Traditional leaders, politicians and civil society to represent Somaliland

[miles-militis]

Bulshada Somaliland oo shirka Soomaalida ee Kenya u soo dirsanaya Salaadiin, Siyaasiyiin iyo xubno ka tirsan ururadda bulshada rayidka ah

Axad, July 06, 2003

 

Maalmaha soo socda ayaa la filayaa in ay madasha shirka dib u heshiisiinta Soomaalida ee Magaalada Nairobi soo gaaraan Salaadiin, Siyaasiyiin magac leh iyo xubno ka tirsan ururrada bulshada rayidka ah oo ka soo jeeda deegaanada Somaliland, sida aynu ka soo xiganay warar laga helay ilo lagu kalsoonaan karo.

 

Tifatiraha wargeyska Sanca Press Xasan Fanax oo ku sugan Magaaladda Nairobi ayaa u sheegay Hiiraan Online in ku dhowaad 100 ruux oo qeybahaasi ka tirsan loo diyaariyay dal-ku-galkii ay ku imaan lahaayeen Kenya, isla markaana badankood la soo qaadayo todobaadkan, inkastoo aaney IGAD si rasmi ah daboolka uga qaadin arinta ka soo qeybgalka bulshada Somaliland, balse waxaa la ogsoon yahay in uu weli maamulka Madaxweyne Daahir Riyaale Kaahin ee dhowaantan la doortay ay diidan yihiin ka qeybgalka shirkaasi, iyagoo taasina ku sababeeyay in shirku uu yahay mid aan iyaga quseynin.

 

Wararku waxay intaasi ku darayaan in martiqaadka loo fidiyay qabaa'ilka Somaliland iyo qeybaha bulshada ee deegaankaasi ay ka dambeysay culeys aad u xoog badan oo guddiga farsamadda ee IGAD lagu saaray in bulshada reer Samililand ay ka soo qeybgalaan shirka, maadama ay Soomaalidu wax ku qeybsaneyso qaab qabiil, islamarkaana ay xaq u leeyihiin in ay kaalintooda ka qaataan dhismaha dowladda cusub, kadibna ay dowladdaasi wada xaajood la furto maamulka haatan, haddii uu ku sii adkeysto diidmadiisa, iyadoo aan marna laga boodin mabaadii'da saldhiga u ahaa qabashada shirkan oo ay ku jirtay in la dhowro midnimadda Soomaaliya, taasoo ay isku raaceen beesha caalamka oo ay ku jiraan qabanqaabiyayaasha shirka.

 

Beelo aan ka qeybgelin doorashadii ka dhacday Somaliland iyo kuwo u doortay Mr. Riyaale inuu u janjeero dhinaca midnimadda marka lala barbardhigo musharixii la tartamayay ee xisbiga Kulmiye ayay wararku sheegayaan in ay iska soo xaadirin doonaan madasha shirka oo maalmaha soo socda fooda gelin doona wejigii seddexaad ee awood qeybsiga, iyagoo sidoo kalena la sheegayo in ay musharixiin ka socotaahi ka qeybgeli doonaan tartanka madaxweynenimada oo la saadaalinayo haddii ay sidaasi wax u dhacaan in ay guul weyn ka gaari doonaan marka la fiiriyo isu tanaasul la'aanta iyo khilaafka xooggan ee u dhaxeeya siyaasiyiinta ka soo jeeda koonfurta dalka Soomaaliya.

 

 

By: Salaad Iidow Xasan (Xiis) Hiiraan Online

saladxiis@yahoo.com

Mogadishu, Somalia

[Rokko]

I know Islaan Maxamed, Garaad Saleebaan, Boqor Buurmadow and Suldaan Siciid are on their way to Kenya.

 

 

Who will be next? I don't know.

[A.J. Timacaddeh]

so how much did you pay them?

[Baashi]

Mr. Oodwayne,

Well! Let me see if I can make sense out of this contradicting post of yours.

 

First of all let me agree with you that Northwesterners in the TNG have no institutional capacity to implement any decision taken, on the behalf of Northwesterns, by the TNG. The reason is obvious. Their policies are not inline with the aspirations of peoples in the area, namely NW, Togdheer, West Sanaag.

 

How is Mr. Qeybe be different than ministers in TNG? Mr. Ahmed Qaybe is in the same league with the ministers and parliamentarians from Northwest in the TNG. He has no political legitimacy to represent his neck of the wood. To say otherwise will only make your premise inconsistent and hence contradicting. In addition, traditional leaders were the ones who facilitated the wishes of Northwesterners to secede. To downplay the role of traditional leaders in the nomad politics is to discredit the significance of Burco and Boorame meetings in which the very ‘destiny’ you are so adamantly advocating is decided. Boqor Buur-madow, Suldaan Saciid, Garaad Saleebaan views reflect the wishes and aspirations of their people. Try to be objective in your posts.

 

Here is a good question for you: is Somaliland divisible? And why?

[miles-militis]

Mr Oodweyne,

Since you seem to have adopted an approach of sharing historical events of value to further illustrate your points, though mostly seem to weaken your position, I shall try to do so alike, but in brief. I am of the opinion that traditional elders (Isims or Guurti) play an integral role in the Somali situation, present or otherwise, and had it not been for their involvement neither entities in the northern recovery zone namely Puntland nor Somaliland would have managed the transition from the traditional form of leadership to an institution-based type of governance. To diminish their role or even suggest their current status being no more than window dressing façade as indicative of your posting underrating the fact that they are the single group with the largest constituency, thus influence, social or otherwise while overestimating the role of the politicians whose influence largely hinges upon their connections with the traditional leaders, hence draw steam while heavily depend upon the constituency of the Isims could only come at the detriment of the popular groups of large. The mandate to select or determine the fate of the people at this juncture of historical significance solely rests on the shoulders of the Isims, and not at the whim of political confidents with little, if any conspicuous constituencies contrary to your predisposition of early.

 

An instance of some relevance here is the value with which “senate and the council” have had for the Roman Empire whenever the power structure had been mended in bringing in a new general with strong allegiance. Never had the “senate” been tempered with, though the “council” had easily been substituted with a subordinate general of potential by name or wealth, for the dire consequences of doing so had all been too apparent to the conquering generals and army. Isims in the present day Somalia play similar role to that of the “senate” then in Rome whereas politicians occupy the seat of the “council”, thus the former’s political clout and pressure is far too important to be mistaken for the latter’s.

 

So you see my dear Oodweyne, things are not quite what they seem on paper, are they? Silaanyo, Yussuf or any other politician of some influence would attest to that. You seem to suggest otherwise, and though supportive argument had not been put forth, I remain open to effective persuasion should one cares to peel the surface.

 

Do I foresee trouble on the horizon? No, as the actors on the ground on both ends of the fence are far too aware of the prevailing conditions and realities on the ground, therefore my prediction is that by this time next year we shall see a very different political direction and reasoning on the part of the secessionist camp who for the most part will attempt to strategise, realigning their thinking leaning towards the very idea they are so vocally against.

 

The fact of the matter is that dialogue with respect to the future of Somaliland of the present, a state amongst states of Somalia, is not only politically important to address but would prove more productive and of use to the open-minded segments of the secessionist camp.

 

The attached peace which I find depictive of the conditions in the recovery zones of Somalia is a testimony to the position that the extensive social and political persuasion of Isims to some extent is prevalent and paramount in the predominant context of the current Somali conditions.

It is more factual based, hence less flattering, but shall allow a brief breather to dislodge the gum-shield to reorganise your thoughts, and from the constant jabs received to locate the position of your adversaries in the bout. Being more of a boxing fan, and not of cricket, you would appreciate my desire to see the referee out of the square for the chaps to consummate the match, draw or else for good ending.

 

So long!

././

Peace and Development in Northern Somalia

Opportunities and Challenges

September 8, 1999

 

It must appear to much of the world that Somalia has ceased to exist. All

diplomatic missions there have been closed and Somalia's seat at the United

Nations lies empty. Although limited UN aid programmes are operating,

bilateral donors have largely forgotten Somalia. Respected guide books and

travel information web sites dispense dire warnings to potential travellers

and major airlines no longer include Somalia as a destination. It's not even

possible to write to friends and relatives in Somalia, for postal links have

been cut. Somalia, it would appear, is a country that much of the

international community has placed in quarantine.

 

The following report, by the Som-Can Institute for Research and Development

and Partnership Africa Canada, two Canada-based NGOs, challenges the

assumptions behind these policies particularly as they relate to northern

Somalia) and calls for the quarantine on Somalia to be lifted.

 

This report is also being published in French and Somali. These versions

and a longer version of this report may be obtained by contacting:

 

Som-Can Institute for Research and Development

219 Argyle Avenue, Suite 216, Ottawa, Ontario, K2P 2H4, Canada

Tel: 1-613-569-3471 Fax: 1-613-232-3660 E-mail: somcan@usa.net

or

Partnership Africa Canada

323 Chapel Street, Ottawa, Ontario, K1N 7Z2, Canada

Tel: 1-613-237-6768 Fax: 1-613-237-6530 E-mail: pac@web.net

 

Some useful links on Somalia:

 

UN Agencies in Somalia: http://www.undos.org

War-torn Societies Project: http://www.unrisd.org/wsp/somalia.htm

Somalinet: http://somalinet.com

________________________________________

 

 

Peace and Development in Northern Somalia

Opportunities and Challenges

 

Somalia's Humanitarian Crisis:

 

Somalia is no longer included in the annual United Nations Development

Programme (UNDP) Human Development Report world ranking. If it were to be

included, according to a special report on Somalia, it would sit firmly at

the bottom in 175th position, below war-afflicted Sierra Leone:

 

"Average life expectancy is estimated at 41-43 years; the mortality rate for

children under five exceeds 25%; adult literacy rates range between 14-17%;

primary school enrolment is 13-16%; and GNP/capita is between $176-200 ...

In almost any other country, any one of these indicators would be considered

a national emergency. Yet, Somalia's prolonged humanitarian crisis has

raised the threshold for what is considered an emergency there - only

outright famine conditions and deadly epidemics generate a humanitarian

response. Nonetheless, the chronically low levels of human development in

Somalia constitute a long-term emergency for Somali society and, indirectly,

for the international community." (UNDP, Human Development Report -

Somalia, 1998)

 

Peace and Conflict - two faces of Somalia:

 

Somalia is a country of stark contrast - between the troubled central and

southern regions and the stable and peaceful north. The conflict that

affects parts of Somalia today can be linked directly to the 1977 Somali

invasion of the Somali-inhabited Ogaden region of Ethiopia. In 1897,

Somali-inhabited territories had been divided up among the colonial powers -

United Kingdom, France and Italy - and Ethiopia, with a fifth territory

becoming part of the future northern Kenya. At Independence in 1960, the

British and former Italian protectorates united to form the Somali Republic.

In 1974, Somali President Siyad Barre began to build up one of the largest

armies in Africa with Soviet support. However, defeat in the Ogaden war

with Ethiopia (1977-78) led to the emergence of armed opposition groups in

exile and brutal repression by the army of civilian populations in Somalia,

particularly in north-western Somalia (Somaliland) and north-eastern Somalia

(Puntland). Western aid grew substantially during the 1980s; paradoxically,

this helped Siyad Barre maintain his large army and intensify military

repression in the northern regions.

 

The eventual overthrow of the Siyad Barre government in 1991 and the ensuing

collapse of the Somali state created intolerable humanitarian conditions

including famine, which raged in southern Somalia during 1992. The

international relief and security operation that followed brought help to

needy populations, but it failed to bring an end to the inter-clan militia

conflict. The latter has continued sporadically in parts of the centre and

south of Somalia since the withdrawal of UN forces in 1995.

 

The fighting of 1991 triggered a massive exodus from Somalia of trained

Somalis and members of the international community. Government services

collapsed and foreign missions and businesses closed. This heralded the

start of Somalia's diplomatic and economic isolation. Somalia has been

without a central government now for almost a decade, but interestingly this

has led to the creation of decentralized, regional governments, supported by

traditional leaders and civil society organizations that are helping to

rebuild their country from the ground up.

 

The two regions of northern Somalia, Somaliland and, especially, Puntland,

were spared most of the conflict that affected other parts of the country

during the 1990s. Opposition to Siyad Barre developed early in these two

regions and both suffered violent repression in the 1980s, Hargeysa (capital

of Somaliland) being almost destroyed by the Somali army in 1988. Greater

internal social and political coherence led both regions to establish

separate administrations during the 1990s. In 1991, Somaliland declared its

independence, although it has since failed to gain international

recognition. In 1998, the north-east region of Somalia proclaimed itself

the autonomous State of Puntland, a region within Somalia. Almost a decade

after the collapse of the centralized Somali state, northern Somalia has

become a haven of peace in a conflict-ridden Horn of Africa. But this

reality has yet to be recognized by the international community, hindered by

an international media that focuses entirely on the inter-clan militia

violence in central and southern areas.

 

Somalia in recent times:

 

1960 Independence.

1969 Coup d'état led by Siyad Barre.

1972 Nationwide literacy campaign.

1974 Somalia joins the Arab League.

1974 Friendship treaty with USSR (renounced in 1977).

1977 Invasion of Ogaden region of Ethiopia and subsequent defeat of Somali

forces.

1978 Creation in northern Somalia of first insurgent movements - SSDF (1978)

and SNM (1980).

1980 Closer links with US and West develop.

1988 Armed insurrection by SNM in north-west Somalia. Violent repression by

Somali army follows.

1989 Insurrection breaks out in other regions.

1991 Siyad Barre flees Mogadishu. Somaliland declares Independence.

1992 Famine in southern Somalia. UN-led relief and security operation

(UNOSOM).

1995 End of UN operation. Siyad Barre dies in exile.

1997 Cairo Peace Accord signed by most faction leaders but not implemented.

1998 Saudi Arabia livestock ban imposed on Somalia. Puntland State created.

1999 Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict develops ‘southern Somalia front'.

 

Somaliland and Puntland - zones of peace:

 

Somaliland and Puntland are peaceful and both regions are being effectively

run by a combination of government and traditional authorities. A priority

for both regional governments is strengthening the security situation. The

demobilization of ex-combatants continues and an emphasis is being placed on

training and equipping the police forces. The resources, however, of both

governments are small, being derived mainly from import and export duties.

The 18-month Saudi Arabia ban on Somali livestock (which was officially

lifted in May 1999), demonstrated the fragility of their fiscal base. It

caused Somaliland, for example, to lose some 60% of its revenues during that

period. It's a credit to the people and governments in northern Somalia

that cohesion has been maintained during a major economic crisis.

 

There are generally favourable conditions for development in Somaliland and

Puntand, which would be the envy of many developing countries. And yet many

donor countries are ignoring this reality and are dragging their feet on

development assistance, pointing to obstacles such as the fact that Somalia

does not have a central government, that there are security risks and that

Somaliland has declared its independence. The international community is

failing to see that the future of Somalia is being created now through the

decentralized, regional administrations. A future unified Somalia is quite

likely to be a federation of states, rather than a centralized state as

before. The UN has called on donor countries to come to terms with this

reality and help the emerging regional states develop their administrations

and economies. Bilateral aid levels to northern Somalia, however, remain

very low, with the European Union being the main bilateral donor. Several UN

agencies maintain small programmes in both regions.

 

A major source of frustration for Somaliland and Puntland is that aid

coordination takes place in Nairobi, not Somalia. Whilst there are clearly

security and logistical reasons why agencies involved in emergency work in

central and southern Somalia prefer to be based in Nairobi, there no longer

seems to be any valid reason for UN, bilateral or larger international

organizations supporting development programmes in northern Somalia to

automatically maintain programme staff in Nairobi. In fact, there are

strong arguments for placing staff in northern Somalia: office and housing

costs are much less and both Hargeysa and Bosasso are far safer than big

cities such as Nairobi.

 

Moreover, there seems to be a profound contradiction in the donor community

maintaining most of its human resources and its development dialogue outside

the recipient country. A clear consequence of this policy is that little

consultation can effectively happen with government ministries, local NGOs

and communities in northern Somalia, leading to decisions being taken in

Nairobi and not Somalia. Such an approach does little to help build Somali

capacities in areas such as development programming.

 

Development Challenges in Northern Somalia:

 

After two decades of embattled dictatorship, civil war and inter-clan

violence, Somalia is faced with huge challenges. It has, for example, some

of the worst health indicators in the world. It is a high risk area for

many illnesses and children and women are particularly vulnerable. Health

infrastructure is in poor condition and neither government in the north

(Somaliland and Puntland) has the resources to invest in rehabilitation,

equipment, medicines or staff. Due to the very limited emergency

facilities, many people die from simple accidents or lose limbs

unnecessarily.

 

A recent study for the World Health Organization (WHO) of health

infrastructure in Somaliland and Puntland (Dr Khalid Dik, Assistance to and

Physical Rehabilitation of Landmine Victims in Somalia, May 1999) reports

that only one hospital out of the ten main ones visited functions

adequately. International agencies are providing services in some areas,

but the bulk of health care is carried out by the private sector. Poor

people are the victims of the limited state services, for they cannot afford

to pay for medicines and service fees. Nomadic and rural communities in

particular have difficulty accessing health services.

 

The impact of the civil war on the education sector has been equally

dramatic. The education system collapsed totally, the majority of schools

were damaged, educational records and materials were lost, many teachers

left the country. Almost two generations of Somali children that have

missed their schooling. A survey of primary schools throughout Somalia

conducted by UNICEF in 1997 (UNICEF, Survey of Primary Schools in Somalia,

Nairobi, 1997) revealed that 773 primary schools existed of which 613 or 80%

were operating. Of the operating schools surveyed, 75% did not go beyond

grade 4. Only 3% of schools had the full primary cycle of grades 1-8. It

has one of the lowest enrolment rates in the world. This situation is

compounded by the generally poor conditions and standards in the schools.

In addition, there is a significant gender imbalance, with twice as many

boys as girls in school. In the upper grades, this gap widens rapidly.

 

A great effort is now being made to revive the education sector in

Somaliland and Puntland. Education is seen as a priority by people,

government and donors alike, but school enrolment remains low and resources

are very limited. Schools are being rehabilitated, curriculum being

rewritten, and cost-sharing systems are being introduced. The primary

system is receiving most attention, although some secondary schools are

being reopened. A community-run university (Amoud University) has opened in

Boroma, Somaliland.

 

Food security has been a recurrent and increasing challenge in recent

decades. Somalia is prone to occasional crop failures, particularly in

southern regions where drought, floods and pest infestation are common. In

addition, the conflict in southern regions during the 1990s has severely

weakened the agricultural economy.

 

In 1998, Puntland and Somaliland suffered from a prolonged drought which

decimated animal herds, particularly in Puntland. Continued drought in 1999

in northern and southern regions of Somalia has contributed to what the FAO

is describing as an extremely grim situation, with 400,000 people at risk of

starvation, particularly in southern regions.

 

The environment of Somalia has suffered greatly from the absence of a

central government. In addition to the perennial problem of overgrazing, a

major concern in certain areas is deforestation related to firewood and

charcoal production, an increasing amount of which is being exported to the

Gulf States. There have been reports of toxic waste disposal along

Somalia's extensive coast, which is a particular threat to coastal

communities and marine life. The coast of Puntland has particularly rich

fishing grounds, which have attracted predatory fishing vessels from around

the world. This illegal fishing threatens one of Puntland's most important

resources.

 

Somalia has an estimated 1-2 million landmines and unexploded ordnance

(bombs, shells etc.), much of which is in Somaliland and, to a lesser

extent, Puntland. Surveying and demining has begun in a few locations with

UNDP support, but there seem to be few donors interested in supporting this

work in Somalia. How is it that Somalia is receiving only a tiny fraction

of the investment in demining that other countries (e.g. Bosnia) have

received. Both Puntland and Somaliland have publicly endorsed the Landmines

Treaty, but as they are not permitted to sign it their commitment goes

unrecognized and, seemingly, unrewarded.

 

Young people have been described as Somalia's human landmines. Their basic

rights - rights to education, recreational activities and employment - were

denied them by the civil war and the collapse of state infrastructure. Many

young men joined the militias in areas where fighting took place and

demobilization and rehabilitation into the community is urgent. A related

issue is the consumption of khat, a mild narcotic leaf that is chewed in

some regions by more than 90% of male adults. Unemployed youth will

naturally turn to chewing khat, but there is a heavy social and economic

price to pay. The relative financial cost to families is huge and an

unproductive generation sits chewing, waiting.

 

Developmental Opportunities in Northern Somalia:

 

Following the collapse of economic activity in the early 1990s, Somaliland

and Puntland are leading the economic reconstruction of Somalia. The

backbone of the economy in northern Somalia is the livestock sector and

large numbers of sheep, goats, cattle and camels have traditionally been

exported to the Gulf States. In February 1998, Saudi Arabia introduced a ban

on the import of Somali livestock on grounds of health, alleging incidences

of Rift Valley Fever. The embargo hit herders and traders throughout

Somalia severely. It has now been officially lifted, although many fear

that competing commercial and political interests in Saudi Arabia may

prevent a return to previous export levels from Somalia.

 

In the light of these events, it seems clear that Somalia needs to develop

its livestock industry further. For example, animal health was the official

reason for the Saudi Arabia ban. Appropriate facilities are required to

ensure that animals can be given a clean bill of health for export. At

present, there are few veterinary health projects in northern Somalia. In

addition, as well as developing fresh markets for livestock, renewed efforts

should be made to develop related industries, e.g. meat processing, hides

and leather work.

 

One potentially promising and largely underdeveloped economic sector is

fisheries, for although there is some commercial fishing, most fishing is

carried out at a subsistence level. Puntland is considered to have one of

the richest fisheries zones in the world, but this is currently being

plundered by foreign ships operating illegally in Somali waters. The

Puntland authorities have little capacity to protect, manage and help

develop this important natural resource. Foreign vessels fishing illegally

and over fishing are caught only very occasionally. Fines are generally

imposed and then the violators are freed. But the fines have little impact

and the plundering continues. It is not known what long term effects the

current level of illegal fishing will have on the fisheries.

 

The ports of Berbera (Somaliland) and Bosasso (Puntland) are increasingly

active. This is partly due to the fact that livestock from central-southern

Somalia are no longer exported through Mogadishu and Kismayo because of the

instability of these areas. In addition, Berbera has recently become a

major seaport for Ethiopia as a result of the Eritrea-Ethiopia conflict.

Bosasso, once a small port, has grown considerably in recently years and is

now a thriving trading centre with the Gulf States, serving much of Somalia.

The road infrastructure remains reasonably intact throughout Somaliland and

Puntland, with good roads leading from Berbera to Ethiopia and from Bosasso

down to Galkayo. There is also an extensive network of regional airports

that handle some international and inter-regional flights.

 

The private sector, although limited, is thriving in the stable social and

political conditions that have been created in most of Somaliland and

Puntland. There seems to be no shortage of consumer goods throughout the

regions. The absence of a central government, together with much of the

infrastructure taken for granted in other countries (such as an official

banking, telephone and postal systems), has led to innovation. An example

of this is the deregulated satellite-based telecommunications sector. In

Somaliland, there are now five telecommunications companies operating out of

Hargeysa and this competition has led to the lowest international telephone

charges in Africa – US80 cents a minute, some four to five times lower than

neighbouring countries. Internet links are expected to be established

during 1999.

 

Cheap and reliable international communications have strengthened the links

with the Somali diaspora and greatly facilitated the crucially important

system of remittances from abroad. Support from family members in the

diaspora has played a key role in helping many urban families cope during

the difficult years of the 1990s. Although remittances tend to be used for

immediate needs, there are indications now that such resources are

increasingly being invested in construction and commerce. Urban centres in

both regions are seeing a boom in construction, particularly for housing,

shops, restaurants and some hotels. Hargeysa is now largely rebuilt and

Bosasso is expanding rapidly.

 

The inflow of private funds from the Middle East, Europe and North America

is substantial, although it is impossible to know the exact amount because

of the unofficial nature of the transactions. Remittances alone far

outstrip international development assistance, which amounts to no more than

US$15 million per year at present for northern Somalia. Remittances,

estimated at perhaps $150m per year, have tended not to be saved and there

remains a shortage of investment capital, for there is no recognized private

banking system. The Somaliland Government has called for donor countries to

help provide controlled loan finance as a way of encouraging Somali

entrepreneurs.

 

With the collapse of the repressive central government and the emergency of

the early 1990s, there was a mushrooming of NGOs in northern Somalia, with a

majority of them being concentrated in Hargeysa and Bosasso. Their numbers

have seen a natural decline since then, as the majority have had to struggle

hard with mostly volunteer staff to carry out projects, for which funding

has often been scarce. Too many donors have compounded this situation by

concentrating funding in the hands of expatriate NGOs. In spite of these

constraints, Somalia NGOs continue to develop and mature and there are now

several NGO coalitions. It is imperative that these organizations make

links with the many strong NGO networks across Africa.

 

Outstanding in the NGO sector are women's organizations. Many would argue

that women are the pioneers for peace and development in Somalia. It is

therefore essential that Somali women's NGOs and women politicians and

activists be supported by both the local and international communities.

There are no women representatives in the Somaliland Parliament at present

and, although Puntland has taken a lead in this respect with five women

parliamentarians, they remain isolated and their voices are not adequately

recognized.

 

Role of the Somali Diaspora:

 

A major, but as yet only partially tapped, asset for Somalia is the Somali

diaspora. Large Somali communities are to be found in the Gulf States,

several European countries, the US and Canada. The importance of

remittances from abroad to bolster Somali family survival cannot be

overestimated. These actions, however, tend to be individual,

family-oriented. There are relatively few examples of Somali organizations

among the diaspora that have developed strong programmes that can impact on

Somali development issues, both in Somalia and internationally. Somalis

have had difficulty establishing themselves in their respective adoptive

countries, and Canada is no exception, even though the majority of Somalis

in Canada have Canadian citizenship.

 

There are many ways that countries such as Canada could help Somaliland,

Puntland and other emerging regions create the building blocks of peace and

development and a number of examples are given below. A crucially

important, contribution, however, can be made by Somali-Canadians that have

skills and experience to share with people in northern Somalia. Human

resource development, at the government, NGO and private sector level, is a

priority. The recently announced UNDP programme for identifying skilled

Somalis abroad for short missions in Somalia is one initiative that deserves

serious support.

 

Canada and the US are two countries that have had some difficulty

re-establishing relations with a decentralized Somalia. However, there are

signs now that both countries have begun to review their policies, given the

very positive developments in Somaliland and Puntland and the impact this is

having on other parts of Somalia. This report urges that this process be

accelerated and that a pro-active and pragmatic approach be taken. Somalia

should be treated as a special case. In particular, we call upon civil

society organizations to lead the way and establish partnership linkages.

The Somalia quarantine must be lifted forthwith.

 

Some steps to take:

 

The following paragraphs outline a number of key initiatives and sectors

that Canada and the international community should support:

 

The sustainability of peace and security in the northern regions of Somalia

depends on support for both civil society organizations and the emerging

regional governments, so that policies are adopted that promote good

governance, human rights and democratic development. Civil society

organizations and regional governments should be helped to participate in

the search for dialogue and peace throughout Somalia and the Horn. This

should be seen as priority. To this end, a special peace and democratic

development fund for the Horn of Africa should be created by Canada and

other donor countries.

 

A regional vision of peace and development should be promoted and IGAD (the

Intergovernmental Authority on Development) is one potential way of

implementing initiatives. An example of such an approach would be in

seeking a solution to the questions of land mines and refugees camps along

the borders between Ethiopia, Djibouti, Somaliland and Puntland.

 

The continuing inflow of arms, particularly into southern regions, is

destabilising Somalia further. The UN Security Council should ensure a more

effective implementation of the embargo on arms to Somalia.

 

Land mines remain a scourge throughout Somalia. Canada and the international

community should take a lead and recognize the commitments made by both the

Somaliland and Puntland governments with respect to the Ottawa Convention.

Action should be taken to secure funds for an integrated regional land mines

programme.

 

Capacity building should be a central objective of all assistance provided.

The new Somalia being created in northern regions is one that is

decentralized and potentially very democratic. Patterns of external

assistance must respect and reinforce the fragile balance and cooperation

between traditional leaders, civil society organizations and emerging

government institutions. Above all, initiatives should be developed in

northen Somalia and with the region's governments and Somali organizations.

External management of such programmes should be located in northern

Somalia.

 

Efforts should be made to strengthen and empower Somali NGOs. In

particular, women's NGOs, groups and activists and NGOs supporting young

people should be targeted. As part of its assistance to Somali civil

society, Canada should increase the size and scope of the Canada Fund

operating from the Nairobi High Commission.

 

The rights of women, children, elders and children with special needs must

be protected. An emphasis should be placed on initiatives to combat

violence against women and girls, particularly the practice of circumcision.

 

Reintegration of children and young people who associated with militia

should be supported. Training should be given to care givers in order to

help children and youth with special needs. This includes orphans, disabled

and displaced children.

 

Rights to freedom of expression, with an independent press and media should

be encouraged and protected. Training should be offered to newspaper and

radio journalists. Media and human rights organizations should develop links

with northern Somalia in order to promote peace and development.

 

The renovation of school buildings, teacher training, student counselling

and the provision of books and learning materials are priorities in the

education sector. Institutions of higher learning should explore linkages

with emerging Somali institutions.

 

Linkages in the health sector should be developed with Somali hospitals.

Surgical and orthopaedic doctors could make short term visits to provide

training to Somali medical staff. Material support is also needed, for

there are no regular supplies. Vocational training and community-based

rehabilitation for the disabled is required.

 

The international community should respond quickly and imaginatively to the

appeals for food assistance that have been made by UN organizations.

Southern regions appear to the most seriously affected. Given the

difficulties in some areas with food relief distribution, a particular

effort should be made to involve civil society organizations in the

distribution programmes.

 

In the livestock sector, a priority is to establish facilities and

programmes to assure adequate animal health. The development of water

resources for dry season needs is crucial.

 

Initiatives should be supported that can help Puntland and Somaliland

protect their environment. Illegal fishing by foreign boats should be

condemned by the UN. Canada in particular could help in training/equipping

coast guards and in helping to develop the fishing industry. Urgent measures

are also needed to help prevent land degradation, particularly deforestation

for charcoal production.

 

Programmes to rehabilitate and modernize public infrastructure - ports,

airports, roads, bridges, power and water supplies - should be supported.

 

This report was made possible through support from the Canadian

International Development Agency.

 

END

[miles-militis]

Another piece of news which should put the final pin in the coffin that veers the deep-seated ill familiar in the prose of the secessionist camp “…Garaad A/Gani, Garaad Saleebaan oo u sii jiida madasha shirka ee Nairobi ….. isimo ka soo jeeda gobolada Togdheer iyo Sanaag kuwaasoo iyagu meteli doona shacabkooda”

 

Laascaanood,Somalia,7 July 2003 —Warar aan ka helay magaalada Laascaanood ayaa waxay sheegayaan in qaar badan oo ka mid Garaadada beesha Dhulbahant'e iyo wafti ay hogaaminyaan ay dhowaan gaadhi doonaan madasha shirka dib u heshiisiintu uu uga socdo soomaalida duleedka magaalada Nairobi ee Mbagathi.

 

Wararkaas oo aan ka helay ilo lagu kalsoon yahay ayaa waxa ay sheegayaan in Garaad Cabdiqani Garaad Jaamac oo ka mid ah garaadada sida aadka ah looga qadariyo gobolada SSH iyo wafti uu hogaaminayaa uu diyaar garoobay inuu tago Nairobi maalmaha inagu soo fool leh,waftiga la socda garaadka ayaa waxaa ka mid ah isimo ka soo jeeda gobolada Togdheer iyo Sanaag kuwaasoo iyagu meteli doona shacabkooda.

 

Sidoo kale waxaa isna wararku sheegayaan in Garaad Saleebaan oo isna ah garaadada beesha Dhulbahant'e uu u sii jeedo dhinaca Nairobi,dhamaan waftiga ka baxaya Laascaanood oo ah wafti balaadhan ayaa sugaya diyaarad khaas ah oo ka qaadi doonta madaarka magaalada Laascaanood,diyaaradaas oo laga soo diri doono Nairobi,waxay soo qaadi doontaa odaydhaqameedyo badan oo ku kala firirsan meelo badan oo ka mid deegaamada soomaalida iyo waxgarad kaleba.

 

Tegitaanka ay Garaadadu tegeyaan madasha shirka ayaa waxay ka danbeysey casuumaad ay ka heleen gudiga shirka dib u heshiisiinta Soomaalida,iyadoo mid walba oo ka mid ah isimadaas loo diyaariyey Fisihii ay halkaa ku tegi lahaayeen,iyo weliba deegaanba.

 

Garaadada SSH ayaa ku kala qaybsamay xiligii ay colaadu ka bilaabatay Puntland sanadkii tegey,iyada oo qaar ka mid ah isimada ay siyaasad ahaan isaga hor yimaadeen Cabdillaahi Yuusuf,kadib markii uu xiligii xilka uu hayn lahaa ay ka dhamaatay,kadib shir lagu qabtay magaalada Garoowe lagu doortay Jaamac Cali Jaamac inuu bedelo Cabdillaahi Yuusuf,taasoo keentay inuu dhaco dagaal lagu hoobto oo markii danbe Cabdillaahi Yuusuf uu ku awood roonaado.Qaar kale oo ka mid Garaadada ayaa taageero kal iyo laab ah siiyey Cabdillaahi Yuusuf,iyagoo u arkayey in Cabdillaahi uu kaga haboon yahay Jaamac jagada madxweynaha Puntland.Hadaba su,aasha la is weydiinayaan waxay tahay isimada Puntland ee tegi doona madasha shirka iyo Cabdillaahi Yuusuf oo u sharaxan inuu noqdo madaxweynaha soomaaliya ma isla jaanqaadi doonaan mise waxaa bilaabmi doona halgan siyaasadeed oo u dhexeeya ismada iyo maamulka.

 

Laascaanood Online,Laascaanood.