly at some stage in the future it may decide to overcome the stalemate by force of arms, so if there is going to be a new con-flict it will be initiated by Eritrea.

 

Q: At what level should that dialogue with Eritrea take place? Is it something you would con-duct yourself?

 

A: That for me is purely a technical issue. The door should be open at all levels.

 

Q: The Boundary Commission has issued a legal ruling stating that Badme – around which much of this impasse centres – is in Eritrea. If Eritrea wants to take possession of Badme, how would Ethiopia react?

 

A: First of all we do not believe that the Boundary Commission decision is proper and legal. It is contrary to the mandate that they have been given. And the indications are that some in the Boundary Commission have become both plaintiffs and judges. And so the Boundary Commission is clearly part of the problem now. The boundary issue is to be settled peace-fully and the only way to settle the problem peacefully is through dialogue.

 

As you know there is an Ethiopian army there [in Badme]. The only way it [taking possession] can be done is by removing the Ethiopian army and the Ethiopian administration. And if dia-logue is ruled out, the only way of doing that is by force of arms and if they do so they will have decided to initiate a conflict. It did not work last time around and it will not work this time.

 

Q: But they are now legally entitled to Badme.

 

A: They are not. The demarcation process has not started. And so the legal peaceful process has not been consummated. Nobody has the right to take a short cut.

 

Q: You’ve called for an alternative mechanism to rule on contested parts of the border and you have said the Boundary Commission is null and void. What are you looking for?

 

A: There are decisions that we have already accepted of the Boundary Commission. With regards to delimitation we have already accepted the decisions. [but] we have a different interpretation to that of the Boundary Commission of the decision of April. Secondly with re-gards to demarcation, we have indicated that there are certain parts of the boundary where we can go ahead. Thirdly we tried to resolve the problem of those problematic areas through the Boundary Commission.

 

In the end, we began to feel that as time went by the Commis-sion became more and more part of the problem. We would have gone for dialogue as has been the case elsewhere in the continent, and in this regard the experience of the Nigerians and the Cameroonians is a case in point. In the case of the peace that has eluded us here, we sought the assistance of the Security Council - not because we believe the Security Council is the first port of call, but because we felt most of the other options appeared to be against it [a peaceful resolution].

 

The Security Council has a mandate to stop conflicts and prevent them before they erupt. There is a potential for conflict here and we feel that it is within the remit of the Security Council to have a look at it and see if they can find a way forward.

 

Q: So what specifically would you like to see the Security Council do?

 

A: Well we didn’t think it would be wise for us to dot all the i’s. We just said that there needs to be some alternative mechanism. We can come up with all sorts of alternatives. What we sought from the Security Council is a commitment to recognise that there is a threat to re-gional peace here, that the threat to regional peace emanates from the mismanagement of the demarcation process by the Boundary Commission and that an alternative mechanism of correcting - quote unquote - the anomalies, in which the Security Council provides the legal backing, would be a way forward. The Security Council can establish a technical committee to do so, the co-signatories of the agreement could establish a similar mechanism, I’m sure there are many alternatives that could be looked into.

 

Q: When the border decision was announced in April 2002 Ethiopia was very quick to say it had got everything it wanted. Why are you rejecting parts of the agreement at this moment in time?

 

A: They [boundary Commission] made their decision on the basis of the established practice of the parties. If they had followed the colonial treaty, Badme would have been say 40,50,60 km within the Ethiopian boundary. They issued map coordinates which they said are provi-sional and not final, and that they could be adjusted by checking the facts on the ground. We assumed that the map coordinates would be adjusted, so we said their decision is accept-able to us. But at some stage in the process this Boundary Commission said the coordinates are final, they are not going to be adjusted unless the Security Council says so or unless the parties give us a new mandate.

 

That is changing the rules of the game in the midst of the game. And that’s what created the whole problem. They said they would base their decision not on colonial treaties, but on established practice. And we assumed that they would check what the established practice on the ground was before demarcating the final boundary.

 

Q: Ethiopia is seen by some as the spoiler, that it’s stopping the peace process from moving forwards. Do you fear that your international credibility could be at stake?

 

A: Well if international credibility is based on whimsical assumptions, that could be a prob-lem. In that case the problem is in the whimsical assumptions rather than with us. I can’t see how people could consider Ethiopia as the spoiler. We are saying publicly, repeatedly, we are not going to fire a single bullet at anybody. Fullstop.

 

Q: Can you foresee any eventuality according to which Ethiopia accepts that Badme is in Eritrea?

 

A: Had Badme legally been part of Eritrea I would have accepted it without any hesitation. But I know the place inside out, and so I know the established practice of the parties because I have been around that place for many years. And there is no way in hell that the decision on Badme which says it is part of Eritrea can be anything other than illegal and unjust.

 

Q: But Eritrea will never accept that Badme is in Ethiopia. It seems an intractable situation.

 

A: Well justice will have to prevail, fairness will have to prevail. When we were told Asmara is not Ethiopian, when we were told Assab is not Ethiopian we said - sure, if the Eritrean people think that Assab is Eritrea and not Ethiopia, that’s alright. And we went to Asmara and cele-brated with the Eritreans the independence of Eritrea.

 

Badme is not bigger than Asmara. Badme is not more important than Assab by any stretch of the imagination. It is some godforsaken village. So it’s not about territory. According to the latest rendition of the Boundary Commission, Badme would be 800 metres inside Eritrea. What’s 800 metres in a country as big as Ethiopia? What’s 800 metres compared to what we willingly and happily gave up as Eritrea? It’s nothing. But it’s 800 metres which we are told is something it has never been, and something that it will never be. That’s the point. That’s the crux of the matter.

 

Q: But in the interest of peace, as you say it’s a godforsaken place – isn’t it better to let it go and move on?

 

A: Sure, if injustice was the mother of peace, we would do that.

 

Q: So for Ethiopia, what’s the bottom line?

 

A: The bottom line is peace, we don’t want any mess-ups here. We want to focus on our de-velopment efforts. We have no quarrel with the Eritrean people. We want to get on with our business and we hope the Eritrean people will also get on with their business. Some people have made the wrong decision, let’s not let that wrong decision mess up the peace here – that’s the bottom line.

 

Q: The US envoy Mr Yamamoto was here, and he’s gone to Eritrea. Did he have any con-crete proposals for the two sides?

 

A: No he didn’t have any specific thing in mind. What he had in mind was that this should not lead to war and we agreed on that. We agreed there should be some sort of dialogue. But at this stage it would be jumping the gun to talk about the specifics.

 

But it is a first and crucial step [to moving the process along] and we are very pleased that the US administration has taken that initiative.

 

Q: Turning to Somalia. You just came back from the IGAD summit in Kampala where the committee steering the peace process was enlarged to include all the IGAD members. Do you think it will have a positive effect on the peace process?

 

A: Well, the idea was that some groups were uncomfortable with the frontline states in gen-eral, and Kenya and Ethiopia in particular. If the inclusion of the other IGAD states makes them comfortable, then so be it. As to whether it will change the substance of the matter, I have very serious doubts. If it’s a question of trust and confidence then we should do every-thing we can to increase that trust. If it’s about the substance, in the end that’s for the Soma-lis to work out. And whatever the Somalis work out, we will support.

 

Q: Former Kenyan president Daniel arap Moi recently said the problem of peace in Somalia is due to regional neighbours who are afraid of the reconstitution of a strong and united So-malia. Is Ethiopia afraid of a united strong Somalia that may lay claims to parts of Ethiopia?

 

A: Well Salad [TNG president Abdiqassim Salad Hassan] raised this thing in Kampala and I said that while we respect Moi as an elder statesman, he doesn’t speak for Ethiopia. If the Ethiopian Somalis want to secede they are free to do so any time of the day. That’s the con-stitution of Ethiopia. If the Somali people of Ethiopia wish to do so, that’s fine with me. That’s not an issue at all now.

 

Q: Do you then support the reconstitution of a united Somalia?

 

A: A disintegrated Somalia is the source of all sorts of trouble for everybody and particularly for Ethiopia. A reconstituted Somalia at the very least is a properly recognised destination. Even if there is no Somali state, it doesn’t mean that the unity of Ethiopia is guaranteed. Just as the unity of Ethiopia is not guaranteed in the case of Eritrea. The old unity is gone. Eritrea is an independent state. And we are not worried about it.

 

It’s in our interests that we have a stable Somalia, that we have a united Somalia. But how the Somalis manage their affairs is their business.

 

Q: You have just come up with a very ambitious plan to tackle food insecurity – the Coalition for Food Security. Some people have voiced concern that maybe it is too ambitious?

 

A: It is ambitious. The question is, is it do-able? I believe it is do-able so long as we mobilise resources. And so long as we recognise that the main resource for food security is not that of the government, or of the donors. The main resource is that of the farmers - the labour re-sources and the land. If we can mobilise these resources effectively and supplement them with external resources, then I believe it is do-able.

 

Q: Why is it different to anything you’ve done in the past?

 

A: Oh it’s very different. On a number of fundamentals. First in the past the assumption was that development was something the government and NGOs would bring to the people. That the main resource for food security was external food assistance. The assumption now is that the overwhelming resource for food security does not come from outside the village. It comes from inside the village. And the central strategy now is to mobilise those resources within the village and utilise them effectively. That has implications for us as to how we use external resources.

 

The whole philosophy has been stood on its head. That’s a fundamental change. Secondly and related to that, we are saying that the food aid we get should, in a properly designed manner, be phased out. There should be a shift from food aid to monetary assistance to those who are food insecure, so that those who produce surpluses can sell their products. And food aid should not be given free to anyone who does not have anything to eat. It should be used as a sort of social security whereby people are provided with some assistance to maintain their assets and livelihood, but they work for it if they are able to work.

 

Q: One of the opposition parties has called for an independent national electoral board for the 2005 elections. Is that something we are likely to see?

 

A: The head of the electoral commission is the president of the Supreme Court. So if they want to bring somebody more independent than the president of the Supreme Court to the board, then let them think of it.

 

Q: Yes, but who names that board?

 

A: It’s the parliament.

 

Q: Which is controlled by the [ruling] EPRDF.

 

A: All parliaments are controlled by the majority parties, in every parliamentary democracy that I know of.

 

Q: And what are your future plans. How long do you see yourself as prime minister?

 

A: Let’s cross that bridge when we come to it.

 

 

By IRIN

[General Duke]

Somali National Reconciliation Conference Leaders Committe - Press Release.Ruunkinet 30/10/03

 

 

Ladies and gentleman, members of the media,

 

It is a privilege for us to welcome you on behalf of the Leaders Committee and communicate the following statement as our reaction to the successful outcome of the IGAD Ministerial Facilitation Committee held yesterday, 28th October 2003 at Nairobi Safari Club ( Lilian Towers).

 

On behalf of the Somali delegates participating at the ongoing National Reconciliation Conference at Mbagathi, Kenya. The Leaders Committee has the honour to register its profound gratitude and appreciation to the IGAD Ministerial Facilitation Committee for their thorough review of the progress made by the Conference and by providing the necessary support and direction for the timely and successful conclusion of the peace process. In this connection, we welcome wholeheartedly the Joint Communique issued by the IGAD Ministerial Facilitation Committee on the Somali Peace Process done at Nairobi, Kenya on 28th October, 2003 and pledge our commitment to all recommendation addressed to the Somali Leaders who are committed towards the Peace Process.

 

The leaders Committee would also like to take this opportunity to thank the International Community and the African Union for their political, moral, technical and financial support to the Conference. We join the Ministers in urging IGAD members, IGAD Partners Forum, and the International Community to avail adequate and predictable funds to support the Somali Peace Process.

 

Finally, the Leaders Committee informs all nationals of Somalia to support and pray for the success of the conference which remains by far the most inclusive peace process that can deliver the establishment of free, stable and democratic Somalia. The ongoing Somali National Reconciliation Conference at Mbagathi is determined to the most viable process towards the settlement of crisis and the restoration of peace in Somalia and the sub-region. All Somalis of goodwill are obliged to size this golden opportunity. Similarly, we encourage all regional and International stakeholders to continue their unwavering support towards the people of Somalia.

 

Thank you.

 

Done at KCCT, Mbagathi.

29th October.2003

 

SOMALI LEADERS COMMITTEE

[General Duke]

The leader of Hiiraan region of Somali views the peace conference as becoming more successful and on the right track.

 

Xasan Qalaad:-shirka waxa uu lugta saarey wadadii.........................

 

Hogaamiyayaasha Soomalida ee ku sugan madasha Shirka dib u hershiisiinta Soomaalida oo haatan ka socda Mbagath ayaa maanta warsaxafadeed ku sheegay in ay taageersan yihiiin Goaanaddii iyo Qoddobadii ka soo baxay shirka wasiirada Arrimaha dibada ee IGAD oo ku shiray magaalada Nairobi Kenya.

warsaxaafadeedka waxaa kaloo ay ku cadeeyeen in ay raali ka yihiin wax kasta oo lagu heli karo maslaxada iyo dib u soo celinta Nabada shacabka Soomaaliyeed oo dagaalo sokeeye ku soo jiray 13-sanno la soo dhaafey.

 

Guddoomiyaha Maamulka Gobolka Hiiraan HPA Muddane Xasan Qalaad oo ka tirsan golaha SRRC ayaa ii sheegay in marxalada shirka uu marayo meeshii ugu habooneyd, isagoo ii cadeeyey in wadadii cadey uu shirka lugta saarey ,tasoo aan cidna loogu aaba yeelin.

Muddane Xasan qalaad ayaa waydiiyey sida uu u arko qodobada shirka wasiirada Arrimha Dibada IGAD , waxana uu ku jawaabey "Anagu waxba kama qabno ,markii horana anaga shirka xaadir ayaan ku aheyn habeen iyo maalin ,hadana diyaar ayaan u nahay waddo walba oo lagu heli karo xal waar oo ka dhasha shirkan dib u heshiisiinta Soomalida oo haatan ka socda Mbagathi."

 

 

Dhamaad.