Options For Somalia : Which Way Forward

[Liqaye]

By. Abdirashid Khalif Hashi

Why is it that we Somalis seem indifferent to our nation's plight and senseless self-mutilation which made us the laughing stock of the whole world? Also, why have we failed to rise to the challenge and halt our nation's bleeding and political disintegration? Is our civil war unique and the only one which erupted in the whole world in the recent past? What makes our conflict unsolvable? The answer to these questions and many more could be summed up in one phrase: lack of leadership.

 

The only reason that our nation's troubles seem intractable to us and mind-boggling to outsiders is simply that Somalis in general and our elite in particular failed quite miserably to rise to the moment and rescue the nation – when the nation needed us the most.

 

Throughout world history, true leaders assumed illustrious roles during their nations' hour of need. As a consequence, some leaders become known as great revolutionaries who cleansed their countries of corrupted systems; others are referred to as vanguards who led armed revolts and liberation wars; while some leaders are viewed as visionaries who had the foresight to devise suitable ideologies and organizational mechanisms needed for their national struggles; whereas other leaders are revered as national heroes and nation builders who paid the ultimate price for the liberty and sovereignty of their people.

 

All the leaders of the world – both the past and present – have one exceptional attribute in common: when true leaders identify a national predicament they tackle it with maximum force and stay focused till they successfully complete their undertaking. The skill and talent of transforming ideas, aspiration and vision into a full-fledged realities and the ability to execute visionary strategies with precision is what distinguishes leaders from ordinary folks.

 

It seems apparent that Somalia is having a considerable difficulty in conceiving a semblance of leadership let alone giving birth to worthy national heroes. What we must do in the meantime – as citizens of this sterile motherland - is to consult with one another and see if we could come up with an interim national consensus -a sort of a way forward.

 

Therefore to set the stage for a genuine dialogue and a national consensus building deliberation – for at least those who consider themselves as good Somalis - I would like to present in the following paragraphs four possible strategic policy options that we must evaluate. Each option is applicable to the ongoing (or stalled) Somali national reconciliation conference in Nairobi , Kenya or future national dialogues. Both the participants of the Nairobi conference and those monitoring their moves via the cyberspace need to consider which option they and other Somalis should take.

 

• Option One:

We need to consider if we would like to accept the fact that Somalia has literally been hostage for the warlords / faction leaders / political leaders / signatories or whatever you want to call them. These are the men who have the guns and control (or at least claim they have power over) different parts of Somalia . The reality on the ground and the fact that these mischievous men proved time and again that they will not settle for anything less than a total pre-eminence in Somali politics should convince the rest of us to accept their dominance and lordship over us and our country. We should make it clear to them, to ourselves and to the entire world that we voluntarily subordinate our rights to the unstoppable ambitions of our “leaders” and as such we should work with these leaders and hope the best. Simply put: shall we appease our “leaders” and declare a total capitulation.

 

• Option Two

 

If option one is a bitter pill to swallow and our ego is a bit too inflated to accept this appalling scenario, then we can opt to negotiate with the men who hold our country captive. To make the best out of this quagmire, what we could try is to find a compromise between the “leaders ”and the rest of us. Under this bargain - which in fact will be a lopsided one – we shall be ready to be junior partners in this unholy matrimony dominated and designed by the warlords / faction leaders / political forces or shall I say our LEADERS because they will instruct us to address them with that title when we join forces with them.

 

• Option Three:

 

Another option, which we can consider, is to accept that the warlords are destructive by nature and they cannot rebuild the Somalia that they themselves presided over its demise. As a consequence our duty and that of every sane Somali should be to end the illegal manipulation of our destiny by the thugs known as warlords. Such a world-view and appraisal of our current circumstance would require a new thinking or a paradigm shift, for an undertaking of this nature is nothing short of a declaration of war of liberation. And the fact of the matter is, the “leaders” whose defeat we might deliberate on would not wither away; they will rather strive to swiftly eliminate any challenger to their leadership and domination. Option four is a very dangerous proposition and it could cause its advocates both life and limb. Anti-warlord revolt will also require the formation of a national liberation front whose adversaries will include multi-headed home-grown monsters as well as external opponents who will declare from the get go that they will not allow a new mysterious phenomenon to sweep unchecked in their sphere of influence or backyard.

 

• Option Four:

 

The last option, which we must consider, is to accept that Somalia – the good old Somalia that is– is gone for good and is not coming back, therefore we must accept this sad reality and move on. Some might convincingly contend that the Somali nation – which we are pointlessly hunkering after – has long been dismembered and destroyed. To indulge in a lofty idea such as the notion of a Somali nation is more like an illusion than reality. The proponents of this brutal realism stress that we have already gave up NFD, we also have relinquished Djibouti , and we - in all practical purposes - surrendered the ****** region. They further point out that Ethiopia has a strong grip on Puntland, Somaliland as well as Bay, Bakool and Jawhar regions – and they contend it will take decades if not generations to reverse this grip. The realists who subscribe to this view further argue giving up the dreams of Somalia should be as painless as abandoning the defunct fantasy of Greater Somalia has been. The brutal and blunt message of the proponents of this notion is: accepting the defeat already written in bold letters on our foreheads would enable us to focus on our primary responsibilities – our families and they further suggest that we - like the gypsies - should only worry about putting bread on our tables.

 

Without mincing words, I think we need to decide which of these paths we want to take. We sometimes waste our time when we waver with regards to where we want to go from here. The question everyone needs to ask is: what is the colour of his or her brochette. Each of these alternative points of reference has both prerequisites and consequences and the road ahead is filled with piercing bricks and penetrating thorns. I will be satisfied, if this opinion piece contributes towards terminating the futile and excessive arguments known as fadhi ku dirir or sitting warfare – and lead us towards action-oriented solutions and objective analyses to our national ailment.