Buubaa: The division of TFG is media hype and Somaliland's recognition is fantasy

[SOO MAAL]

Ismail Buubaa: The division of Somali TFG is media hype and Somaliland's recognition is fantasy

 

Awdalnews Network

 

 

Ismail Mahumd Hurre (Buubaa) Somali Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of International Cooperation "There is no division within the Somali Transitional Federal Government, TFG, but there is a difference of opinion"

Abu Dhabi, 16 Sept. 2005--"It is unfortunate that the Somali media which also feeds the international media has to exaggerate a non-existing reality. There is no division within the Somali Transitional Federal Government, TFG, but there is a difference of opinion. The government is one, there is no division and no party has declared to have withdrawn from it but the dispute is whether to move the seat of the government to Mogadishu straightaway or through a corridor. The cabinet has made a decision that the government should make a stopover in Baidhoba and Jowahar before it relocates permanently to Mogadishu."

 

The statement was made by Ismail Mahmud Hurre (Buubaa), Somali Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of International Cooperation, during an interview with Bashir Goth, editor of the independent online news service Awdalnews Network in Abu Dhabi (on Thursday 15th Sept. 2005) where the Minister was on a working visit.

 

Ismail Buubaa said that some of the warlords in Mogadishu were saying that the government should go to Mogadishu and the rest of the government bodies were saying "Yes, it is the right thing that the government should go to Mogadishu but it is a right thing being used for the wrong purpose'. He asserted that the real intention of such individuals was to kill the government in Mogadishu.

 

"This is why it is necessary for the Somali media to correct itself and study the realities on the ground," he said, noting that many people have now awoken to the reality including the Parliament Speaker who was one of the advocates of the immediate government relocation to Mogadishu.

 

He noted that the Speaker had realized that no one was interested to remove the illegal and coercive checkpoints in the capital and that the real objective behind the call for the relocation to Mogadishu was a trick aimed at persuading the government to go to Mogadishu then to stifle and kill it.

 

Ismail Buubaa asserted that the Prime Minister would open his office and start his official duties in Mogadishu next week and that the Cabinet Ministers would follow him.

 

Answering a question on when he expected the dispute to be overcome, he said: "You are talking about a dispute between the President and the Parliament Speaker. But you have to know that the majority of the parliament is not with the Speaker. If there is any problem at all it must be within the parliament itself. What is needed, therefore, is the parliament to work to correct itself and the Speaker should abide by the majority rule."

 

He also noted that the whole issue should be discussed and solved within the government bodies and not by settling scores through the media. On his visit to the UAE, Ismail Buubaa said that the Arab leaders had decided in their Summit in Algeria to allocate US$26 million to the TFG and that his visit was to find out the share that every country was willing to contribute and what sectors of the country's rebuilding they were interested to participate.

 

He added that the TFG had laid down a strategy which includes the relocation of the government, the establishment of government federal system starting from district level to regional level, the resettlement and rehabilitation of the various militia forces, the creation of a police force and the reconstruction of the country with a Rapid Assistance Progam (RAP).

 

Somaliland:

 

Commenting on Somaliland's preparation for the parliamentary elections due to be held on September 29, Ismail Buubaa, who himself hails from Somaliland, said that holding an election would not endorse a secession, saying: " I will like the Somailand people to know that an election held in Hargeisa and Borama will not lead to a secession from the rest of Somalia just like the elections held in Aw Barre (Tafri Bar) or Goday didn't not lead to a secession of the Somali region in Ethiopia."

 

Lamenting what he thought was the illusion in which Somaliland people lived over the last 15 years, Ismail Buubaa said: "the people have been entertained over the last 15 years that recognition was coming. Therefore, when the elections are held and recognition doesn't come what will they tell the people. What other lie will they tell the people to convince them that recognition was still on the way. A wish that cannot be fulfilled is just a fantasy. You cannot govern people by fantasies; you have to govern them by reality. There is a difference between a wish or a belief and a tangible reality. The wish is ideological but politics is based on the art of the possible."

 

He asserted that it was ludicrous to entertain people with something that was not going to happen, noting that the President of Somaliland knew and that his cabinet ministers knew as well that there was no promise of recognition coming from any of the European countries, the Arab League or even Africa. Ismail Buubaa who was a Minister in the first Somaliland government that declared the region's secession from the rest of Somalia said: "I was a Minister in the first cabinet of Somaliland but in 1994 the first Somaliland President and I had told the people that secession was not in the interest of the Somaliland people," pointing out that they had reached that conclusion after studying the international law and the political reality in the Horn of Africa.

 

"It is true that Somaliland has special demands and interests. I am one of the founders of Somaliland, I belong to Somaliland and will remain a Somalilander, but I say that it is the interest of Somaliland that it should remain part and parcel of Somalia," he re-iterated.

 

Answering a question on whether his TFG government would study the possibility of holding a referendum in Somaliland to endorse the people's wish according to recognized international laws, Ismail Buubaa said: "First we have to know that there is no compulsion and no one can be forced to do something they don't like to do. And I believe if someone is being compelled here it is the people of Somaliland that are being compelled, because you are not allowed to discuss your view in public. If I go to Hargeisa and voice my opinion on this issue people will tell me that my opinion will cause a conflict and disintegration."

 

He wondered whether Somaliland was ready to create a democratic atmosphere where both the unionist person and the secessionist person could advocate their positions.

 

"If they are ready to create such a democratic atmosphere, I am ready the whole Somali nation will be ready to listen to their wishes," Ismail Buubaa said.

 

On whether the election of Abdillahi Yusuf, former leader of Puntland who had territorial dispute with Somaliland, as a President for Somalia had further hardened Somaliland's position of not holding any kinds of talks with the South, Ismail Buubaa denied that such was the case.

 

"I was one of the people that supported Abdillahi Yusuf's election. I knew him since 1980. Abdillahi Yusuf like any other leader elected by the people is obliged to abide by the people's consent. The issue is not one of a person it is an issue of a whole state with all its bodies, policies and legislature based on democracy and the rule of law. The decision is not in the hands of one person only and no one person can dictate the destiny of the nation by himself alone. Therefore, I don't see this as a problem at all," he said.

 

Voicing his concerns about the upcoming Somaliland elections, Ismail Buubaa urged the people to allow the elections to be held peacefully and to respect the system put in place by the election commission.

 

"When an elected parliament comes to the house, I hope they will face the truth and discuss the realities that are now being put aside in a democratic and free atmosphere," he said.

 

Answering a question on whether the TFG had any dialogue with Somaliland, he said there were no official talks but officials from both sides often met in international forums and exchanged views in an unofficial manner, noting that they always conclude that it is necessary for the TFG to speed up its efforts to establish a stable government and that Somaliland should be spared from any problems from the TFG side.

 

"Therefore, we make a full promise from our side that we will not take any action that may jeapardize the peace and stability of Somaliland. But we have fears that disturbances may flare up from inside Somaliland given the situation there. We have to be prepared for any such eventuality, because any problem that takes place in Somaliland will affect us also and the world will expect us to do something about it. Therefore, we don't like to see any problems in Somaliland at all no matter the source."

 

Editor's note: Somali speaking readers can find the full interview published in Somali.

 

Source: Awdal News Network, Sept 16, 2005

[SOO MAAL]

Is there or is there not a democracy in Somaliland?

Ismail Buba poses the question most Smalilanders hate to hear

 

Ismail Hurre Buubaa - Vice premier of The TFG

Mr. Buba is someone who knows more about the history and the very fundamentals on which the creation of Somaliland is based on. Lets face it; he was there from the beginning and when dealing with the question of secession, he understands more than most of the uninformed and the emotion-driven, hypocritical Somailanders. Ismail Buba touches the heart of the fundamental question that many Somalilanders never wanted to hear. In his recent interview with Mr. Bashir Goth of AwdalNews, Buba raised a serious question that may be the beginning of some serious discussion in progress, and definitely a first step towards addressing the ambiguity surrounding the Somaliland issue. This raises the bar and challenges the Somalilanders to practice what they preach. Buba challenged the Somalilanders to accept and invite public discourse where everyone have the right to air out one's under belly grievances either in support of or in disagreement with the prevailing atmosphere regarding the often discussed secession of Hargeisa from the rest of the republic.

 

One other disturbing development in the region is the new criminal activities and the blatant attacks that some SNM loyalists have been carrying out in the coastal Awdal region, especially in Lughaya District. It smells like another Darfur, Sudan, in progress. Historically, for these coastal communities, Zeila was the main center of trade before it was badly ravaged by the French colonization in some parts of Somalia and consequently the emergence of Djibouti as a vibrant business center. Other coastal towns included Lughaya and Bulaxar, where these communities used as trade or fishing centers, though Bulaxar was consequently impacted negatively by the emergence of City of Berbara, and became insignificant to be considered for trade purposes as most of its inhabitants migrated to either Berbara or Hargeisa, where they had close tribal ties with. However, Lughaya, due to the persistence of its communities, continued to prosper against all odds and eventually became one of the prominent cities of Awdal region, as its identity is inseparable from her sisters such as Zeila, Borama, Baki, Libaxlay or Garbo Dadar, to mention a few, with whom her inhabitants share tribal ties.

 

For centuries, these communities in the Awdal coastal region were left on the cold, or in heat in this case, and were excluded from any form of government. All past governments never had compelling interest to spent money in building schools in order to educate the children of these communities, or treat the children from the grip of deadly diseases such as mosquitoes, TB, malnutrition and starvation or save them from diseases due to the lack of clean water and sanitation, let alone promoting the rich coastal area where these nomadic communities reside. As the result of this long existed neglect by rest of the Somali society, including all governments that ruled the nation in the past and present, these communities have always and are still underrepresented in all government and economic levels in the country. Because of their nomadic lifestyle and lack of education, these communities were never capable to prosper economically and were never able to create big cities and trade centers. All that they ever knew of government dealings was either someone asking them to vote for him in every few years, where truck loads of these nomadic communities would be taken to Borama, Hargeisa or Berbara, kept them in an open semi camps in the cold, around the town skirts of these cities, trained on how to punch a whole in a the picture of the would-be candidate that they would be able recognize on the voting day; since a great majority of these communities never learnt how to read or write. Nonetheless, at the end of the voting period, no one would be responsible to take them back to their nomadic area, let alone giving them compensation for the time they were away from their families and properties. They were used as properties and have always been taken advantage of.

 

Nature had not been that friendly to these communities either as to late, and these communities are facing today extinction due to unfavorable life threatening conditions such as long dry seasons and rain shortage, hunger and diseases. However, one positive progress to report in the area today, thanks to an extraordinary effort by few visionaries in the area who created self-help organizations such as READ/ IQRA and by selfless young men and women residing both in Somaliland and in the Diaspora, is that we have been able to help these communities to focus on the hope of rebuilding their future without the support of any government. We were able to build schools and maintain them to some levels, where nomadic children have the chance of going to school without being removed too far from their environment and family. An idea based on the vision of creating a self-sustaining community, that could definitely lead to resettlement of the nomadic families on their lands; a mission to change the nomadic lifestyle and replacing it with farming and urbanization in the region.

 

Unfortunately, however, this rekindled a new interests in the minds of SNM loyalist, who are engaging a systematic, well planed geopolitical movements where some powerful groups in Somaliland, specifically in Hargeisa and Berbera, are making relentless attempts to redraw boundaries and redistricting in order to increase their voting power in this coming election in Somaliland and thereafter. Many of Lughaya District communities are forcefully denied the right to vote as Awdalites on the false claim that they are under the jurisdiction or are annexation of Hargeisa or Berbara District. The SNM movements in Hargeisa and Berbara see these Awdalites as danger that will undermine the SNM “agendaâ€, the secessionist agenda that these Awdalites fiercely and heroically resisted in the 80s and 90s when the SNM made repeated attempts to conquer the region.

 

Since the last failed attempts in the 90s, SNM has been building up its power to conquer these nomadic communities, who are forced to fight wars that they can't afford to lose, let alone winning. They are being attacked by expansionists supported by the Djibouti government on one front and by militia supported by the powerhouse of SNM from another front. Especially, after Sool and Sanag regions publicly announced that they wouldn't be part of this SNM agenda coined as Somaliland nation, today the SNM in Hargeisa felt that there is a lifetime opportune to renew their long dream of land confiscation and border redesigning. This includes building and designing pathways and create easier movements through which armed SNM army could move in and out in order to connect cities and villages, as a benevolent feature in pure wishful thinking on the part of the SNM, in order to encourage, repopulate and empower their supporters in a region that was never theirs. These criminal activities committed against these nomadic communities is intent to punish these nomadic society or eradicate them if possible for resisting the SNM agenda that these communities never accepted as a legitimate rule of the land. It is a clear intent on the part of the SNM to silence these helpless communities or to force them into submission to their illegal rule, especially as the talk of the possibility of oil exploration intensified lately. These separatists are fighting, with the support of SNM, as perpetrators of ethnic cleansing directed at the peace loving population living in Lughaya District and in other surrounding regions of Awdal Region known to have water and fertile land that is suitable for cultivation.

 

The attack on these fragile and mostly impoverished community, who was always know and praised as a peace loving, multiethnic nomadic society is an explicit plan organized by SNM and their supporters. This is another Lower Shabelle in the making. Sadly, this well thought of “design out crime†of new urbanization is happening under the watchful eye of Rayale government. As a politician, Rayale is rather win the presidency seat instead, on the expenses of his fellow Somalis, who are helplessly under attack by armed aggression of SNM, as himself may have made some concessions to the same Hargeisa –Berbara-SNM loyalists in order for him to win again. We often hear the SNM making the assertion that the old illegal boundary lines drawn by the colonizers, such as the British, should be maintained, which, according to their claim, would give them the right to dislodge from the repu

[SOO MAAL]

The state of the State of Somaliland

 

 

September 18, 2005

 

[This is the text of Mr Ali Gulaid's Presentation at the SOPRI conference in Los Angeles on June 26, 2005]

 

To my knowledge this is the second time so many Somalilanders came from all over the world to meet outside the country and that makes it a golden opportunity, an opportunity not to waste. The first one was (of course) in London when the Somali National Movement (SNM) was founded about twenty years ago. The resolution to dislodge the Siyad regime from the country which the SNM adopted in London was bold, drastic and risky but the payoff was worth the risk. The two conferences have similarities and some differences but it isn't my intention to compare and contrast the two events but it is my intention to remind you that the struggle isn't over yet. Today, the dictator is gone and that should have been a cause for joy but this administration practices and perpetuates without shame the inhumane practices that bedeviled Siyad's regime and it is up to the participants of this conference to seize the moment and condemn the lack of rule that is prevalent in Somaliland .

 

In light of that it isn't the time to exchange few pleasantries nor is it the time for Somalilanders to soak themselves with unfounded self aggrandizement and denial. We are all here, I assume, to assist Somaliland transition from half-way house to a home. But to do so would first require SL meet the minimum acceptable standard and if the headlines from Amnesty International, Africa Right, and the State Department are any measure this administration is repressive and that is alarming but what is more alarming is the predominant sentiment among the diaspora of thou shall not speak of this administration's poor human rights record lest it jeopardizes recognition

 

To illustrate the magnitude of the problems beset on Somaliland, I would scratch the surface in this short analysis some of the reactionary practices, the dictatorial tendencies and the misallocation of scarce funds and would conclude since this administration has failed to restore democratic values and the basic human rights, the prospects of recognition are getting slimmer and only a resolution as bold and as risky as the London resolution could restore hope.

 

The Repressive Policies and practices

 

 

Dahir Rayaale Kaahin - President of Somaliland

To start with, Rayaale presides over a cabinet of sixty-five (65) including himself, the vice-president and fourteen (14) advisors. That makes the cabinet of sixty-five (65) larger than the cabinet of the most recent government in India - a nation of about one BILLION- which is mere sixty (60). On paper, Somaliland and Somalia are like day and night. Somaliland had local and Presidential elections; it has two Houses of Parliament, albeit unelected, a constitution that guarantees human rights, freedom of the press and separation of powers and other fundamental rights. On the other hand, Mogadishu has no constitution, has no central government, no functioning institutions and the recently crowned and foreign imposed government remains still in exile. With that profile, it is natural to deduce that Hargeysa is democratic but appearance is deceiving. One has unconstitutional Islamic Courts sanctioned by the Chief Justice, unconstitutional Security Courts sanctioned by the President and pays lip service to the independent media; it has banned public demonstrations, public debates, the right to peacefully assemble and private broadcasting all under the pretext of national security. Further, it constantly harasses journalists and activists and recently has busted the opposition party headquarter in a Watergate like style, and its ruling party militia mowed down the office of the same opposition party with machine gun. If you guessed that is Mogadishu you are wrong; that is the reality in Hargeysa.

 

The litany of lawlessness is too long but the following few examples are cited as representative just to prove a point. The Minister of information, Mr. Abdilahi Dualeh, has banned private broadcasting claiming that it is a threat to National security and President Rayaale has reiterated that policy recently in an interview he gave to the BBC. The editor of Jamhuuriya, daily newspaper, Mr. Hassan Saeed has been arrested 15 times within two years. The forum “Cawa Caqlikeen†which the civil society under the leadership of Dr. Hussein Bulhan have recently launched to debate the issues of the day was banned and its license revoked. On May 18, 2004 students who demonstrated peacefully were arrested and 156 of them were summarily sentenced by the illegal Court in less than five minutes to a maximum one year in jail, so were 11 students from Borama and so were the Gabiley students who complained to authorities about the lack of playing grounds and the list goes on but the one that baffled all was sentencing a 17 year old girl for five years for alleged espionage without due process. To add that the two recent episodes where the government cordoned off the House of the representatives and banned the Berbera local government council from convening a session to block the impending impeachment of the President and the Mayor of Berbera puts it in the same league with that of Siyad Barre. This tendency of abuse glaringly extends itself over the economic affairs as well.

 

The economic mismanagement

 

The road map to economic development of any nation is reflected on its budget, how it assesses and prioritizes its needs and how it ultimately allocates the available resources to its needs. If the adopted budget of this administration is a map to go by, it would exacerbate poverty and misery. Education, health, justice, agriculture, livestock, infrastructure and everything else shares forty-percent (40%) while the remaining 60% covers the salary of the President, the vice-president and the office of the presidency and security. To give you a flavor, the President and his vice-President earned $ 515, 916 and $186,200 respectively last year. That is more than twice what President Clinton and Al-Gore made in their final year in office. The entertainment budget of the Minister that coordinates the two Houses of parliament that are housed in the same building is $7,123 which is more than 30% of his whole budget. Over 10% of the total budget of about 22 million is for the salary of the president, the vice-President and the presidency.

 

To illustrate the bigger picture, the salary of the duo and the budget of the office of the presidency for the five year term of this administration would be $12,120,276. The President alone would earn a whopping $2,931,528 in his five-year term while a police officer would earn less than $2,000 for the same period and there is more heart ache. The Education $1,062,928 and health budget $650,890 combined are less than that of the office of the Presidency $1,703,927 and the budget of the prison guard is more than the budget of 15 Ministries combined. It is also almost twice the budget of health services and is almost equal to that of education. The negligence and the mismanagement of the economy doesn't stop there. The ban on livestock is still in effect and no appreciable effort was expended to lift the ban or find another market. The business people have migrated to Bossasso port due to bureaucracy; heavy handedness, high tariff and inefficiencies on Berbera Port and the diaspora have forgone the family summer visits because of harassment and unreasonably too high airport tax.

 

Somaliland prides herself to own a passport, currency and a flag and that is all true. But neither the currency nor the flag gained currency. While the flag and the currency are all confined to the capital, the passport is reserved for one Party. Over the Eastern part of the country starting from Burcao the Siyad Barre shilling is tendered while the Ethiopian Birr and the Djibouti Franc are the coveted ones in Awdal region. The hottest commodity in Somaliland today is the passport and like any other hot commodity it is closely controlled and used, as another tool to buy friends while holding it from those deemed anti-administration. Dejavu! If the passport is reserved for the governing party loyalist, the wildlife including some rare species are sold to the rich Arab Sheiks for a hefty sum. The trees has been killed for charcoal fuel export to the Middle East and the fragile flora has been destroyed by the constant fleets of high-powered vehicles that roam the grazing plateau hunting rare species without regard to conservation with the government blessing.

 

Territorially, since this administration was inaugurated, Somaliland has shrunk. On the Eastern front, Puntland has occupied Sool region and some parts of Sanaag since Riyaale ordered his administration to pull out of that region. That is known but what isn't so known is that on the Western side Djibouti authorities freely operate inside Somaliland borders with the supervision of this administration and moving the border outposts from Lyacado to as far interior as Seylac is said to be on the offing.

 

Hargeysa has many pressing matters, and I dare say MORE pressing than recognition. The lack of due process, arbitrary arrest, control of media, skyrocketing corruption, selective enforcement of the law, unlawful security courts, inability to expand the administration beyond the capital, misappropriation of funds are only few. By the way, recognition would not be a panacea. On the contrary many believe where there is neither transparency nor accountability and corruption is the order of the day, loans and financial aid would just fuel the unfettered looting and saddle the poorest Nation on earth with another unbearable burden.

 

Gabooye

 

Like few other cultures Somaliland has a cast society called “Gaboye†and many as of this day call them “Midgan†a derogatory term equivalent to Niger or untouchable but the plight of the Gaboye in SL is unpublicized and not to condemn such oppression in gatherings like this one is unacceptable. Isn't it ironic that SL wants to be recognized as a Nation equal to other Nations while she discriminates and tolerates that some of her own people are less equal than others. Rare platforms like this one should play a role in dispelling that ignorance.

 

Conclusion

 

In a region where the benchmark of a semblance of government is Mogadishu , Hargeysa is relatively Copenhagen . To the outsiders, Hargeysa remains a beacon of democracy “shan-karoon†as long as it doesn't sink as low as Mogadishu but to the internationally renown human rights activist, Ms. Rakiya Omaar and to Sultan Rabi whom she chronicled his ordeal and maltreatment in Hargeysa prison so vividly and to Zamam Ahmed, the 15 year girl sentenced for five years (5) without due process because of alleged espionage, and to the Gaboye (lower caste) community that is discriminated against, Hargeysa is a nightmare. If the SNM objective and the London resolution was to rid the Siyad regime from proper Somalia and the objective of the subsequent conferences in Burcao and Borama was only to withdraw from Somalia without structural changes, this administration has succeeded but if the objective was all along to restore the democratic principles and other inalienable rights, it has failed. To characterize this administration which has failed on democratic principles and the rule of law for four consecutive years as a shining star is far from the truth.

 

This administration is suffering from Siyad Barre's syndrome. The success or the failure of this administration should be measured against what is under her power to change such as the repressive policies not on matters that are beyond her power such as political recognition. Nor should the success or the failure of this administration be measured against one, two or even three elections. Elections in Sub-Saharan Africa are nothing but a back door to dictatorship and Somaliland is a case in point. Somaliland is held back not by the absence of political recognition as this administration would like us to believe but is held back by her own poor record on fundamental rights and corrupt practices. On my humble account, as well as the account of human rights activist and more importantly that of the US State Department Somaliland ranks the lowest in terms of rule of law, constitutional liberties, the freedom of the press and human rights. And that is unacceptable. SL had a tradition of carrying out justice under a tree for centuries; for it doesn't require much but equity, transparency, consistency and good faith effort. On matters of such importance, the level of tolerance should be zilch and records as bad as this administration be reprimanded.

 

The state of the State of Somaliland is in peril. Presently, disenchantment is in; euphoria is out and hope is fading. Chaos is looming and the thought of another furlough in a refuge camp is discomforting. The anticipated dividends of dislodging the brutal dictator, the subsequent painful separation of enjoined twins and the concerted colossal effort of long impassioned clan negotiations have being squandered. Many have hoped that Somaliland's painful past would help her avoid the fatal missteps that have caused the collapse of the defunct Somali Republic and would further motivate her work harder to earn enough marks for good behavior to graduate from a half-way house (unrecognized) to a nation that is FIRST democratic and SECOND politically recognized but as of today Somaliland has fooled no body but herself. Therefore, this conference should seize the golden opportunity and demand democracy, human rights, freedom of the press and due process at minimum; not to demand these basic rights and cover up oppression is indeed riskier