Why the United States Should Recognize Somaliland’s Independence

[Jaylaani]

Why the United States Should Recognize Somaliland’s Independence

 

By Peter J. Schraeder

 

The United States government should officially recognize the independence of Somaliland, a moderate Muslim democracy in the Horn of Africa. Such an argument may seem counterintuitive at a time when tensions are rising in the region. But I submit that it is precisely because of those rising tensions that it is time for the Bush administration to act, especially if it is truly serious about democracy promotion, counter-terrorism, and curtailing the spread of Islamic fundamentalism.

 

Why does Somaliland deserve U.S. recognition?

 

First and foremost, it is important to recollect that, after achieving independence from British colonial rule on June 26, 1960, Somaliland was duly recognized as a sovereign entity by the United Nations and thirty-five countries, including the United States. Several days later, on July 1, the independent country of Somaliland voluntarily joined with its newly independent southern counterpart (the former UN Trust Territory of Somalia that was a former Italian colony) to create the present-day Republic of Somalia. Somalilanders rightfully note that they voluntarily joined a union after independence, and that, under international law, they should (and do) have the right to abrogate that union, as they did in 1991. Examples abound in the second half of the twentieth century of international recognition of countries that have emerged from failed federations or failed states, including East Timor, Eritrea, Gambia, and the successor states of the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. The same legal principle should be applied to Somaliland.

 

 

The political basis for Somaliland’s claim is that the voluntary union of 1960 was derailed in 1969 by a military coup d’etat in Mogadishu that ushered in more than two decades of brutal military rule under the dictatorship of General Mohamed Siyaad Barre. Himself a southerner, Barre destroyed the foundations of the north-south democratic compact, most notably by unleashing a murderous campaign (bordering on genocide) against northern civilians that resulted in more than 50,000 deaths and created over 500,000 refugees as part of a widening civil war during the 1980s. Even after Barre was overthrown in 1991 by a coalition of guerrilla armies, including the northern-based Somali National Movement (SNM), northern expectations of a government of national unity were dashed when southern guerrilla movements reneged on an earlier agreement and unilaterally named a southerner president, which in turn was followed by the intensification of inter and intra-clan conflict in the south. Nearly thirty years of unfulfilled promises and brutal policies ripped the fabric of the already fragile north-south political compact. A “point of no return” had been reached for Somalilanders intent on reasserting their country’s independence. In May 2001, a popular mandate was given to dissolving the union, when a resounding number of ballots cast (97 percent) in a national Somaliland referendum favored the adoption of a new constitution that explicitly underscored Somaliland’s independence.

 

Somaliland deserves recognition if the Bush administration is truly sincere about promoting democracy in the wider Middle East. In sharp contrast to southern Somalia where instability and crisis have reigned and in fact intensified in the last fifteen years, Somaliland has established a democratic polity that, if recognized, would make it the envy of democracy activists in the Muslim world. The essence of Somaliland’s successful democratization was captured by U.S.-based International Republican Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy in convening a September 2006 panel discussion on Somaliland. They wrote that “Somaliland’s embrace of democracy, its persistence in holding round after round of elections, both winners and losers abiding by the rules, the involvement of the grassroots, the positive role of traditional authorities, the culture of negotiation and conflict resolution, the temperance of ethnicity or clan affiliation and its deployment for constructive purposes, the adaptation of modern technology, the conservative use of limited resources, and the support of the diaspora and the professional and intellectual classes are some of the more outstanding features of Somaliland’s political culture that are often sorely lacking elsewhere.”

 

Somaliland also deserves recognition from a purely U.S.-centric national security perspective. The Somaliland government and population embody a moderate voice in the Muslim world that rejects radical interpretations of Islam, including that espoused by various portions of the Council of Somali Islamic Courts (CSIC) currently in control of Mogadishu and its environs. It would serve as a bulwark against the further expansion of radical ideologies in the Horn of Africa by offering a shining example (along with Mali and Senegal and other predominantly Muslim Sub-Saharan African democracies) of how Islam and democracy are not mutually exclusive, but rather mutually reinforcing. Somaliland leaders are also eager to cooperate with the Bush administration in a variety of counter-terrorism measures, including working with the Combined Joint Task Force—Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) based in Djibouti. They are currently prohibited from doing so due to U.S. legislation that prevents cooperation with unrecognized Somaliland authorities.

 

The critiques of the pro-independence position are numerous, but don’t stand up to close examination. One strand of thought is that Somaliland is not economically viable. This position is reminiscent of claims made by Europeans during the 1950s with respect to their African colonies, with the aim of delaying independence throughout Africa. In any case, the argument is belied by Somaliland’s creation of a highly self-sufficient, well-functioning economy even though it has no access to the economic benefits that would come with statehood, such as access to loans from international financial institutions.

 

A second critique, typically offered by African policymakers, is that recognition of Somaliland will “open a pandora’s box” of secessionist claims throughout Africa. However, as in the case of Eritrea, which gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993, the Somaliland case does not call into question the African mantra of the “inviolability of frontiers” inherited at independence. The north-south union followed the independence and recognition of both the British and Italian Somali territories, and its dissolution therefore would constitute a unique case of returning to the boundaries inherited from the colonial era.

 

Others, especially those connected to UN efforts throughout the Horn of Africa, argue that recognition will derail the UN-sponsored “building blocks” approach to national reconciliation that includes the reconstitution of a central government in Mogadishu. This approach, however, has been an utter failure, as witnessed by the short-lived Transitional National Government (TNG) and its replacement by a Transitional Federal Government (TFG), the authority of which extends little beyond the town of Baidoa. What authority it has is largely due to the intervention of Ethiopian troops opposed to the further expansion of the Islamic Courts. It is time to recognize that the UN-sponsored “building blocks” cannot be stacked together to create a reunified central authority in Mogadishu.

 

A fourth critique claims that the “time is not right” for recognition because it will further intensify the widening crisis between the Islamic Courts and the TFG, and between their respective regional and international supporters. This argument has been heard repeatedly in the last fifteen years whenever efforts at reconstructing a unified central government were thought to be on the “verge of success.” Success has proved elusive over all this time, however, and it is now clear that southern Somalia will remain in crisis regardless of what is done with respect to Somaliland recognition. The most dire prediction of some Somali watchers is that the Islamic Courts movement will emerge victorious in the current conflict, assert its control over all Somali territories outside of Somaliland, and then threaten open warfare with Somaliland to bring it back into the Somali fold. If this should happen, it will likely be too late for the United States or others to intervene in a timely and effective manner to prevent Somaliland’s absorption into an Islamist Somalia. This reality makes recognition all the more urgent.

 

One of the more nuanced critiques of recognition is that loyalty to Somaliland in its eastern districts of Sanaag and Sool is contested, especially among the Warsengeli and *********** clans, and that any movement toward independence would potentially require the redrawing of Somaliland’s eastern boundary – which the leadership in Hargeisa (Somaliland’s capital) is unwilling to entertain. It is important to reiterate that Somaliland’s current boundaries are those of the original British Somaliland Protectorate created in 1884 and the independent country recognized by the international community beginning on June 26, 1960, and therefore have a solid legal basis under international law. The 2001 referendum provided an unequivocal popular basis for the independence claim. One way of resolving this issue, as was done with Eritrea in May 1993, would be to hold a territory-wide, UN-sponsored and internationally monitored popular referendum on independence that would be binding. If, as would be expected, pro-independence forces prevailed, those unwilling to live under Somaliland rule would have to make hard decisions about whether to continue living in Somaliland. .

 

A final critique involves the concept of “African solutions for African problems.” Proponents contend that the United States should wait for African countries led by the AU to first recognize Somaliland. This approach is the topic of a thought-provoking International Crisis Group report, “Somaliland: Time for African Union Leadership,” published in May 2006, and was publicly endorsed by Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer in a presentation on November 17, 2006 at the annual meeting of the African Studies Association. Although Frazer’s statement that the United States would recognize Somaliland if the AU acted first was welcomed by specialists on Somaliland, it is unclear when or if a AU recognition process will actually unfold. The encouragement of African action should not become the basis for inaction on the part of the United States.

 

The time for U.S. recognition of Somaliland is now, not only because it is right, but because it is in the interests of the United States. Recognition of Somaliland, followed by expanded engagement by Somaliland with the international community, would serve as a powerful lesson for other countries within the region (not least of all southern Somalia) of the benefits associated with the creation and consolidation of democratic systems of governance. Somaliland would become a model to emulate, and the United States would be congratulated for undertaking a proactive policy in support of a moderate, Muslim democracy.

 

http://www.hiiraan.com/op2/2006/dec/why_the_united_states_should_recognize_somaliland%e2%80%99s_independence.aspx

[Che -Guevara]

moderate Muslim democracy

loool

Somaliland also deserves recognition from a purely U.S.-centric national security perspective

Politics of convenience hardly solve any impasse. The author is yelling the same old mantric rant while ignoring the realities on the ground.

[Somali_Friend]

For those Somalis who do not want to see a country named Somaliland, but want ICU to take over the country of somalia, be aware of what you are getting into.

Unless you are doing this from greed or some other purpose the quickest way for Somalia to come apart is supporting ICU and wishing that ICU will keep the old somalia by force as one country.

 

There are at least 10 african countries that would recognize Somaliland in a heart beat. Ethiopia will be the last country in Africa to do so.

Eritrea will be among the first 20 countries to recognize somaliland, because it will affect Djibuti and mainly the Afar issue.

Afar lands in eritrea is a third of the country landmass.

 

If ICU takes over south somalia, its not a question of Somaliland only. You need to consider other regions too. You can end up being Yugoslavia. Don't buy the reason that you are one ethnic, you speak same language and that will keep you together. That by itself is never enough of a reason.

 

The people to people interaction between the Tigray ethiopia and Tigray eritrea is actually much closer than some somali clans from different territories.

 

Ethiopia was in the same boat in 1991. Autonomous rule is the only reason that saved it from total disentegration. Beleive it or not, the regional autonomy solution came from a somali organization, WSLF.

[me]

You are getting desperate aren't you? Try again xabash.

[Somali_Friend]

There is no reason for me to be desperate. Leaving aside wether I am Habesha or not, I am at home and so far the solution ethiopians have chosen is working.

We have never had this much peace in many centuries.

 

If you refuse to accept facts on the ground, because it was presented to you, by what you think is a Haabesha, its your choice.

 

Desperation is when one brings Jihad where it is least legitimate. Desperation is when one tells untruth in the faint hope that the people will buy the fakery and will rise up.

Desperation is when one uses the name of Allah(SWT) and the next minute has to announce untruth (I don't want to use the right word)about capturing and beheading a Colonel.

Thats desperation.

[me]

^^^Hmmmm Ethiopia must be hell, if this is peacefull Ethiopia.

 

30.000 protestors arrested, stolen election. Masacares in Sidamo, Gambella and Somali region. rebelions in Oromia, The Somali Region and Gambella.

 

People dissapearing, traveling Somalis in Ethiopian prisons, assasinations, high ranking officials from teh dictatorial Ethiopian regime defecting.

 

Ethiopia is very peacefull indeed. The fact that you are here, is proof enough that you are desperate.

 

The tigre junta are the end of Ethiopia. If I was you, I would save up some money, go to bosaso and take a boat to yemen, just like teh 100.000 other Ethiopians that are doing so, Ethiopia is a sinking ship don't sink with it.

[Somali_Friend]

me,

 

congradulations. You have now graduated to be friends with those ethiopians who are committed to bring back the old regimes and systems.

 

I can only repeat to you again. If that makes you happy and smiling. enjoy it. Wether ethiopia is dead or alive will not make an iota of difference in your clan wars. Wether you try to hide it behind religion, nationalism, greater somalia..etc most somalis have seen the fakery.

They are not buying it.

 

We ethiopians first ask the somali as to why they are not buying it. So we don't buy it too.

[me]

^^ congradulations. You have now graduated to be friends with those ethiopians who are committed to bring back the old regimes and systems.

 

I couldn't give a damn on what two habashs differ, old system new system, older system newer system, who cares?

 

Have there been any election in Somalia lately? or have you done some research? opinion polls?

 

If not, what do you mean with most Somalis?

 

Dear xabash clan wars are over. religion, nationalism and greater Somalia have replaced it, I know you long for the old days. But I am sorry to inform you that after 16 years, we have called it quits. We will rebuild our country and repay our dear freind Ethiopia. We will support Ethiopia just like it has supported us for the past 16 years.

[Che -Guevara]

Haa isku daalin Axadkaan.

 

The man comes to Sol, and tells us we can't talk on behalf of the "Somali Ethio" while he lectures us on everything Somali.

[Somali_Friend]

Originally posted by me:

Have there been any election in Somalia lately? or have you done some research? opinion polls?

 

If not, what do you mean with most Somalis?

I don't want to go into percentages, which neither you or I can be sure of, but I can give you the lay of the land in ethiopia and somalia, something you cannot refute.

 

1. There are 6-7 million somalis in ethiopia

2. There are 3-4 million somalis in Somaliland

3. There are less than .5 million somalis in Djibuti

4. There are ....million somali in Puntland (i will let you put the numbers)

 

All these populations have had elections. Some of them better than others, but that is trivial to what we are talking.

Remember I did not mention Central somalia, Bay& Bakool, Gedos or other places in the south.

 

Those who have had elections have all indicated one thing. They want to live the way they are and self governing.

 

Thats something no one can deny.

[Jacpher]

The man comes to Sol, and tells us we can't talk on behalf of the

"Somali Ethio"

while he lectures us on everything Somali.

Ma wax jiraa horta 'Somali Ethio'? I've yet to meet qof Somali iyo Ethio is raacinaaya.

[Somali_Friend]

Originally posted by Che-Guevara:

Haa isku daalin Axadkaan.

 

The man comes to Sol, and tells us we can't talk on behalf of the "Somali Ethio" while he lectures us on everything Somali.

Che,

didn't you choose your SOL name knowing full well that the man was Argentinian by birth, fought in Cuba, Congo, and Bolivia? lol

 

I only participate where it affects ethiopia. especially the untruths and there is a lot of it, a lot of mad, being thrown at us ethiopians from the ICU corner.