Muqdisho of Yesteryears and Today's Muuq-disha

[NASSIR]

Muqdisho of Yesteryears and Today's Muuq-disha

 

A/fatah S. Faamo & Ahmed A. Hassan

 

 

October 6, 2005

 

 

Life is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short if there is no central authority

 

 

Few of the residents of Muqdisho of today have probably heard of Hobbes, but most would likely agree and identify with his description of a state without authority. Therefore, taking Muqdisho city as an analytical frame of reference, this short paper discusses the role that this ancient city has played in transforming Somali social networks, which spread beyond clan - affiliation, in sustaining the urban livelihood of many of its ever-increasing residents. The first part of the paper will examine Muqdisho's historical background and the process of assimilation that was surfacing during post-colonial period, in order to illuminate the emerging local characteristics of “ceeshow-milix †networks that have influenced the different clan-members of Muqdisho inhabitants.

 

The second part of the paper points to the social networks that have developed in Muqdisho during the last fifteen years of the civil wars; whereby numerous local warlords have spatially extended their Isbaaro fiefdoms into all districts (degmooyin) of Muqdisho – so that they can secure their financial gains and have access to either own or destroy all public infrastructures, through the ******** might of clan-based networks.

 

Historical Background

 

Among the difficulties besetting the study of the medieval history of Muqdisho is the lack of enough written sources. The few that are available contain the constructed tales and imaginations of medieval travelers such as Ibn Battuta. As a result, what has been recorded about Muqdisho in this period is either exaggerated or distorted for various reasons. We will however review the few medieval historians and geographers that have recorded early Persian and Arab Muslim settlements in southern Somalia . For example, a Portuguese historian, de Barros wrote, in the 16 th century, about the Persian establishment of East African coasts before the 14 th century states. He tells us that Muqdisho and Marka which became to be known as Banaadir (sing. Bandar, a Persian word for seaport) were built by Shirazī Persians in around mid 10 th century [1].

 

An account recorded by Al-Idrisī (1100-1165) points to the population of Muqdisho and Marka as Muslims, and further identifies “[Muqdisho] as the most important place on the coast in the early thirteenth century. According to Yaqut (at the beginning of the 13 th century), Muqdisho was regarded as the frontier between Berber [somalis] and Zanj [bantu-speaking people] [2]. †These early settlements indicate a great deal about the Banaadir coast settlements and its imperative role in the creation of urbanized, multicultural, and islamized fiefdoms, which served during the medieval period as the staging centers from which Islam and migration spread southward [3].

 

Medieval Muqdisho is thus renowned for its strategic coastal location for medieval seafarers and traders, hosting as port of call for dhows en route to and from the rich Zanzibar archipelago. Its ancient glory includes being a city-state of its own and at times the seat of important local rulers that control a large territory. Medieval Muqdisho is also characterized by foreign influences and its remoteness from the local Somali pastoralists. For example, the two quarters that comprise Muqdisho (Shingaani and Xamarweyne) were walled quarters. These walls had considerable dimensions in dividing rural people from urban people, each possessing its gate of entrance. Detailed accounts of the restrictions imposed on nomads can be summarized by historian Scott Reese's research on Banaadiri oral tradition as well as writings of numerous nineteenth century travelers:

 

Numerous sources from the late nineteenth century note that the nomads were allowed into towns only when they had business to conduct in the market. Furthermore, those who entered were required to leave any weapons they possessed at the town's main gate as they entered. In addition, no pastoralist was, in principle, permitted to remain in any of the Banaadiri towns after the nightfall … In order to ensure that no unwanted rural visitors entered the city after the dark; the towns were patrolled nightly by groups of armed militia drawn from the ranks of free male townsmen [4].

 

In an interview with historian Scott Reese in July 5 th 1994, a prominent Reer Xamar elder, hajj Abukar Hamud Sokorow argues that the disgruntlement (oral account) of his community and the crumbling of the boundaries between ‘ ahl al-balad ' and ‘ ahl al-bÄdiyya ' began during the Italian colonial project (i.e. early 20 th century) – for allowing, for example, the interior people (nomads) to settle in Muqdisho. Historian Reese partially confirms hajj Sokorow's version by stating that in 1927, Italian fascist administration “forcibly resettled the rulers of two previously autonomous northern sultanates, along with hundreds of their followers from the ********** clan in the center of Muqdisho [ Isku-raran ] [5].†Thus, Isku-raran village in Muqdisho was a form of Italian colonial urban development as well as colonial power control.

 

However, other sources indicate that these segregating walls and gates have crumbled long before nineteenth century, probably as a result of revengeful removal by the rural people. Historian Edward Alpers' account on Muqdisho state that:

 

 

"By about 1700, the entire political structure of the town was altered with the ascendancy of a new line of ****** Yaaquub imams who resided in Shingaani (the northern moiety of the town), but whose power base remained among the people of the interior [6]."

 

 

Although the walls have disappeared, one way or another, they have retained its influence on the psychic of its residents and the morphology of the city, dividing the city into: Xamar (for Reer Xamar ) and Xamar-daye (for ****** pastoralists). Thus, for centuries, Muqdisho was experiencing alternating phases of peace and political calamities. It also witnessed population growth, physical expansion, prosperity, and stagnation.

 

As early as 10 th century, magnificent stone houses and mosques laid the urban foundations of Muqdisho. Soon, the town's services, relating to sea-route facilitation, tended to enhance its urban growth. Urbanization had nevertheless its own drawbacks. It initiated new social and economic hierarchical networks that at times caused a rift between the rural (Xamar-daye) and urban (Reer Xamar) communities. The footsteps of the fourteenth century traveler, Ibn Battuta (d. 1369) reveal Muqdisho as a “very large town†with wealthy merchants. He was ecstatically charmed by it [7]. Reflecting this ancient glory, Muqdisho had generally been a tolerant place that emerged out of the interactions of a variety of cultures and grew to urban dimension. However, after it became a major seaport some time in late the 10 th century; it is believed that its vibrant urban cultural foundation was laid down during this period .

 

Muqdisho developed cosmopolitan outlook to rival cities in the Middle East – with big bazaars, magnificent mosques, and trading centers. Some of its ancient buildings still dominate the skies of today's Muqdisho, such as the famous Arbaca-Rukun mosque. Consequently, the city's ancient cultural traditions that persisted through ages afforded its local inhabitants to dub the city with the maxim: Xamar Xisaab Xarardheerana Xoog.

 

Xamar Xisaab Xarardheerana Xoog

 

Based on the historical recognition, the introduction of urbanization in the Somali Peninsula restructured the inter-clan relationship of the Somalis. Muqdisho, as a case in point, suggests the necessity to scrub social links that are based on inter-clan relationship so that vibrant urban lifestyle is acquired, with special reference to the pair of possible connections between a citizen as an identity and elevated status of “ceeshow-milix†and /or ‘ ahl al-balad ' of the one hand, and the sacralized Italian “Paesano†attitude on the other.

 

This sedentary outlook illuminates that social change has had a bigger significance for the new settlers of Muqdisho, in their social networks concerning self-identification – i.e. the new settlers began to identify themselves with inter-village associations such as ciyaal Isku-raran, ciyaal Boondheere, ciyaal Hodon etc. Therefore, in the 1970s, one could notice that most of the youth have already developed a sense of clan-free broader concept of social networks, including friendship, acquaintanceship, and inter-village linkages. These social networks connected people of different background and supported cooperative small business enterprises to emerge. Economically, the city became a destination for local tourist attraction.

 

However, the new urban economic activities placed heavy demands upon Muqdisho vicinity (Xamar-daye) – most of these lands were part of the ****** -clan pastoral domain. Muqdisho populations have increased dramatically from 1970 – 1980. In fact, the increases have been amongst the highest in Somalia. Since the city's boundaries have changed and expanded, its neighborhood structure was formed into fourteen districts (degmooyin), ranking the highest urban density and most expensive real estate in Somalia. With over a million inhabitants, Muqdisho became at least three times as large as the second capital, Hargeisa, an indication of the problem of over-centralization and disproportional regional development. It is therefore fair for one to say that Muqdisho of the 1970s was growing, to some extent, at the expense of many other towns and settlements – which appear to have actually lost population.

 

Muqdisho of the 1970s provided new social and economic networks to its inhabitants, setting out as one of the most powerful indicators of “ maxay qabatay tawraddu †socio-economic development in the whole country. Small factories were established on the edges of the Muqdisho vicinity. Muqdisho benefited from “ maxay qabatay tawraddu †efforts, continuing its legacy of the Prima Donna of Somali cities.

 

 

Maqal-disha & Muuq-disha of Today

 

Since the toppling of the last government of Somalia in 1991, Muqdisho has been divided into a myriad of different fiefdoms controlled by rival warlords, who from time to time clash over the control of a territory. The city of Muqdisho has experienced the brunt of the civil war and saw clan and factional fighting and much destruction and the demise of its citizens for the past fifteen years. Under the warlords (Yalaxow, Caato, and Qanyare) and their numerous sidekicks, this once-picturesque Horn of African port city had been reduced to a post-apocalyptic nightmare. Debris and remnant trash mount whatever few paved roads that are left. Any building structures that have not suffered the demolition of clan wars stand in the heaps of grey rubble, pockmarked with bullet scars and cannon shots. The city is hostage to criminal gangs who have stripped its citizens of everything including the bare belongingness on their back.

 

Today, Muqdisho is described as a paradise for organized crime. Rape, which was once unknown, is today one of the most common crimes in the city. Another popular occupation with warlords and criminals is abduction for ransom. The biggest mafia was the human traffickers, who fleeced $5000 each from the poor job seekers from Somalia and elsewhere. They are promised passage (smuggle) to Italy and the Middle East through Bossaaso, which has become the conduit for Human traffickers of Muqdisho Mafiosi businessmen.

 

In today's Muqdisho, the distinction between a businessman and a warlord is not that apparent. Virtually every businessman keeps a legion of private militiamen and every militia leader is engaged in some business to finance his war machine. Many of the warlords and so-called businessmen in Muqdisho sustain themselves by extorting money.

 

As if these problems were not enough, the undisciplined and reckless militia drivers speeding on the pot-holed roads of today's Muqdisho is another life-threatening matter in this traffic police-free city. Driving from one area of Muqdisho to another would subject anyone to pass through the numerous checkpoints, each run by a different militia. At each of these “border crossings†if one may call that, passenger vehicles and goods trucks must pay an “entry fee†ranging from few dollars to as much as $300, depending on the value of the goods being transported- and what the militiamen can swindle. As Warlord Caato has recently confirmed, there is no pretense that any of this money goes to provide any public service, such as roads, education or health. Much of it is actually spent on by these rouge militiamen on the consumption of Qat. Ultimately, the warlords and the so-called businessmen swindle from the average person, who is struggling to survive in the most dangerous zone of Africa , to wreck havoc on the social fabric of the entire Somali society.

 

People in Muqdisho nowadays live in shacks made from branches, plastic sheets, and scrap metal. An old lady told a journalist that has recently visited Muqdisho that she couldn't afford to send her children to school. Instead they sell nuts in the streets of Muqdisho to earn a little bit of money and contribute in feeding the family. The amount her husband earns from his porter job is not enough. This family represents the average family in Muqdisho, a survival of the fittest scenario where standard of living is below the poorest in the world.

 

The universal health and education services that once existed in Somalia are no longer available. Very few can afford to see the few private clinics that charge $3 per patient. People in Muqdisho die from diseases that are easily curable in countries that have a functioning government. It is now estimated that only about 11% of the primary age children of Somalia [Muqdisho included] actually go to school [7]. Compare that against the backdrop of almost every child in the urban areas of the country having access to free education during Dictator Siyaad Barre's regime. Nowadays, many of the schools and colleges as well as government offices have become either motels-for-rent or offices for the warlords and their ********s or a make shift refuge for the internally displaced people.

 

Conclusion

 

Early 20 th century forced resettlement programs in Muqdisho that were initiated by the Italian colonial administration opened the door for the influx of more people from other parts of Somalia. Such steady inflows of migrants have recently been clan-politicized by the early communities of this ancient city of Muqdisho, without giving considerations to the causes behind it – i.e. colonial legacy as well as lack of good urban planning on post-colonial regional development. The first wave of a large section of migrants was from the central and northeastern parts of Somalia, after forced displacement from their native regions due to the Italian colonial military campaigns of colonization. This forced resettlement was a form of colonial urban development as well as a form of social control.

 

Other migrants came to Muqdisho because they considered it as a better place to live and find jobs. In addition, post-colonial Somali State was designed as a city-state, whereby most of the State's development occurred in the capital and its vicinity. Muqdisho was also home to the only university and other institutions of higher education in the country that led to the influx of people seeking higher educations for themselves and their families. In post-colonial governments, this massive migration of people, from other towns to Muqdisho, and the problems of unbalanced regional development in Somalia did not call forth urgent attention to the administration for immediate remedies before it creates tensions within the clans – such remedies could have been the re-focusing upon the neglected regions and towns, enhancing their potentials by utilizing their local natural and human resources.

 

The Muqdisho of today is being sacked by the ********s. They wreak havoc and cause massacre to occur inside its ancient stone houses of this historic city. The ********s brought fifteen years of squalour, destruction, and great loss of life. They have prevented prolonged progress; and they are also resisting the return of any Central Authority to the ruined city. Those who are attempting to relieve the ruined city from the ******** 's annihilations are regrettably not equipped with the proper policies, financial programs, and man-power to subdue even parts of the city. They are therefore unable to deliver the fruits of hope to the beleaguered people of Muqdisho but watch the ********s continue to derive their benefits through Isbaaro business. While recognizing their predicament, how far the inhabitants of Muqdisho could be subjugated at the hands of ********s has to be seen.

 

Prepared by:

 

A/fatah S. Faamo Ahmed A. Hasan

Roobdoon Forum Wardheernews

Toronto , Canada San Diego , California

E-Mail:roobdoo2000@yahoo.ca E-Mail:ahmedh1@sbcglobal.net

 

References

 

[1] Neville Chittick, “The Shirazi Colonization of East Africa , †The Journal of African History , vol. 6, no. 3 (1965), 282.

 

[2] Ibid., 275.

 

[3] Randall Lee. Pouwels, “The Medieval Foundations of East African Islamâ€, The International Journal of African Historical Studies , vol. 11, no. 2 (1978), 220.

 

[4] Scott S. Reese, “Tales Which Persist on the Tongue…†Sudanic Africa , 9, 1998, 4

 

[5] Scott S. Reese, “Tales Which Persist on the Tongue…†Sudanic Africa , 9, 1998, 5.

 

[6] Edward Alpers, “Muqdisho in the Nineteenth Century: A Regional Perspective,†The Journal of African History, Volume 24, Issue 4 (1983), 442.

 

[7] G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville, The East African Coast : Selected Documents from the First to the Earlier Nineteenth Century ,†(London: Oxford University Press, 1962), 26.

 

[8] Faisal Roble and Omar M. Abdihashi, The State of Somalia's Children 2005: an Analysis of a UNICEF Report , ( June 17, 2005 ): http://www.wardheernews.com/articles/june/17_Somali_children.htm

 

 

Source:Wardheernews

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

Salaan...

 

This sedentary outlook illuminates that social change has had a bigger significance for the new settlers of Muqdisho, in their social networks concerning self-identification – i.e. the new settlers began to identify themselves with inter-village associations such as ciyaal Isku-raran, ciyaal Boondheere, ciyaal Hodon etc. Therefore, in the 1970s, one could notice that most of the youth have already developed a sense of clan-free broader concept of social networks, including friendship, acquaintanceship, and inter-village linkages.

If anybody doubts Soomaalis can ever be clan-free will disproved wrong by ciyaal xaafada. Most ciyaal xaafada that were born and bred in Xamar completely had a sense of qabiil-free. It proves it can happen that Soomaalis can be qabiil-free. Our qabiil was 'xaafad' and its allegiance lay to defend that xaafad turf. Nasiibxumo most of them Xamar waa ka tageen, laakiin still those few remaining still have a sense of their ciyaal xaafadnimo, albeit living with narrow-minded kooyto majority now.

[Jabhad]

I wonder what is the difference between the settlers who were coming into mogadishu in their thousands during the golden days of siyad barre from far regions such as gedo and somaligalbeed.

 

The author deliberately ignored a crucial part of xamar's history.

 

Both of this groups, the settlers after the overthrow of siyad bare and those that the former dictator brought in and made them millitary leaders, regional leaders committed heinous crimes.

 

In a positive note, i remember before the start of the civil war, many young new commers from hargeysa and central regions of somalia were quite ready to assimilate and embrace the "culture of xamar" which was a multicultural city. Therefore i hope the new ********s will have no choice but to assimilate and once again make mogadishu the jewel of somalia.

[Gabbal]

I wonder what is the difference between the settlers who were coming into mogadishu in their thousands during the golden days of siyad barre from far regions such as gedo and somaligalbeed.

So, according to your person, the only immigrants to the city of Muqdisho during the 21 year rule of Siyaad Barre (alaha ha u naxariisto) were from Gedo? :confused:

 

Are you forgetting that Muqdisho ceased to be a city of 20,000 people during the 70's when it's population was over a million souls? Mise you are alleging that 980,000 Gedonians (do they reach this size?) immigrated to Muqdisho!

 

Yaabku Yaabkiis.

[BN]

^^

I wonder what is the difference between the settlers who were coming into mogadishu in their thousands during the golden days of siyad barre from far regions

such as

gedo and somaligalbeed.

I think you might have missed that snippet. He listed these TWO areas as examples, and not exclusive areas, of migrants to the Capital.

 

Dont be so jumpy

[Gabbal]

Honesty is a virtue Bari. The man put in Somali Galbeed for sugary effect.

 

Look at his next sentence, " those that the former dictator brought in and made them millitary leaders, regional leaders committed heinous crimes." He ment Gedo and Galgadud sxb.

[Xoogsade]

Originally posted by Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar:

Salaan... Nasiibxumo most of them Xamar waa ka tageen, laakiin still those few remaining still have a sense of their ciyaal xaafadnimo, albeit living with narrow-minded

kooyto

majority now.

Wind.talker comes to mind lol. Laakiin saxib, waa is beddeley xoogaa duqa. I don't know, anigabo haddii la isoo eryo and my house is robbed, I would be as negative sometimes markaan soo xusuusto the bad experience and I see Xoogsade trying to be innocent around here I guess that is what happened to most ex-ciyaalka xaafadda. Many changed and turned into fulltime qabiiliistayaal while some altogether abandoned any hope of their dead world coming back to life.

[Jabhad]

I think you might have missed that snippet. He listed these TWO areas as examples, and not exclusive areas, of migrants to the Capital

thanks BN for pointing that to our brother.

 

Look at his next sentence, " those that the former dictator brought in and made them millitary leaders, regional leaders committed heinous crimes." He ment Gedo and Galgadud sxb.

Its true that there are good migrants and bad migrants and unfortunately both of these groups(Siyaad barre sponsered migrants and USC sponsored migrants) happen to be the bad migrants.

 

History is written sxb, it will not go away.

[NASSIR]

I knew the article would attract comments that should have focused on the nostalgia of back in the days but you nomads have mixed it with today's reality, which is what i had expected.

 

 

Nice exchanges

[wind.talker]

MMA -

 

You're absolutely right. The Ciyaalka Xaafada phenomenon, borne in Xamar, showed all Somalis that we can get rid of qabiilism if, and only if, all the right things are in place. This phenomenon thrived because, in Xamar, Somalis from all regions, districts, cities and villages convened and co-existed in our mega-Capital city, learning about each others' customs, dialects and regional traditions and forming a larger, all-Somali community, which all helped in breaking down the invisible barriers created by clans and ignorance.

 

Originally posted by Xoogsade:

Wind.talker comes to mind

lol. Laakiin saxib, waa is beddeley xoogaa duqa.

Sidaan isku badalay fadlan inoo sharax... I, for one, eagerly await your upcoming explanation.

[Xoogsade]

You sometimes think collectively(collectively blame etc) like those who were subjected to a narrow world-view in their impressionable years. And if it wasn't something common, something uniquely Wind.Talker, I would have said you have particular dislike for one subclan. Having said that about you, I find you friendly and reer magaal, someone people could reason with to a good extent.