WARLORDS DON'T LOVE ETHIOPIA ANY LESS LESS BUT HATE YUSUF MORE

[General Duke]

Rahima, again some good points raised. I shall leave it at that.

[Wiilo]

I just hope that one day we all stop beating around the bush, and realize the motives behind the Ethopian Government and its interference of Somali affairs

 

Its very and I mean very essensial/important to listen the needs/opinions of the Somali people, and these so called Somali Government needs to listen its people in order for them to function. If the mojority of Somalis dont want Ethopian troops in the country the Government should listen and value the needs of its people, after all, its the people that these Government wants to serve. The point is we (Somalis) want a Government that listens our needs period.

 

Salaama Ka Dheh:............

[Som@li]

The plans of Ay and Geedhi is simple and basic, they don't want this government to have the same faith as Arta,and will bring Amharo to invade the country watever it takes ,as Ethiopia is the only nation in the region who is the happy to do the job,and at same time have the capability. So the plans of Ay is to overwelm all the oposing militias with amharos.Will it work,i don't think so.

 

God Save Somalia

[Som@li]

sory, Double post.

[NASSIR]

Farxan, you reminded me the doctrine of Colin Powell that "overwhelming force" is the solution to major problems and the substitute for huge collateral damage to very less casualty. Having said this, A.Y and his prime minister will avoid using force unless their government is attacked. You indeed raised good point that Arta's government is and will be entirely different than this TFG______________________

 

 

__________________________

SOMALIA: Interim government to relocate to Baidoa and Jowhar

22 Mar 2005 11:36:12 GMT

 

Source: IRIN

 

NAIROBI, 22 March (IRIN) - The interim Somali government, based in Nairobi, Kenya, is to relocate to the towns of Baidoa, 240-km southwest of the capital Mogadishu, and Jowhar, 90-km north of the capital, an official told IRIN on Tuesday.

 

"The cabinet has decided that the government will temporarily relocate to Jowhar and Baidoa," Abdirahman Nur Dinari, a government spokesman, said. It would operate simultaneously from the two towns, he added.

 

The move, he added, was backed by 64 of the 74 ministers present during a council of ministers meeting on Monday. However, other sources said 10 ministers, including key Mogadishu-based faction leaders, walked out of the meeting in protest. These included Usman Hassan Ali "Atto", Muse Sudi Yalahow, Umar Mahamud "Finish" and Muhammad Qanyare Afrah.

 

The leaders who walked out, between them, control most of the capital city and wanted the government to move there directly. They had asked for three months "to prepare and secure the city" for the government, according to a Somali political source.

 

Dinari said the faction leaders had failed to prepare the city and it had remained "insecure and extremely dangerous".

 

"This is why the government found it necessary to relocate elsewhere," he told IRIN. "There is no split within the cabinet. A vote was taken and the majority view prevailed."

 

The spokesman said the government would open an office in Mogadishu "to monitor the situation and once it is decided that the capital is ready, the government will move there".

 

A member of parliament however criticised the decision to relocate to the two towns instead of Mogadishu, terming it unconstitutional.

 

"The move to change the capital even temporarily is a constitutional matter and can only be decided by the full parliament," Ali Bashi Omar, told IRIN on Tuesday. "The cabinet on its own does not possess the constitutional power to change the capital."

 

The new government, which includes several faction leaders, has so far failed to move to Mogadishu, citing security considerations. However, it has come under increasing pressure from the Kenyan government and western diplomats to relocate from Nairobi.

 

Dinari told IRIN that now that a decision had been made to relocate to the two towns, the government would move very rapidly on it.

 

"No specific time has been decided, but as soon as funding becomes available, we will be ready," he said.

 

Somalia's transitional federal parliament elected Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as president on 10 October 2004, at the end of a two-year reconciliation conference sponsored by the Intergovernmental Authority on Development. He later appointed a prime minister, Ali Mohammed Gedi, who in turn named the cabinet.

[NASSIR]

A Commentary on Faisal Robleh's “ Warlords Don't Love Ethiopia Any Less But Hate Yusuf More†By :Ismail Ali Ismail

March 22 ,2005

 

I hasten to support and send congratulations to Faisal Robleh for a splendid article on Ethiopia and the current cries of anti-Ethiopian ( not necessarily pro-Somali ) “nationalismâ€. Faisal is absolutely right that the Ethiopian factor has played in the past, as it does now, a major part in Somalia's clan politics – the clans being our real and indisputable political parties. There was an agreement between Mengistu on the one hand and a triumvirate of Somali war-lords ( Cydiid , Tuur , and Jees ) on how to divide Somalia after the overthrow of Siad Barre . As a matter of fact Mengistu is reported to have said just before his own debacle and after signing that agreement,“ We would have seen the end of Somalia were it not for the pressure of the Weyanes †or words to that effect.

 

But, when we ourselves were united we also played a large part in destabilizing Ethiopia, and the current regime in Ethiopia owes its origin partly to Somali encouragement and support. Ethiopia, let us not forget, is now a divided country; for one thing, it has become two countries ( Eritrea and the residual Ethiopia ), for another, there are nationalisms still simmering in the present-day Ethiopia and we played a decisive role in all this. Somalia has been a source of trouble for Ethiopia, not only because of the territorial dispute but also because we have fostered different nationalisms within Ethiopia proper thereby endangering the very existence of Ethiopia. But two of the salient differences between Ethiopia and Somalia are: (a) Somalia is homogeneous and Ethiopia is very heterogeneous; (b) Somalis are attached more to their livestock and for them unrestricted grazing is most important, whilst Ethiopians are very much attached (almost to the point of worship ) to the land which they cultivate and live on.

 

It was because of this latter observation that the British thought that the Somalis would not raise a voice if, upon the transfer of the Haud and Reserved Area – an area of 25,000 square miles – they would be guaranteed unrestricted transhumance. The British realized that they underestimated the reaction of the Somalis and tried unsuccessfully to rectify the situation. That, however, is a different story.

 

We should understand and appreciate the fact that Ethiopia today is vastly different from the Imperial Ethiopia we knew; Ethiopian mentality has been perceptibly changing and their attitude towards Somalis has also been changing for the better since the overthrow of the Emperor. Even in the days of Mengistu it was clearly understood that the economies of Ethiopia and Somalia were so manifestly interdependent that the two countries shared a common survival which would be endangered if they did not work together towards its maximization. I saw these positive changes unfolding before my eyes in the course of the twenty-two years I lived in Addis Ababa, not as an Ethiopian national but as a Somali national working for the U.N. It is regrettable, however, that our own internal divisions did not allow us to engage our Ethiopian neighbors in any useful negotiation. On the contrary, we ourselves invited them to divide us from the moment the SSDF and SNM arrived and took up residence in Addis Ababa.

 

When we ourselves seek different alliances with Ethiopia, the Yemen, Egypt, Libya – and God knows who else – against each other Somali nationalism can only be found in the gutter; our situation is such that even puny Djibouti made transparent attempts to play the role of a kingmaker in Somalia. I agree with the State Department that the Somalis themselves have the means to restore their moribund state. But the means are first and foremost in the hands of those who dragged our dignity to the gutter and who are crying today that the sovereignty of Somalia is being compromised by inviting in foreign troops. Our sovereignty has been non-existent in practical terms for the last fifteen years. How can we then raise our heads with pride and cry “sovereignty�

 

I agree that there should be no need for foreign troops to make us behave ourselves, if we behave ourselves on our own. But then if we were willing to put our house in order we would not have troubled the neighbors – and the rest of the world for that matter - with desperate pleas for help. Our capital is unsafe, our people are displaced and dispossessed, our refugees are scattered in the four corners of the globe and the nation is held hostage to the whims of the riffraff ‘generals' of ragtag militia armies who are playing havoc in the capital. Yet, our government in exile cannot temporarily settle elsewhere in the country until we bring order and security to our national capital? A strange logic indeed!

 

I wish to close which a quotation which might help us reflect on our situation as Somalis:

 

Being ourselves the sowers and the seeds,

 

The night that covers and the lights that fade,

 

The spear that pierces and the side that bleeds,

 

The lips betraying and the life betrayed.

 

( Oscar Wilde )

 

If so, why do we have to complain about others?

 

 

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