From Warlordom to Islamism in Somalia:

[NASSIR]

From Warlordom to Islamism in Somalia

 

The question is not about religion. It was never about religion. The question is about power. Who will rule? Who will be ruled? Will it be the ballot? Will it be the bullet and the barrel of the gun?â€

 

Abdishakur Sh. Ali Jowhar(1)

 

When the Islamists took over Mogadishu in June, this year, Somalia watchers felt finally relieved that the warlords known for procrastinating anarchy and statelessness were gone and were replaced by, perhaps, better Somalis of the right motto and mantle for the times. It was further assumed that they had the sense of urgency to quickly help restore government in Somalia—a better degree of agility for restoring the State. Hence, that they would embark on efforts to do so by either ushering in the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia or that, at least, they would reasonably negotiate with it for sharing the power. Alas! To the failed expectation of many in Somalia and the international community alike, they do not seem to see the urgency. The new Islam-lords of Mogadishu are ambling out! And, one wonders: Do they think they have ample time?

 

Thus, like their predecessors, the warlords, they seem oblivious to the misery of the Somali people! Instead, they are predestined to cause havoc, more violence, destitution and dislocation. They are oblivious to the fact that tens of thousands are being dislodged and are crossing the borders everyday; and as we read this paper. They are oblivious to the fact that the people are dying in their attempts to cross the seas in their flight from war, oppression, malnutrition, disease and inequities imposed on them by the statelessness prevailing in their land; and that this continues happening as it did under the watch of the warlords.

 

They are oblivious to the fact that the Somalia whose capital they inherited from the warlords purely waited for an opportunity like the one they (the Islamists) have stumbled upon, to quickly restore its government. They seem to be equally unconcerned about these problems—like the warlords, before them. They seem to be not aware that they are making it another opportunity forgone for Somalia in their pursuit of power and complete dominion over all other forms of authority in the land—political and social and even other sects of Islam. If only Somalia’s political misfortune could be resolved by wearing a turban and punishing people for not going to the mosque, or for watching a movie!

 

Rather than working fast on efforts to allow the quick re-installation of an all-inclusive transitional government, they seem too be ambling out the pressure to hurry. Certainly, the clerics, initially, led most of us to understand that they were somehow willing to relinquish power after they had ousted the notorious warlords and then return Mogadishu to the people of Somalia who need it badly to restore their government after two decades of statelessness. Instead they claim that they are better off because they rendered Mogadishu into a peaceful place; therefore they wish to keep it as is! They do not realize that, while it may be true that they removed the warlords, they may have replaced them with another form of tyranny. They do not seem to understand that they have encroached on the civil and political rights of those people. The question is: why are they doing this?

 

One theory is that they never had the intention to share power, let alone give it away to the TFG, or shared it with any other secular group, anyway. Another theory is that they may have received bad advice from some quarters who gave them the mental support to just take it easy. So, they have embarked on efforts, not only to consolidate their power in the areas they control, but that they are scrambling for capturing new territories to augment their legitimacy for national power or, at least, for enhancing their negotiating or countervailing power against the TFG. The capture of Kismayo has been one such tactic. They have been playing a delay tactic so that they could comfortably come to the table when they pleased—that is when they have wielded enough power in terms of how much territory they control.

 

They seem to be unmindful of the fact that the issues are more about reconciliation, peace, constitutionality and the restoration of democratic government through dialogue and peaceful methods. One question that looms high even if they are allowed to get away with their simplistic view that ‘might is right’ remains, would they be willing to share power within the framework of the existing Transitional Federal Charter, which is secular in its essence? Or, would they still demand that the constitution be reviewed or changed to adopt a constitution which has a purely Islamic Shari’a orientation? How viable is such an endeavor given the recent political history of Somalia, the Islamists phobia of the international community, the donor fatigue and the costs involved in undertaking a new extensive conference, such as those Somalia had in Arta, Djibouti, and Embagathi, Kenya? And, after all those questions, one might be curious to ask, how much compromise are the clerics ready for, to make it to the surroundings of Villa Somalia? Or, rather, at what cost?

 

Meanwhile, the encroachment on civil, political and human rights have been mounting in those places under the control of the Council of Islamic Courts and in ways that are only reminiscent of the Taliban rule in Afghanistan. These violations are conducted by the very courts that are supposed to have brought about peace in Mogadishu and in the name of Islam—which is hailed, and rightly so, as a very peaceful spiritual body of teachings. Everything from flogging people in the street, the inhumane public executions, and the prohibition to watch movies and listen to radios to the prohibition of women to practice their God given frights of women to do business in appropriate ways and to move freely is but a violation of the basic freedoms of the individual. Imagine a situation where a citizen was disallowed to run a photo shop; therefore, given to destitution, on the grounds it was Haram.—disallowed by the Shari’a. And that is only the tip of the iceberg.

 

Given this situation, one wonders: where are the educated Somalis to decry this engrossing public oppression and maltreatment? Are they waiting for this abuse of sorts to spread in the whole country? Are they that ignorant of the affairs of their own religion and their country to shy away from criticizing these hooligans turned clerics? Or, are they so much blinded by the euphoria associated with the ouster of the warlords that they are acquiescing with the new Islam-lords? Do not we see that there is nothing Islamic about the so-called Islamists campaign except the name? Well, many of us do not, it seems!

 

Indeed, it is because of the failure of the so-called educated community that we have had the warlords and we are witnessing the onslaught of Islamlordom which is another form of warlordom. These dummies have a wide open vacuum to fill only to abuse all as they wish. Yet, many of the highly educated Somalis have been encouraging these clerics to stay the course and were honoring them by paying visits, some by traveling thousands of miles from Europe and North America--some, perhaps, even, seeking to strike deals with them. Some of those have openly supported them by writing about them or making public speeches, or providing positive advice about them at the corridors of the international community. In a public meeting in the UAE, a member of the audience asked Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, the Chairman of the Executive Council of the CIC, a question, to the effect of: why cannot the CIC work with the Federal Transitional Institutions? Sharif Ahmed replied that Professor So-and-so told us that the TFG is not based on appropriate legal grounds. The question is: what does that say about the Islamists themselves—the Islamic Courts?

 

Still, individuals such as Dr. Abdurashid Sh. Ali Jowhar have had the courage to highlight the negatives of the Islamists as per the quotation, above. Ali Osman Samatar(2) has been another compatriot who has remained critical of them (the Islamists) from the get-go. In an article of his entitled: “Between Warlords and the Clan Islamic Courts—A choice between Pest and Choleraâ€, dated June 18, 2006, writes as follows:

“The Mullah clique in Somalia applies two effective strategies in order to achieve their bloody profit oriented targets. In the first instance, they organize brutal militia on the bases of their clans. Secondly, they propagate religious propaganda so that the poor people are narcotized and they don’t feel the pain when Mr. Indhacade for example wants to rube the properties of the weak people.â€

By the same token, Bashir Goth(3), a Somali journalist, on February 05, 2005, wrote the following:

“It is also tragic that both the Afghan and Somali Talibans had to hijack Islam and drag it in the mud in the face of the unforgivable silence and indifference of the majority of the mainstream Muslims. It may help here to refresh the minds of the non-Muslim world and confused Muslims as well that such desecration of the cemeteries and destruction of historical relics amount also to desecration and an act of aggression against Islam as well.â€

On the international front the Islamists onslaught has divided the actors in the region drawing a deep division between governments as to where each country stands in relation to the parties in conflict. The US effort has up to the recent past focused on keeping an open line with the Islamists perhaps in the hope that it would obtain the custody of several individuals suspected of terrorism and who are allegedly hiding in Somalia. But that kind of policy seems to be changing and the US seems to be realigning itself into a role a little more poised against the Islamists position. According to a Reuter’s report, the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer is reported to have said, on Thursday, October 19, 2006: "I think Eritrea is quite clearly attacking Ethiopia on another front. We have pretty clear evidence that's a fact and (they are) shipping arms into Somalia,"

 

In the same day, the Washington Post(4) carried an editorial illustrating the glaring danger of the Islamists to the US interests in the region and recommends to the US government that:

 

“It ought to appoint a special envoy to the region who could begin to work with the Ethiopian, Eritrean and regional Somali governments, and try to restrain them from touching off a regional war. The administration should seek contact with moderate elements in the Islamic courts (there are some) and encourage the ongoing mediation efforts of the Arab League. It should exercise greater control over the Somali coastline. It should consider giving diplomatic recognition to the breakaway northern region of Somaliland, which has a benign government. If the terrorist threat in Somalia cannot be eliminated by direct action, it must at least be contained.â€

 

Whilst all might be well with the recommendation, above, in general, as per the need for concerted effort to curb the spread of the Salafist power throughout Somalia, “the recognition to the break away northern region of [“Somalilandâ€]â€, as recommended by the editorial, may have dangerous consequences. This might ignite the underlying tension between the clan denominations in the region; or even galvanize the anti-Somaliland population segment in the area to support the Islamists against a US-backed “Somalilandâ€. Hence, a situation not unlike the earlier debacle of the US-backed warlords of Mogadishu could easily develop. The US government should therefore study the issues very seriously to avoid another fiasco. In the meantime, both the TFG and the UIC should be encouraged to attend the Khartoum talks, scheduled for October 30, 2006.

 

1 Abdishakur Sh. Ali Jowhar , “A Revolutionary Momentumâ€, http://www.hiiraan.com/op2/2006/oct/a_revolutionary_momentum.aspx

 

2 Between Warlords and the Clan Islamic Courts - a choice between Pest and Cholera,

http://www.wardheernews.com/Articles_06/june_06/18_IUC.&.Warlords_A.O.Samatar.html

 

3 Bashir Goth, “It is Time to Rescue Islam from the Talibani Courts in Mogadishu, http://www.wardheernews.com/articles/Feb/Isalmiccourts_Goth.htm

 

4 Somalia Simmers

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/10/17/AR2006101701473.html

 

 

Abdalla Hirad

Mhirad@aol.com

 

 

Source: Wardheernews

[xiinfaniin]

^^^Caamirow, Hirad, as a committed pro TFG, is trying to deceive us by blaming the ICU for the failings of the TFG. The warlords he labored to remind us about their wicked history are today in cahoots with the TFG! It spent a lot of energy in thwarting ICU efforts to stabilize the south. Because of Ethiopia (correct me if I am off on this) they are supporting Ina Qaybdiid to halt the wheels of progress in Mogadishu. In the jubba theater, TFG is feebly gambling on Barre’s return---another warlord who met his demise in the hands of the courts.

 

It's one of two saaxiib; TFG is either hopelessly incompetent entity, or is led by men with converging interests. One could argue both to be the case. Courts can’t clap, as it were, with a one hand. They have no partner for peace, I say.

 

As for the Taliba-ICU comparison, I hope you would be better informed to see that link for what it is.

[NASSIR]

Xiin, I agree with this little statement that opened Hirad's article.

 

The question is not about religion. It was never about religion. The question is about power. Who will rule? Who will be ruled? Will it be the ballot? Will it be the bullet and the barrel of the gun?â€

 

 

Inshallah, I will present my researched Idea on this as I have now slaving schedule in the next two days.

 

 

This is also PartII assessment of Prof. Kinfe Abraha. BTw, it is published today by Africa Online

 

Most of the Islamic courts have expressed a clear desire to promote Islamic law rather than clan allegiance, which has divided Somalis over the past 15 years. Nevertheless, all but one of the 11 courts is associated with just one clan - the ******, who dominate the capital, but they are divided into sub-clans. In order to avoid accusations of clan bias, each court tries members of its sub-clan, wherever alleged crimes are committed. Some clan elders in north Mogadishu have now set up their own court, independent of the union.

 

 

The TFG has over 250 members, not all of them are warlords. In fact, a great deal of them over 80% are regular citizens, representives of every clan. That Shows the TFG is trying to function toward the bedrock of democracy. And most of the defeated warlords aren't even with the Gov. They are somewhere fishing for their own survival.

 

I am just against this whole unapplicable fear of Ethiopia as a design to perpetuate hate towards the TFG and garner unsuspecting support from the public. But the public is not as gullible as they may thought to be. It will take time for them to recognize the real threat of their existance, whether it be a TFG supported by Ethiopia or the one-clan Courts supported by a host of countries from Middle East and Eritrea.

[NASSIR]

Somalis don’t need relapse into a civil war

 

By Liban Ahmed

 

Somalis have had enough civil wars. The tribulations Somalis have been through since 1991 should weigh heavily on the mind of any leader contemplating a civil war. War between forces of the Union of Islamic Courts and Transitional Federal Government troops will deal a massive blow to the legitimacy of the weak Transitional Federal Government. The TFG can try to avert a deadly war if the president and prime Minster remember that theirs is a government of reconciliation. Reconciliation needs a mindset that is hardly a rabble-rouser’s.

 

The assassination attempt on the life the president, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, was a sad event. Leaders of the Islamic Courts have distanced themselves from the assassination. In the absence of Criminal Investigation Department in Somalia, it is difficult to pin the blame on anyone except terrorists.

 

 

Since 2004 the TFG has been beset by the dame problems that made the Transitional National Government of Somalia led by President Abdulqasim Salat (2000-2004) stillborn. These problems range from powerful warlords and visionless leaders to squabbling and scheming parliamentarians. The verdict on the TFG will be harsher than the one reserved for the TNG because the TFG has had plenty of time to learn from the mistakes of the TNG. The neighbouring countries are arguably on its side as well.

 

Talks in Danger

 

Since end of the first phase of Khartoum peace talks, new events have taken place: Kismaayo city fell into the hands of the Union of Islamic Courts. The TFG wants the forces of the Courts to leave Kismaayo and other regions they conquered since August. It is a tough precondition that does not show readiness to share power on the part of the TFG leadership.

 

 

Why does the TFG want Barre Hiraale, the Minister for Defence, to recapture Kismaayo?. At the height of the war between the vanquished warlords and Islamic Courts, the TFG made it clear that the Mogadishu war was not a war between Anti-terrorism Alliance—the name warlords used in an attempt to rebrand themselves—and terrorists. The TFG stance was a sound basis for negotiation. Who has blown this chance? The TFG has a moral duty to accept the facts on the ground and avoid using the language that was discredited by the warlords: calling Union of Islamic Courts terrorists.

 

Deployment of Peace-keeping forces is a matter that can be dealt with through negotiation. Some people argue that any parliamentary volte-face on the peace-keeping troops is an unwise decision that can put the credibility of the Somali parliament at risk. I beg to differ. The credibility of the parliament and leaders will always depend on their ability to address legitimate questions posed by the power brokers.

 

 

President Abdullahi Yusuf has a large role to play in this matter. The Islamic Courts have won the hearts and minds of many people who were bedevilled by lawlessness. That is where their power base lies. President Abdullahi Yusuf rose to prominence through the establishment Puntland Regional Administration. Recognising the contribution of the Islamic Courts in terms of pacifying one-time lawless Mogadishu is a step in the peaceful direction.

 

The president’s and TFG’s legacy depend on development of a strategy that is based on reconciliation. The TFG ought to consider extending the olive branch to the Islamic Courts for the sake of war weary Somalis.

 

Liban Ahmad

E-mail: libahm@gmail.com