The SNM manifesto

[Blessed]

Google waa fariid. Here it is.

 

http://www.civicwebs.com/cwvlib/africa/somalia/1994/lib_movments/lib_movements.htm

[Paragon]

^^Lol@Google waa fariid... anigu waa fariidad ayaanba oran lahaa lol. Google is like a dutiful servant who knows where you've put your stuff exactly.

--

 

SYL, SNC, HDMS (or Hizbiyah), SDU, MU, The Liberals (PLGS), USP.... e.t.c, e.t.c...

 

Maybe we can go as far back as to the 10 year Trustee period and analylize the politics of that era. Only then would we be able to grasb the politics of today. In party and faction-wise, there really seems to be little difference. The reason why some did what they did and others hold their greviences can be traced back to that era. That was the sowing the seeds of the bitter harvests we're reaping today.

 

Good luck, Somaliyeey. We need it.

[Castro]

Originally posted by Zenobia:

I think this might answer some of your questions...

Somaliland Constitution

 

I also remember reading a interesting document about the Somali liberation movements. I can't remember the exact title or author, though.

Zenobia, I hope you're not implying the Somaliland constitution is the same as the SNM manifesto, if it exists. I also read the Davies document. It doesn't go into any detail how a resistance movement led to the "birth of a nation" so to speak. Below, you can read the entire paragraph on the transition:

 

Immediately after defeating the military forces of General Barre in January 1991, the SNM called a meeting in March 1991 of the Elders of all non-Issaq clans in the former British Somaliland to reconcile any potential differences between them and the **** clans – as agreed upon by all liberation movements before the end of the war-of-liberation.

 

The SNM then met with the Elders of the **** group of clans in the middle of April 1991 in Hargeisa.

 

They called a Congress of the SNM at the end of April, together with representatives of all clans, **** and non-****. This Guurti Congress of the Elders and other democratically-selected representatives forced the SNM, against its will, to announce the creation of the independent Republic of Somaliland on 16 May 1881.

Seems like the whole thing went down in 5 months between January and May 1991. A very short gestation period, wouldn't you say?

[Castro]

In the weeks following Siad Barre's overthrow, the SNM considered its relations with the non-***** clans of the north to be more problematic than its relations with the provisional government. The SDA, supported primarily by the Gadabursi clan, and the relatively new United Somali Front (USF), formed by members of the Iise clan, felt apprehension at the prospect of SNM control of their areas. During February there were clashes between SNM and USF fighters in Saylac and its environs. The militarily dominant SNM, although making clear that it would not tolerate armed opposition to its rule, demonstrated flexibility in working out local power-sharing arrangements with the various clans. SNM leaders sponsored public meetings throughout the north, using the common northern resentment against the southern-based central government to help defuse interclan animosities. The SNM administration persuaded the leaders of all the north's major clans to attend a conference at Burao in April 1991, at which the region's political future was debated. Delegates to the Burao conference passed several resolutions pertaining to the future independence of the north from the south and created a standing committee, carefully balanced in terms of clan representation, to draft a constitution. The delegates also called for the formation of an interim government to rule the north until multiparty elections could be held.

Read the entire. It seems to suggest there was a larger consensus over secession than many currently believe.

[Xudeedi]

This is a great document you should read.THE ILLUSORY “SOMALILAND”: Setting the Record Straight

 

 

Here is another article that would shed you light of the genesis of Puntland.

 

Land of Punt: Grassroots factor to security and economic development approach. (Mohammed Elmi Dholey)

 

 

Designated as the land of primal trading ties with the ancient civilization of Egypt, Land of Punt still keeps its distinctive characterization of trade in the Red Sea. Here in Sanaag and Bari regions of Somalia the Pharaohs used to come and purchase a variety of commodities such as frankincense and myrrh that were sold to them by the local dynasties. Until today, frankincense and myrrh yield more returns for the economic sector of Puntland state. Exports of livestock earnings, remittances, humanitarian aid, and small subsistence farming around Galgala district have also proved to be the principal sources of income. With its vibrant emporium, Bossaso, Puntand, in its de facto state power, has been able to raise taxes (Real Estate, and Private Businesses) and charge levies on imported goods thus swelling its reserve for the treasury. This has afforded it to create public services (limited only to few districts) and maintain instruments for security provision, thereby improving the relationship between the regional state and the people

 

Though all of these developments from the region helped build reputable portrait for Abdillahi Yusuf during his tenure as a president of Puntland and so his quest for the head of Somalia, they also marked a time of much-needed democratization as there were genuine anticipations of upcoming state elections and easy transfer of power after Abdilahi Yusuf became the president of Somalia. These two elements of democratic process are somewhat alien to African Nations, at least most of them. Yet, they accorded Puntland, an illegitimate state, a national symbol similar to Somaliland’s “best kept secret”. However, recently we are witnessing a new direction and uncertain outlook as its cabinet ministers were reshuffled, but then the reshuffling process returned the same ministers to their former portfolios except the Planning Minister Farole whose termination turned out to be a violent battle at Garowe, the capital. Gun fires were exchanged in which two persons were killed and one person wounded.

 

Ever since Gen. Adde came to power in Puntland, the region has been deteriorating in its political and economic developments as well as its cohesiveness. Prior to the establishment of the region as a regional autonomy, the goal was to revive the position of a certain group in the political arena. There were disintegration amongst clans, lack of central authority, and increased vulnerability to hostile attacks on its territories from Hargeisa administration in her attempt to secure artificial borders demarcated by the former colonial administration. Besides, a war of attrition and sporadic factional conflicts in Galkacyo from militias of Southern Mudug and Galgadud added to its growing insecurity. The whole region was in debacle and too weak in form to act a deterrence against fierce rivals from both Hargeisa and Mogadisho. So, the genesis or the basis of its creation emerged out of a strategic concern for security interests, preservation of a common identity from a possible separation, and to enhance both of its political and economic security. Hence, by accommodating all the divergent clans that make up the ***** sub-clan of *****, Puntland was formed as a sub-state mechanism that is entrenched in kinship networks.

 

Creation of Puntland

 

On Jan 1994, the first all-inclusive meeting of ***** clan was arranged in Garowe conference under the “UNISOM-sponsored peace conferences” (also known as the ***** conference). The Al-Hayat newspaper was said to have reported that, “"more than 250 clan leaders, traditional arbitrators of the regions and, ulama (religious leaders)” attended the conference. The risk embedded in this particular convention was that it divided politicians of Sool and Sanaag as “collaborationists” of Garowe conference and “antagonists” led by the two Garads of *********** section of *****.

 

This latter group’s position supported the Borama meeting, which preceded the Garowe meeting , of which they were signatories. However, the “collaborationist” led by Awad Ahmad Ashara won legitimacy of who is to represent the Northern *****, and he was, therefore, recognized as the rightful representative of Sool and Sanaag constituency by UNISOM, under the chairmanship of the old U.S.P. This party of old standing was retrieved from a defunct status so as to “dispense justice and decide the rights of the subject”. The United Nation which has yet to give a green light to the “secessionists” was with this latter group, making an implicit support that no group is to misrepresent, claim, or employ arbitrary power over another group’s “liberty, land, and possession”. Thus, having received both financial and political backing, the deliberative process of the conference had gone uninterrupted with the consent and participation of the traditional elders, Garads, Sultans and Issims. It was not until 1998 that the state building formation of Puntland was officially announced and effectuated. Though, tribal territories overlap, Puntland state incorporates five regions as one.

 

Moreover, a question of social need was raised as to how a bottom-up approach resolution to our strife-ridden society be established. For instance, a bottom-up approach to state building is a vision that underlay the fundamental reason for a “social contract” theory developed by Thomas Hobbes. As an alternative to their customary security arrangement, a society may decide to renounce its indigenous rights and delegate political authority figures to take over the responsibility of their land in exchange of “mutual vows and commitment” to one another. Al-Farabi, an Arab philosopher, explicates.

 

 

‘The unsatisfactory nature of this mode of existence eventually drives Man to join with others who find themselves in a similar predicament to seek a means of mutual protection………This voluntary renunciation of rights, taken in the form of mutual vows and commitments, constitutes a compact between the people and the sovereign that establishes the state.’ It seems a primary care was given to meet this fundamental condition of state formation and finally a mutual agreement of power-sharing system based on clan composition and territoriality was reached.

However, as years have gone by, Puntland’s fair representation enshrined in its constitution was never taken into consideration by its top leader. Instead, nepotism, cronyism and all forms of corruption replaced its institutional foundation. The current president selectively singled out ministers highly qualified for their respective positions by supplanting their hold with members who belong to his own sub-clan. According to its constitution; this is a violation of the social contract between the state and its stakeholders. The president is obliged to appoint any elected MP to a public office based on a merit and acceptable background. http://www.wardheernews.com/Articles_06/march-06/16_land_of_punt.html

[Castro]

^^^^ What happened to the SSDF? Was it disbanded? The SSDF didn't have quite the military successes of the SNM or the USC but they may have saved their efforts for political success. Also, Mengistu preferred the SSDF to the SNM because, we're told, he found it easier to manipulate the SSDF better than he could the SNM. Apparently, the SNM would not listen to many of his demands and were eventually kicked out of Ethiopia. Did the SSDF ever leave Ethiopia? It seems the Ethiopians were pitting one Somali group/clan against the other even as far back as the 70's and 80's, may be even longer. Is there no limit to our gullibility?

[Wisdom_Seeker]

Ethiopian supported some of those tribalistic organizations, if not all. Maybe we should start supporting the Amhara, Oromo and anuak tribes.

 

After all, two can play this game.

 

I find those organizations to be a national disgrace. None of them had the interest of Somalia in mind. All were corrupted and deluded with tribal vengeance and hatred. Not to forget that they were financed and established with the help Ethiopia partially gave them. Somalis are rather gullible. They have fallen for the same trick over and over again.

 

“Fool me once, shame on me, fool me twice and I a born fool”

[Castro]

^^^ lol. That's cute. May be it's "fool me once, shame on you, fool me twice, shame on me, fool me thrice, I must be Somali."

 

The SSDF seems to have just evaporated into thin air. Abdullahi Yusuf still spends much of his time in Addis Ababa and the "semi-autonomous" north eastern part of Somalia is now lovingly called Puntland. Was this naming just a tit-for-tat of Somaliland picking up a new name and declaring independence? Or was there more logic to it?

[Wisdom_Seeker]

Originally posted by Castro:

^^^ lol. That's cute. May be it's "fool me once, shame on you, fool me twice, shame on me, fool me thrice, I must be Somali."

 

The SSDF seems to have just evaporated into thin air. Abdullahi Yusuf still spends much of his time in Addis Ababa and the "semi-autonomous" north eastern part of Somalia is now lovingly called Puntland. Was this naming just a tit-for-tat of Somaliland picking up a new name and declaring independence? Or was there more logic to it?

Truly sad. Somalis don’t trust each other, yet they won’t hesitate to trust a complete stranger.

 

Ethiopia has close relationship with Puntland, as well as Somaliland. That gives Ethiopia a great advantage over Somalia. Basically, they have divided them and maintained to get the trust they need from those two regions. Apparently, Ethiopia has the trust of Puntland and Somaliland, while P-Land and S-land don’t have the trust of Ethiopia. I guess SNM evolved into “Somaliland” and the SSDF has evolved into “Puntland”. They continue to have close relationships with Ethiopia and serve them generously. :mad:

[Castro]

^^^ Very interesting, Wisdom. So if Somaliland is SNM version 2.0 and Puntland is SSDF version 2.0, are the Islamic Courts the USC v2.0? If so, why do the first two instances of evolution demand reverence while the third association is the object of much scorn?

 

What's good for the goose ought to be good for the gander, no?

[Wisdom_Seeker]

The ICU perhaps could be the USC surfacing with the help of an Islamic movement, which could explain the ICU generally wrapping itself around the banner of Islam. SSDF and SNM didn’t associate themselves with anything that would be considered as an Islamic organization or movement, but mainly a clan or region organization.

 

The ICU wasn’t only a threat to fellow tribalistic Somalis, but to Ethiopia and America, which deem anything Islamic to be a direct threat to them. I guess they’re aware of what will happen if Islam and not tribalism takes root in Somalia. They fear Unity. I doubt Somaliland is interested in a unified Somalia and Puntland has it’s own hidden agenda, Ethiopia fears a united Somalia and America will route their neck 360 degrees if they confirm that an Islamic movement is in the process of emerging. So the ICU had made enemies faster than they could make friends. This will probably explain their fast downfall and the contempt that is shown to them. But that’s only my opinion, things could be different.

[Ebyan]

Castro;

 

Did the SSDF ever leave Ethiopia?

On October 12, 1985, Ethiopian authorities arrested Ahmad and six of his lieutenants after they repeatedly indicated that Balumbale and Goldogob were part of Somalia. The Ethiopian government justified the arrests by saying that Ahmad had refused to comply with a SSDF Central Committee decision relieving him as chairman. Mahammad Abshir, a party bureaucrat, then assumed command of the SSDF. Under his leadership, the SSDF became militarily moribund, primarily because of poor relations with Addis Ababa. In August 1986, the Ethiopian army attacked SSDF units, then launched a war against the movement, and finally jailed its remaining leaders. For the next several years, the SSDF existed more in name than in fact. In late 1990, however, after Ethiopia released former SSDF leader Ahmad, the movement reemerged as a fighting force in Somalia, albeit to a far lesser degree than in the early 1980s.

 

Here

 

the "semi-autonomous" north eastern part of Somalia is now lovingly called Puntland. Was this naming just a tit-for-tat of Somaliland picking up a new name and declaring independence? Or was there more logic to it?

Northeastern Somalia was believed to be the location of the historical 'Land of Punt' hence the name Puntland.

 

Puntland was born out of necessity:

 

Following the pattern of the Booroma National Charter, which formalized the birth of Somaliland during 1993, a new entity - the Puntland State of Somalia - was established in July 1998 out of a long Constitutional process that lasted more than two months. As in Boorama, the Constitutional Conference produced a three-year provisional Charter and elected a political leadership, i. e. a President and an Executive Council (called Council of Ministers in the Boorama Charter).

 

Boorama paved the way, but it is a fact that the Puntland Constitutional Conference has been the product of a longer process, which officially started during 1997 but went back to the second National Reconciliation Conference of Addis Ababa of 1993. Indeed, during the National Reconciliation Conference, the SSDF (Somali Salvation Democratic Front) leadership anticipated its ‘federalist’ view of the future of Somalia, unofficially disclosed during 1994 in a statement by the Somali Community Information Centre in London.

 

....the federalist position has gradually acquired substance, recognizing the de facto situation on the ground: a clan-divided Somalia. Finally, the failure of several national reconciliation processes, from Sodere (1996) to Cairo (1997), created the condition for an autonomous regional process, pending the formation of other regional entities and the establishment of a new Federal Somalia.

 

Here

 

 

Wisdom_Seeker;

 

SSDF has evolved into "Puntland"

Incorrect. Former members of the SSDF may have had a hand in establishing Puntland, but Puntland isn't a code-name for the SSDF or any other rebel movement. As far as I know, the SSDF no longer exists.

 

The ICU perhaps could be the USC surfacing with the help of an Islamic movement

, which could explain the ICU generally wrapping itself around the banner of Islam. SSDF and SNM didn’t associate themselves with anything that would be considered as an Islamic organization or movement, but mainly a clan or region organization.

 

The ICU wasn’t only a threat to fellow tribalistic Somalis

, but to Ethiopia and America, which deem anything Islamic to be a direct threat to them. I guess they’re aware of what will happen if Islam and not tribalism takes root in Somalia. They fear Unity.

If the ICU was just a cover for the USC it would be a threat to ALL Somalis. The USC wasn't a pretty organization, they were responsible for many deaths/rapes/kidnappings etc. , so anyone and everyone would be justified in their opposition.

 

I doubt Somaliland is interested in a unified Somalia

I don't know what you mean by a 'unified Somalia'. If you mean all five points of the star, then no, Somaliland( and Djibouti and maybe even NFD + Zone5 for that matter) is(are) not interested in seeing or being apart of a "unified" Somalia.

 

Puntland has it’s own hidden agenda

And what would that 'hidden agenda' be? It wouldn't be so 'hidden' if you know about it, would it?

[DigibAc]

The SNM, SSA, SSDF, USC, SNF, RRA, JVA, et al have the same manifesto. It's the menifesto of all the Somali armed movements and it's "ka cun amo ka ciiday"; also known as "no one can rules unless they're from my clan".

 

Don't waste your time reading anything they write, just look at their actions.

[Jacaylbaro]

The ***** clans of northwestern Somalia also resented what they perceived as their inadequate representation in Siad Barre's government. This disaffection crystallized in 1981 when ***** dissidents living in London formed the Somali National Movement (SNM) with the aim of toppling the Siad Barre regime. The following year, the SNM transferred its headquarters to Dire Dawa, Ethiopia, from where it launched guerrilla raids into the Woqooyi Galbeed and Togdheer regions of Somalia. Like the SSDF, the SNM had both military and political wings, proclaimed itself as a nationwide opposition movement, and tried to enlist the support of non-***** clans. Initially, the SNM was more successful than the SSDF in appealing to other clans, and some ****** clan leaders worked with the SNM in the early and mid1980s . Prior to establishing itself within Somalia in 1988, the SNM used its Ethiopian sanctuary to carry out a number of sensational activities against the Siad Barre regime, most notably the 1983 attack on Mandera Prison near Berbera, which resulted in the freeing of several northern dissidents...

 

In April 1981, a group of ***** emigrés living in London formed the Somali National Movement (SNM), which subsequently became the strongest of Somalia's various insurgent movements. According to its spokesmen, the rebels wanted to overthrow Siad Barre's dictatorship. Additionally, the SNM advocated a mixed economy and a neutral foreign policy, rejecting alignment with the Soviet Union or the United States and calling for the dismantling of all foreign military bases in the region. In the late 1980s, the SNM adopted a pro-Western foreign policy and favored United States involvement in a post-Siad Barre Somalia. Other SNM objectives included establishment of a representative democracy that would guarantee human rights and freedom of speech. Eventually, the SNM moved its headquarters from London to Addis Ababa to obtain Ethiopian military assistance, which initially was limited to old Soviet small arms.

 

In October 1981, the SNM rebels elected Ahmad Mahammad Culaid and Ahmad Ismaaiil Abdi as chairman and secretary general, respectively, of the movement. Culaid had participated in northern Somali politics until 1975, when he went into exile in Djibouti and then in Saudi Arabia. Abdi had been politically active in the city of Burao in the 1950s, and, from 1965 to 1967, had served as the Somali government's minister of planning. After the authorities jailed him in 1971 for antigovernment activities, Abdi left Somalia and lived in East Africa and Saudi Arabia. The rebels also elected an eight-man executive committee to oversee the SNM's military and political activities.

 

On January 2, 1982, the SNM launched its first military operation against the Somali government. Operating from Ethiopian bases, commando units attacked Mandera Prison near Berbera and freed a group of northern dissidents. According to the SNM, the assault liberated more than 700 political prisoners; subsequent independent estimates indicated that only about a dozen government opponents escaped. At the same time, other commando units raided the Cadaadle armory near Berbera and escaped with an undetermined amount of arms and ammunition.

 

Mogadishu responded to the SNM attacks by declaring a state of emergency, imposing a curfew, closing gasoline stations to civilian vehicles, banning movement in or out of northern Somalia, and launching a search for the Mandera prisoners (most of whom were never found). On January 8, 1982, the Somali government also closed its border with Djibouti to prevent the rebels from fleeing Somalia. These actions failed to stop SNM military activities.

 

In October 1982, the SNM tried to increase pressure against the Siad Barre regime by forming a joint military committee with the SSDF. Apart from issuing antigovernment statements, the two insurgent groups started broadcasting from the former Radio Kulmis station, now known as Radio Halgan (struggle). Despite this political cooperation, the SNM and SSDF failed to agree on a common strategy against Mogadishu. As a result, the alliance languished.

 

In February 1983, Siad Barre visited northern Somalia in a campaign to discredit the SNM. Among other things, he ordered the release of numerous civil servants and businessmen who had been arrested for antigovernment activities, lifted the state of emergency, and announced an amnesty for Somali exiles who wanted to return home. These tactics put the rebels on the political defensive for several months. In November 1983, the SNM Central Committee sought to regain the initiative by holding an emergency meeting to formulate a more aggressive strategy. One outcome was that the military wing--headed by Abdulqaadir Kosar Abdi, formerly of the SNA--assumed control of the Central Committee by ousting the civilian membership from all positions of power. However, in July 1984, at the Fourth SNM Congress, held in Ethiopia, the civilians regained control of the leadership. The delegates also elected Ahmad Mahammad Mahamuud "Silanyo" SNM chairman and reasserted their intention to revive the alliance with the SSDF.

 

After the Fourth SNM Congress adjourned, military activity in northern Somalia increased. SNM commandos attacked about a dozen government military posts in the vicinity of Hargeysa, Burao, and Berbera. According to the SNM, the SNA responded by shooting 300 people at a demonstration in Burao, sentencing seven youths to death for sedition, and arresting an unknown number of rebel sympathizers. In January 1985, the government executed twenty- eight people in retaliation for antigovernment activity.

 

Between June 1985 and February 1986, the SNM claimed to have carried out thirty operations against government forces in northern Somalia. In addition, the SNM reported that it had killed 476 government soldiers and wounded 263, and had captured eleven vehicles and had destroyed another twenty-two, while losing only 38 men and two vehicles. Although many independent observers said these figures were exaggerated, SNM operations during the 1985-86 campaign forced Siad Barre to mount an international effort to cut off foreign aid to the rebels. This initiative included reestablishment of diplomatic relations with Libya in exchange for Tripoli's promise to stop supporting the SNM.

 

Despite efforts to isolate the rebels, the SNM continued military operations in northern Somalia. Between July and September 1987, the SNM initiated approximately thirty attacks, including one on the northern capital, Hargeysa; none of these, however, weakened the government's control of northern Somalia. A more dramatic event occurred when a SNM unit kidnapped a Médecins Sans Frontières medical aid team of ten Frenchmen and one Djiboutian to draw the world's attention to Mogadishu's policy of impressing men from refugee camps into the SNA. After ten days, the SNM released the hostages unconditionally.

 

Siad Barre responded to these activities by instituting harsh security measures throughout northern Somalia. The government also evicted suspected pro-SNM nomad communities from the Somali- Ethiopian border region. These measures failed to contain the SNM. By February 1988, the rebels had captured three villages around Togochale, a refugee camp near the northwestern Somali- Ethiopian border.

 

Following the rebel successes of 1987-88, Somali-Ethiopian relations began to improve. On March 19, 1988, Siad Barre and Ethiopian president Mengistu Haile Mariam met in Djibouti to discuss ways of reducing tension between the two countries. Although little was accomplished, the two agreed to hold further talks. At the end of March 1988, the Ethiopian minister of foreign affairs, Berhanu Bayih, arrived in Mogadishu for discussions with a group of Somali officials, headed by General Ahmad Mahamuud Faarah. On April 4, 1988, the two presidents signed a joint communiqué in which they agreed to restore diplomatic relations, exchange prisoners of war, start a mutual withdrawal of troops from the border area, and end subversive activities and hostile propaganda against each other.

 

Faced with a cutoff of Ethiopian military assistance, the SNM had to prove its ability to operate as an independent organization. Therefore, in late May 1988 SNM units moved out of their Ethiopian base camps and launched a major offensive in northern Somalia. The rebels temporarily occupied the provincial capitals of Burao and Hargeysa. These early successes bolstered the SNM's popular support, as thousands of disaffected ***** clan members and SNA deserters joined the rebel ranks.

 

Over the next few years, the SNM took control of almost all of northwestern Somalia and extended its area of operations about fifty kilometers east of Erigavo. However, the SNM did not gain control of the region's major cities (i.e., Berbera, Hargeysa, Burao, and Boorama), but succeeded only in laying siege to them.

 

With Ethiopian military assistance no longer a factor, the SNM's success depended on its ability to capture weapons from the SNA. The rebels seized numerous vehicles such as Toyota Land Cruisers from government forces and subsequently equipped them with light and medium weapons such as 12.7mm and 14.5mm machine guns, 106mm recoilless rifles, and BM-21 rocket launchers. The SNM possessed antitank weapons such as Soviet B-10 tubes and RPG- 7s. For air defense the rebels operated Soviet 30mm and 23mm guns, several dozen Soviet ZU23 2s, and Czech-made twin-mounted 30mm ZU30 2s. The SNM also maintained a small fleet of armed speed boats that operated from Maydh, fifty kilometers northwest of Erigavo, and Xiis, a little west of Maydh. Small arms included 120mm mortars and various assault rifles, such as AK-47s, M-16s, and G-3s. Despite these armaments, rebel operations, especially against the region's major cities, suffered because of an inadequate logistics system and a lack of artillery, mine- clearing equipment, ammunition, and communications gear.

 

To weaken Siad Barre's regime further, the SNM encouraged the formation of other clan-based insurgent movements and provided them with political and military support. In particular, the SNM maintained close relations with the United Somali Congress (USC), which was active in central Somalia, and the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM), which operated in southern Somalia. Both these groups sought to overthrow Siad Barre's regime and establish a democratic form of government...

 

The ***** as a clan-family occupy the northern portion of the country. Three major cities are predominantly, if not exclusively, *****: Hargeysa, the second largest city in Somalia until it was razed during disturbances in 1988; Burao in the interior, also destroyed by the military; and the port of Berbera.

 

Formed in London on April 6, 1981, by 400 to 500 ***** emigrés, the Somali National Movement (SNM) remained an ***** clan-family organization dedicated to ridding the country of Siad Barre. The ***** felt deprived both as a clan and as a region, and ***** outbursts against the central government had occurred sporadically since independence. The SNM launched a military campaign in 1988, capturing Burao on May 27 and part of Hargeysa on May 31. Government forces bombarded the towns heavily in June, forcing the SNM to withdraw and causing more than 300,000 ***** to flee to Ethiopia.

 

The military regime conducted savage reprisals against the *****. The same methods were used as against the **********-- destruction of water wells and grazing grounds and raping of women. An estimated 5,000 ***** were killed between May 27 and the end of December 1988. About 4,000 died in the fighting, but 1,000, including women and children, were alleged to have been bayoneted to death.

 

 

 

HERE

[RedSea]

SNM= a movment which its time has expired. After the expiration of the SNM movment, a new product came to troubled market called Somaliland. Disarmed, dismantled by Ina Igal and mostly have retired to their homes.

 

 

ICU= Islamic movment and not USC. USC= freedom fighting movement previously, later trasfomred into brutal revenge squadron. However UIC= God sent 'angles' with wings. They have nothing to do withe the USC. Because Yalaxow, Qanyare, col. Qaybdiid, Caato were the USC and warlods, as you know the UCI was against those men and kicked them of Xamar.

 

SSDF= just like USC freedom fighting movment. However was ineffective and never really did much to change the dynamics on the ground. However Pland= a peaceful state created after the collapsed of Somalia. Agreed upon by reer hebel tribes in the East. however it cannot be said, it's SSDF 2.0.