BAYDHABO JENAAY: FROM THE CITY OF DEATH TO CITY OF HOPE AND SPIRIT OF FEDERALISM.

[raadamiir]

Baydhabo Jenaay: from the city of death to city of hope and spirit of federalism

 

by Muse Yusuf

 

“Federazionaa fadaane †– af maay-maay

 

Figure 1: May water from Isha Baydhabo wash away all the ills

 

On 22 nd April 2006, Members of the Transitional Parliament (MTPs) voted overwhelmingly to adopt Baydhabo as a temporary seat for the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) until such a time when Mogadishu has been pacified, and security and safety have returned to this troubled but once a peaceful and tolerant city in which all Somalis regardless of their clans lived together in peace and harmony.

 

Baydhabo might not be as strategic as Mogadishu and other cities like Barbara and Kismayo in terms of location and infrastructure, however, the decision to select it as a temporary seat for the FTG has some significance in the history of this troubled nation that need to be briefly explored. Since the formation of modern political associations like the Somali Youth League (SYL) in 1943, the dream to liberate and unify all occupied Somali territories was a major driving force for almost all major political forces in Somalia . Another equally important historical factor was how the then political parties had struggled to conceptualise which or what form the emerging entity would take, that is whether it would be a unitary or a federal structure that would allow the other parts of greater Somalia to be incorporated into the state more easily. This issue was particularly controversial during the Abdullahi Issa government in 1950s, which had the task of drafting constitution that would become effective with independence. One of those parties was the Hizbia Digil-Mirefle Somali (HDMS) [1], which later became the Hisbia Dastur Mustaquil Somalia (HDMS), the Somali Independence Constitutional Party.

 

The party represented the interest of the sedentary agricultural communities of Juba and Shabelle rivers, and was formed to counterweight the SYL, which was dominated by the pastoralists [2]. Fearful of the pastoralists hijacking the emerging entity, HDMS politicians made the need for a federal structure as the motto of their political campaigns. They urged their constituencies to support the concept of federalism rather than a unitary state, which the SYL had preferred. SYL, with its preoccupation with the concept of greater Somalia , was concerned that a federal structure would encourage clan divisions and identities [3]. However, HDMS, besides its concern for the liberation and the unification of all Somali territories, despite its support for 30 years of trusteeship, the party was probably unique in pursuing a vision of a federal structure. Slogans like “federazionaa fadaane, dhaha†a mixture of Italian and ********* languages, which translates roughly we demand federalism was vehemently uttered and promoted by the HDMS's politicians like Cabdulqadir Zobo, and their constituencies. Despite HDMS' efforts to be a formidable political force, the mighty SYL won the historical moment and a unitary state was formed by the Act of Union in 1960 [4]. Then, as every knows, the republic descended into civil governments, followed by an oppressive dictatorship in which the state was so centralised that the famous Villa Somalia became the powerhouse where real decisions were made. Not surprising this was followed by the total collapse of the central government in 1991 and the current civil war. Looking back, one now could see how the concepts of liberation and greater Somalia had overtaken the task of formulating a federal structure for the emerging entity, and as a result no enough resources were mobilised to achieve that goal, which, if adopted, could arguably have saved the republic from current mayhem and anarchy.

 

Let us stop here for a moment and return the clock of the history of the Republic back to 1960 and imagine that people and their leaders at the time, besides their commitment to the concept of greater Somalia , had decided to adopt a federal structure that guaranteed regional autonomy and governance that was independent from the national federal government. Rather than being controlled by Mogadishu and its elite, those regional governments would had enjoyed greater freedoms to manage their local affairs, and develop local resources in view of benefiting the local first but most importantly the wider community at federal level. Under that federal structure, cities like Baydhabo, Hargeysa, Garawe, Kismayo, and Marka for example would had been capital cities of inclusive regional governments, which would had interacted with the federal government only on federal issues such as foreign and defence. Also, under that structure, those occupied regions, for example Djibouti , would have been able to join the federal structure after they had gained their independence if they wished to do so. Based on this imaginary scenario, one could argue that the republic would have been different from what it is today.

 

Now let us come back to realities of present day Somalia in which entities like “Punt+landâ€, “Somali+landâ€, “Mid+landâ€, “ Juba +land†etc. have spread like a bush fire. One wonders whether this phenomenon is an expression of the desire for a federal structure, which was suppressed for the sake of a unitary state and greater Somalia that has yet to be realised. Also, one would question whether these entities like “Somali+land†are not really about demanding total independence from the rest of Somalia, as some foreign scholars and agents like Iqbal Jhazbhay, J. Peter Pham , and I.M. Lewis etc. would like to think but merely a craving for greater freedoms and autonomy, which were denied by previous governments, particularly during the oppressive military regime. It really feels sad that cities like Baydhabo, Garawe and Hargeysa had to wait so long to try to taste those freedoms and rights.

 

While compiling this article, I came across an article titled Somaliland: facing reality in Somalia by a J. Peter Pham [5] , calling the US to recognise “Somali+land†because, according to his analysis, a sovereign “Somali+land†would be in the interest of the US 's global war on terror. Although this article is not a rebuttal and I hope other Somali scholars and not foreigners will respond to him, I would like to mention one or two points about the essay. Firstly, Mr Pham tries to belittle Somalia and calls it “ the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity â€, while he tries to portray “Somali+landâ€, a mythical entity under the international law, as a reality! However, for his information, Somalia still remains a reality under the international law and it is recognised by the international community and institutions. The international community has been prudent to protect the territorial integrity of the Republic of Somalia until such a time when Somalia -as many countries did-comes out of the civil war with a stronger democratic federal structure that is acceptable to all. Nations go through a period of civil wars as the USA did only to come out it stronger and wiser. Furthermore, every minute in which the Transitional Federal Government (FTG) and its full-fledging institutions interact with international bodies and other states, every day that the United Nations Security Council passes a resolution on Somalia is a confirmation and evidence that Somalia is a reality and exists as a legal entity, and she is here to stay!

 

Figure 2: In a mood for federalism

 

Secondly, in his attempt to galvanise support from the USA and to portray “Somali+land†as an entity which the USA could do business with, the author goes to say that authorities in “Somali+landâ€, a Muslim Sunni, had designated a foreign-based Christian non-governmental organisation to coordinate the international monitoring of the parliamentary elections. Any mechanism used to strengthen institutional building and democracy in the northern regions of Somalia is very welcome and I am sure all Somalis and the international community would agree with me on that. However, what the author does not know, and this is the problem with foreign scholars and agents who jump in the back of the wagon without first analysing the history of this nation, is that when the British had betrayed Somalis and they gave Haud to Ethiopia in 1954, which had sparked a massive nationalist protest, it was a Somali Christian from the north west region of Somalia called Michael Mariano who led that national protest. History tells us that Mr Mariano's party the National United Front (NUF), supported by the Somali National League (SNL) had sent diplomatic missions to London and New York to demand the return of Haud to Somalis [6]. So for his information, the feeling of unity among Somalis despite their differences and recent civil wars goes deeper into their souls and psyche no matter what neo-imperialists and foreign agents try to do to divide them in order to dismember Somalia .

 

Thirdly, contrary to his analysis, a united democratic federal Somalia would be less dangerous to America 's strategy on its war on terrorism because it would be easier for the US to deal with one entity rather than fragmented entities, which is what the author is calling for. Through the lenses of current US policy makers, the American administration would probably prefer to deal with the existing member states of the UN rather than try to dismember a state and them contemplate a future with fragmented entities, which could happen if “Somali+land†is recognised. So it is in the interest of the US to support the current transitional federal government and institutions like the European Union (EU) is wisely doing right now. For his information, the British Government's Secretary for the Department of International Development, Hilary Benn, visited Baydhabo this month to support efforts by the international community, including the Arab League and the African Union who have recently installed their mission in Baydhabo, in order to help re-constitute Somalia as a federal structure.

 

Fourthly, the author quite rightly states that “Somali+land†is a poor country. It is also true to say that for that valid and good point “Somali+land†might not be a viable unitary state and therefore it would be better off if it remains in the union with its brethren in the “south†were the most fertile land and the only two rivers in Somalia are located. Also, I would like to remind the gentleman that a united federal Somalia would have louder and stronger voice in current world politics in which even unitary states – including some developed countries – have no effective negotiating voice in global organisations like the World Trade Organisation (WTO) unless they are part of major political or economic blocks such as the European Union (EU). So a united and federal Somalia within the African Union (AU) would have more chance in securing better price conditions and terms for its products and commodities, e.g. banana, mango, papaya, which are produced in the south, in the global market.

 

Figure 3: Baydhabo's golden coloured soil

 

Let me leave that tiny rebuttal there and return to my essay to finish it off. As every knows, Baydhabo Jenaay, is situated in one of the most fertile and productive lands of the nation, sitting happily between the Juba and Shebelle rivers, the only rivers in Somalia. A city where natural waters of the “Isha Baydhabo†fountain flow, a city with its golden coloured soil and mild weather might have probably qualified her to be nicknamed Baydhabo Janaay translated “Baydhabo, the heaven/garden city.â€

 

However, as the essay's title suggests, the city was associated with some miserable things that had happened to her, for example the death of civilians from starvation caused by brutal fighting between militias during the height of the civil war, ranging from the late general Ceydid's invading forces, and recent clashes between rival factions of the ********* Resistance Army (RRA). Also, historically, the city and the people from this part of Somalia were always treated second citizens. History tells us that the mood was always: Mogadishu as number one, Hargeysa number two and Kismayo number three and Baydhabo probably coming in the fourth place. Also, peoples of the two great rivers are arguably the most excluded communities from the unitary state and had suffered a lot under that structure. A good and unique quality about the riverine communities is their patience and resilience and despite the injustices and maltreatment they had suffered they have hardly complained about it unlike other communities who have even contemplated to dismember Somalia .

 

I conclude my article by saying that the riverine communities and their leaders must be feeling joyous and proud of themselves by hosting the first Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP) with its message of hope and spirit of federalism, which they had so rightly and vigorously campaigned for as early as 1940-60s by demanding a federal structure when they said: “Federazionaa fadaane.†As they say there is a light at the end of the tunnel, and maybe the time has come for these communities to assert themselves in any new structure that might emerge, which will benefit all Somalis.

 

End

 

Muuse Yuusuf

London , UK

Views are welcome on myuusuf3@hotmail.com

Read Mr. Muse Yusuf 's recent article: A Challenge for a South African Scholar