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Che -Guevara

Prof. Cabdi Samater on Farmaajo

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Farmaajo is one of those byproducts of the BooliQaran (Nationalised Looting) - from a young age he was spoonfed with richies looted from the sweat and blood of the masses. The hardest choice he had to make was choosing what he would like to be in the future, his case a "diplomat" without experience, education his wishes were to be granted by his uncles through nepotism/cronyism and clanish bigotry.

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Cabdi Ismaaciil Samatar qadarin weyn ayaan u haayaa. Wuxuu dhahana, I don't believe in uu ku deg degaayo.

 

So I read a bit about qoraalkaas Farmaajo qoray. Inkastoo aanan rabin in lagu deg dego maadaama uu jagada loo magacaabay ku cusubyahay, laakiin meel ugu dhac u geystay dadkii usoo halgamay dalkeena, siiba labadii madaxweyne u horeeye. Wixii kutirikuteenta ahayd ayuu dhab ka dhigay.

 

Haddee Talyaaniga qabiilo qaas wateen, weyna dhici kartaa, laakiin in uu dhaho ma'aha Aaden Cadde iyo C/rashiid Cali Sharmaarke meesha garabeeshin Talyaaniga watay ayee ku imaadeen, and not kartidooda iyo aqoontooda iyo daljecelnimadooda. Taas aad ugu gafay labadaas halyeey, Eebba ha u raxmadee.

 

For the nine years of civilian government (1960-1969), more than 80 political parties surged onto political scene, all but one (SYL), based on tribal lineage. Needless to say, no broad coalitions could be built on the basis of blood. The Somali Youth League (SYL) was the original political party and partly responsible for freedom and independence from Italian and British colonialism. But most political parties were formed to protect the interest of tribes rather than ideals which might have defined Somalia as a nation.

 

Corruption and nepotism were widespread problems in government. They were expected and even condoned. Tribalism was the main reason that corruption existed because it undermined good governance by enabling unqualified people to claim critical positions because they had the right blood. This reinvigorated the historic hostility between clan families in a new "official" forum. Violence erupted in parliamentary elections, particularly in 1968 (the last free election). The election fell victim to fraud; so too did a number of people, who lost their lives in the violence.78 Capitalism and Western-style democracy had effectively produced a hostile political reality. There was widespread discontent as to how bureaucrats embezzled and misappropriated the nation's limited foreign aid, and how the security apparatus abused its authority in enabling them. The nation's law enforcement and defense apparatus was especially disappointing. If two clans were to confront each other over livestock or territories, instead of helping settle the issues between the two clans peacefully, they always took sides and provided arms to one clan. Essentially, the peacekeepers facilitated war. Change was badly needed in government. Sadly, however, the newly elected president became a victim of tribal vengeance when he was assassinated by a member of his security force over clan issues. This was not just the death of one president, but the entire democratic process. This is why, on October 21, 1969, the armed forces, led by General Siad Barre, overthrew the civilian regime and immediately nationalized all major private corporations, prohibited political parties, and shut down the parliament. Ironically, people welcomed this new government and its socialist policies which gave many people, regardless of their tribal affiliations, an opportunity to participate in the new regime as long as they had not been part of previous governments.

Whoa, whoa, whoa. All this in the name of romanticizing the Kacaan regime?

 

If the civilian, elected government of '60s were that corrupt, I would like to know how corrupt were the Kacaan regime he apparently admired and admires?

 

The civilian, elected government, as 'corrupt' as he alleged, did not at least misappropriated the state's wealth, did not embezzle its natural resources, beeraha danwadaaga ahna patronage kuma bixin.

 

As 'bad' as he is alleging, the civilian government did not have had the stigma of 'laanguruusal gado' as Saado Cali sang. Loomana bixin 'booliqaran.' It never had a figure like Xoosh.

 

And of course too many parties was the result of full freedom, full democratic laws in place which allowed and which Soomaalis took advantage of; it is in that environment that allowed and created uni-clan parties as he accused them being. But what of the military regime?

 

In the name of romanticizing the last regime, in uu u gafo ma ahayn halyeeydii dalkeena usoo halgamay.

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Prof Samatar is a widely esteemed patriot and authoritative scholar but what is the wisdom in encouraging protests and further complicating the conundrum?

 

Historically, certain groups took a proportionally heavier burden in our quest for freedom, eg the early heroic anti-Italian resistance around Benadir.

Likewise, colonial powers routinely groomed "moderate" leaders, ideally from "trusted" clans, to inherit the postcolonial State and, though our situation may not have been as binary, few of our early civilian leaders were free from Western influences or, at least, as principled as Aden Abdulle.

As for the military regime, initially welcomed nationwide, it surpassed the previous levels of corruption and nepotism only after it faced a clan-based putsch as well as decapitation attempt, at a time when our liberation struggle took a new dimension.

 

Regardless, similar if not much more dangerous bias among "educated" Somalis is hardly hidden; what is thus particularly shocking in the PM's old thesis?

 

What really matters is that the man is patriot and brilliantly captured regional dynamics while he welcomes the Islamic paradigm shift, yet appeases Washington...

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