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In Somalia, Confusion Remains in Command

Premier Exhorts Revived, Ragtag Army

 

 

By Stephanie McCrummen

 

 

Washington Post Foreign Service

Saturday, January 6, 2007

 

MOGADISHU, Somalia, Jan. 5 -- The revived Somali national army assembled

here Friday in the sand-blown yard of the former parliament, a

hollowed-out building splashed with grenade blasts and scrawled with

apocalyptic graffiti.

About 1,000 men sat in the sun, soldiers who had been inactive for 15

years, old men with graying beards wearing whatever shade of camouflage

they found at the market or dug out of storage. Few had boots; most wore

leather loafers, sandals or thin-soled tennis shoes. They squinted at the newly ascendant prime minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi, who was swept into

power last week on the strength of Ethiopian soldiers now pointing

machine guns at the crowd.

"As prime minister, I say let us go back to our national interests,"

said Gedi, a former veterinarian. "This capital of Somalia is not for

clans or tribes. It's for all Somalis. Is this clear? Will I repeat it,

or have you got it?"

They all stood to sing the Somali national anthem, with many soldiers

simply moving their lips, having forgotten the words. When it was over,

100 or so civilians heckled the new force -- "Traitors!" -- and Gedi

zipped off in a convoy.

Even at such orchestrated events in Mogadishu, it is unclear who is in

control, and the same could be said of Somalia itself.

Candidates for the title include the heavily armed Ethiopian forces

stationed at strategic points around the city, without which Gedi's

government would have failed to take the country from the popular

Islamic Courts movement. There is Gedi himself, who leads an

internationally recognized government but is perceived by many Somalis

as a puppet of the Ethiopians.

The Ethiopians, in turn, are perceived as closely tied to the United

States, which has expressed concern that Somalia could become a

stronghold for terrorists. There is the fractious parliament, which Gedi

is set to meet with in the next few days and whose members include

warlords formerly backed by the United States, and others tied to webs

of clans, sub-clans and sub-sub-clans, most with their own militias.

And somewhere in the oceanside city of sand, goats, poetry and barbed

wire, an estimated 3,500 former Islamic Courts fighters who shed their

uniforms are thought to be awaiting instructions to attack the Ethiopian

troops. On Friday, al-Qaeda's deputy leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, posted a

message on the Internet calling on the fighters and other Muslims to

attack the invading "crusader" force, Ethiopia, which has a government

and army dominated by Christians and a population that is nearly half

Muslim.

All week, pamphlets circulating in the city have warned residents to

stay away from Ethiopian soldiers.

"This is a funny question," said Gedi, when asked who is controlling

Somalia. "The transitional federal government. It's a fully inclusive

and representative government. This is my commitment, this is my

responsibility as a prime minister to lead the Somali people."

Gedi's government is frail, however. He has not reached out to any

moderate Islamic Courts leaders, widely credited with bringing security

to Mogadishu, choosing to provide amnesty instead of inclusion in the

government. A process of disarming the city is going badly, and Gedi

said this week that he has only half the security forces he needs.

Although the United States pledged $40 million in aid Friday, the

government has practically no revenue to pay soldiers and set up

ministries, or to assist thousands whose farms were ruined by recent

floods.

Somalia's parliament, where representation is based on clan and

sub-clan, includes many of the old warlords who had organized as an

"anti-terrorism coalition" funded by the U.S. government, and otherwise

made money by setting up roadblocks across the country to extract

bribes. They were defeated by the Islamic Courts in June and are now

seeking to wield power again, with some, such as Mohamed Qanyare Afrah,

growing impatient with Gedi, whom they accuse of favoring his own

people.

 

"They don't have any real power or any real authority," Qanyare said of

the government. "My people want a government of national unity, not a

government of certain clans, and that is what this government looks

like."

Qanyare, a charismatic man known as the founder of the anti-terrorism

coalition, sat in his armed compound on a hill at the city's crumbled

edge, a place that seemed more like a military position than a home. He

is from a sub-clan that is a rival of Gedi's. A fleet of trucks was

parked behind a wall, and militiamen armed with AK-47 assault rifles

clustered at the door. Qanyare wore a bright yellow shirt with an

abstract print, his hair wild and gray, and compared the prime minister

and the various clans to a man with many unequally loved wives.

"If you don't love them, they will get a divorce," said Qanyare, adding

that, at the moment, he is reading a book titled "Global Intelligence."

Ordinary Somalis are not sure who is in charge: the Ethiopians, the

government, the warlords or the exiled Islamic Courts leaders and their

underground fighters. Asked who he thought was wielding the most power,

Amir Sheihk Elmi, who is in the cellphone business, said, "Allah."

Security continues to be the main concern in Mogadishu, where many

residents fear that without an effective government force, authority in

the country is reverting to the old collection of warlords and freelance

militiamen.

Former Islamic Courts fighters in the city are hoping to harness those

fears, along with resentment toward the Ethiopian troops, to reassert

control.

"We are in Mogadishu, and we will challenge anyone to get security

back," said Ali, a 21-year-old former fighter who declined to be

identified further.

Late Friday afternoon, Ali said he had not heard about Zawahiri's

Internet message. But he said that "shebab" fighters -- the young

volunteer core of the Islamic Courts militia thought to be the most

serious fighters -- were in "full contact" with Islamic Courts leaders

who had fled the city last week. Asked whether he had a weapon, Ali

shrugged and said insouciantly: "I have an AK-47 at home."

"When I hear about disarmament, I laugh," he said. "Who is supposed to

take the guns? Who will be doing this?"

Asked who was in control of Somalia, he said without hesitation, "Sheik

Sharif," referring to Sharif Ahmed, a top Islamic Courts leader

reportedly among those on the run along the Somali coast.

The United States and Ethiopia have accused the Islamic Courts leaders

of harboring three suspects in the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies

in Kenya and Tanzania and of cooperating with al-Qaeda. Intelligence

analysts disagree over the extent to which al-Qaeda has influenced

leaders in the Islamic movement, if at all, and whether the three

terrorism suspects were in hiding in Somalia or being sheltered.

On Friday, U.S. Navy warships patrolled off the Somali coast to prevent

suspects from escaping by sea. And Ethiopian troops were preparing for a

major attack on Ras Kamboni, a town near the Kenyan border that is

thought to be the last stronghold of fleeing Islamic Courts fighters.

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