NASSIR Posted August 3, 2010 Faisal, a regional senior expert penned this fine piece. He seems to be questioning the authenticity of Ethiopia's committment to the peace deal as many of our contributors here, but Faisal reminds us of the past pitfalls of similar deals that failed, the state of emergency under which the region was ruled and the deep misdeeds and mistrust that can hamper the desired outcome of this deal. ---- How Sustainable is the Peace Accord in the Somali Region of Ethiopia? By Faisal A. Roble August 03, 2010 The local news media and the day-to-day life in Addis Ababa have been markedly buzzing with a well orchestrated fanfare to commemorate a peace accord which the government of Ethiopia concluded with the United Western Somali Liberation Front (UWSLF). The two sides signed a peace accord on Thursday, July 29, 2010, comprising five intertwined articles (Articles 1 through 5) at the lobby of the posh hotel of Ghion in the presence of representatives of the Ethiopian government, UWSLF, African Union, and the United Nations, among others. UWSLF is only one of several insurgent groups fighting for the independence of the Somalis in the Eastern provinces of Ethiopia. The region is home to over 4.5 million Somalis. Another less important accord has been officially signed by the end of the first week of August in Washington DC between several prominent individuals who openly defected from the main rebel group, the ****** National Liberation Front (ONLF), and an Ethiopian delegation. The ONLF defectors would be represented by Mr. Salahudin, who until four years ago was a member of the executive committee of ONLF, whereas the Ethiopian side will be represented by a combined delegation consisting of Ethiopia’s Federal government officials and by Mr. Abdifatah Sheikh Abdullahi, chairman of the Somali National Democratic Front, the ruling party of the Somali National Regional State. In order to boast the membership of those supporting Salahudin’s side for the occasion so as to give clout to Mr. Salahudin, the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington has reportedly invited this weekend to Washington DC about 20 individuals who all are legal residents or naturalized US citizens, some travelling from MN, San Diego, Denver, Colorado, and the greater Washington Metro region. These invitees are individuals who hail from the region. All the travel expenses and expensive hotel plus a daily expense of $250 would be covered by the Ethiopian Embassy in Washington DC. According to the peace accord document signed at Addis Ababa’s Ghion hotel, the government of Ethiopia agreed to grant amnesty to all leaders and prisoners of UWSLF. Moreover, the government also agreed to rehabilitate and integrate Front’s soldiers in to the community. Abay Tsahaye, a TPLF high ranking official who spoke on behalf of the government underscored some of the tenants of the accord in that the “UWSLF on its part agreed to stop its state of insurgency and make a definitive shift from its former position and abide by the constitution.” He added “the peace deal gives substantial guarantees to nations, nationalities and people of Ethiopia including full rights of self determination up to secession.” The peace accord affords Mr. Abdi Mohamed Omar, the new president of the region both challenges and opportunities. A major challenge, among others, is how to accommodate the personal and political ambitions of the members of UWSLF. But an unprecedented opportunity for the new president, a man known to be charismatic with higher acumen for broad-based politics, would be running the region at this time with multiple peace accords. His administration comes on the heels of the outgoing, and unpopular former president, who was an unimpressive baby face child man, Dawud Mohamed. Although the copy text of the accord suggest that amnesty has been extended to UWSLF in exchange for denouncing the insurgency that the front has carried for “the last eighteen years,” as Sheikh Ibrahim, chairman of UWSLF, put it, the government of Ethiopia in return would re-commit itself to article “39” of the constitution, which calls for “substantial guarantees to nations, nationalities and people of Ethiopia including full rights of self determination up to secession.” In the coming weeks, community members in the Diaspora and those at home would vehemently debate the inner meanings of each instrument in the accord. For example, some may wonder whether UWSLF simply run out of will and energy to carry the resistance war that Somalis in this region have carried out for their independence. Others would pontificate and dwell on the untrustworthiness of the Meles government and its real motives in the accord. Others may be disappointed with Sheik Ibrahim’s comment on referencing a period of only “eighteen years” of resistance, completely and conveniently neglecting a history of unabated resistance for almost a century and a half that his people waged. But those who have been lately debating about the meaning(less) of life in the Diaspora may find consolation in the articulate words of the chairman and his reasoning why he gave up the barrel of the gun in order to curtail any more inflictions on and save the lives of his community. This reductionist and revisionist view point about the Somali struggle for equality and its human rights could emerge as the real causality of the Ethio-UWSLF accord. The most vexing debate would center on whether Meles and his ruling EPRDF are recommitting their government to the observance of their own constitution (article “39,” in particular, for example). In the last 20 years, the Ethiopian government has made the constitution, particularly the right of the Somali nation, mockery and let strongmen like Abay Tsahaye irk Somali leaders at will. A robust re-commitment to and observance of the “rights of the Somali nation including and up to secession,” a corner stone in the initial Transitional charter which Somalis signed along with many other nationalities, like the Oromos, may even woo other powerful and larger insurgents. A case in point is an ONLF-Ethiopia accord, which can singly-handedly make peace more sustainable, especially if a third party mediates such a peace settlement. The challenge is whether Meles and his government can muster the moral power and political commitment necessary to negotiate an honest and sustainable conflict resolution in the Somali region. So far, Meles has failed in the test. Are we witnessing a sustainable historic resolution to the Somali question in Ethiopia, or the accords signed between Ethiopia and UWSLF represent a quick fix to an intractable question that has haunted the region since the Somali region had been illegally annexed into Ethiopia’s feudal empire state? It remains to be seen whether this and upcoming accords will usher in a new era of openness, tangible policy reforms, good governance, respect for basic human rights and release of tens of thousands of unlawfully detained civilians in the Somali Regional State, which has been languishing under undeclared state of emergency for the past four years; where State-orchestrated economic embargo is still in full force in the eastern zones of the region; where civil rights are completely stifled and collective punishment is exacted by Ethiopian security apparatchik, with impunity. We have in the past vainly travelled this route, but let us hope this time could be different. Faisal A. Roble Email: Fabroble@aol.com Wardheernews.com Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Abtigiis Posted August 3, 2010 Faisal is relaying on altrustic change of heart from Ethiopian authorities to bring more rights to the Somali's. It is a naive point. Rights are won, never dished out as charity. A surrender will not cause a change of heart. A peace deal where both sides have breathed a sigh could make changes, not one in which one side came to the table exhausted and begging. Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
NASSIR Posted August 3, 2010 an ONLF-Ethiopia accord, which can singly-handedly make peace more sustainable, especially if a third party mediates such a peace settlement. Very good recommendation! Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
NASSIR Posted August 3, 2010 Abtigiis, Ethiopia seems to be building a coalition against the ONLF power base in order to split the organization and diminish its influence. I think the leadership must change its old strategy by reaching out at the grassroots level. They should also start building a large internal coalition base, methinks. Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
The Zack Posted August 3, 2010 Nassir, Ethiopia's attempt to split the ONLF is not a new strategy sxb. There were Bashir and Co. before Salaxudiin and his likes defected the organization. Tanad and others like him also defected the ONLF to be part of Ethiopia. These men were all either members of the central committee or held high ranking posts in the organization. The ONLF gets stronger and stronger and Meles knows it. On another note, I believe that the UWSLF's surrender will not have an impact in the region. One can claim that its actually an advantage for the ONLF for two reasons. 1. It was a confusion for the community there that there were two organizations with two different visions fighting in their region. 2. Believe me or not, these two fronts used to wage war against each other in the region. Markaa sxb, it is getting better and not worse. Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
