Castro Posted July 3, 2009 ^^^^ I have just the answer for you. Give me a couple of days. Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Castro Posted July 6, 2009 Here it goes. Part 1. Act 1, Scene 1: Fail to plan Enter commander of Operation Snake Bite Colonel Sanders Good afternoon, gentlemen. All Good afternoon, Colonel Sanders. Colonel Sanders We have reliable intelligence that Mushtafa Abdel Machmoud (MAM) (age 28), a regional leader in the Somali Al-Shabab group is meeting with his lieutenants at a safe-house just outside of Buule Burde at 23:30 EAT (East African Time) today. The clearance from the POTUS to liquidate this target extends through this month so no further clearance is required nor will it be requested. We also know that the safe-house in which this meeting will take place houses several families including women and children. Now, it is unlikely that our target will be found alone to reduce the risk to innocent civilians. Furthermore, it is important that as many terrorists he is meeting with are liquidated simultaneously. Our solid intelligence on the ground estimates there are between 2-4 adult women and 12-15 children under the age of 16 in the compound. It is also possible that there are several servant slaves and a number of elderly. As you are all aware, a Tomahawk TH3v4 missile carries a payload of 2000lb. A single TH missile would likely destroy the entire compound ensuring the death of MAM and any co-conspirators. We will be deploying two TH3v4 missiles to ensure success. Any questions? Major Bernanke Do we have a firm number of civilians in the compound? Colonel Sanders No. And it’s of little consequence. MAM is responsible for the death and displacement of thousands, not to mention he has been directly implicated in the Nairobi bombings of 1998. Major Bernanke But… that means he was 16 when he was involved in the Nairobi bombing. Colonel Sanders That’s the best intelligence we have. Terrorists have been known to mastermind serious plots in adolescence, even as young as 6 years old. Colonel Sanders Any other questions? No response. Colonel Sanders OK. I’ve chosen Major Bernanke and Captain Hollingsworth to conduct Operation Snake Bite. Please direct any further queries to your immediate commanders. Your flight plan and armament briefings will be conducted at 2000 hours in room 2010-C. You are to arrive at hangar 2029-D at 2100 hours. Act 1, Scene 2: Snake Bite 2325 hours. 5 minutes to target. Captain Hollingsworth Sierra-Bravo-One to base Base Go ahead Sierra-Bravo-One Captain Hollingsworth SB1 heading zero alpha tango, house lights at eleven o'clock, altitude niner miles, air speed niner zero zero knots heading 225 degrees. ETA to target 3 minutes. Base Siera-Bravo-One, maintain altitude and air speed at niner miles, air speed niner, zero, zero knots and turn slightly to heading 220 degrees. God speed, captain. Major Bernanke Sierra-Bravo-Two to base Base Go ahead Sierra-Bravo-Two Major Bernanke Altitude niner miles, air speed 850 knots, heading zero alpha tango, ETA to target 2 minutes. Any updates on civilian headcount in compound? Base Uh, that’s a negative Siera-Bravo-Two, maintain altitude and air speed at niner miles, air speed eight, zero, zero knots, heading zero alpha tango. God speed, major. Boom. Boom. To be continued... Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Naxar Nugaaleed Posted July 6, 2009 So castro, only those who agree with you are considered "normal", lol. I think you will be glad to find out that I strive to be anything but normal. Nur, these brain washed "kids" or "terrorist" present a clear and present danger to both Somalians but more importantly Americans from the perspective of the leaders who elected above all to protect Americans. Know, should have any damning evidence, you are more then free to take these people that are being supposedly being harbored by the said country. Not only that, the crimes your are suggesting have no statute of limitations. Do want this country to do the job you as a concerned Somali or Somalia witch these crimes have taken place to do for you? Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Muriidi Posted July 6, 2009 lawyer?!!! you don't seem to understand...that is a warzone...expect no official help...as for the u.s. military if the marines don't help maybe the navy seals will assist you 'cause the airforce is busy supplying syrian "terrorist"...sorry i mean libyan...that just came in. and what do you think you're doing :telling everyone that you're joining a resistance force...maybe even on t.v. ... that's just plain "riyaa'"...does this look like a world where you can openly brag about being a real o.g. ? Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Nur Posted October 8, 2009 FBI Tries to Deport Muslim Man for Refusing to be an Informant After Imam Foad Farahi declined to become a federal informant, the government tried to destroy him. By Trevor Aaronson October 08, 2009 "Miami New Times" -- Bush-Cheney and Kerry-Edwards signs littered the lawns of North Miami Beach as Imam Foad Farahi walked from a mosque to his apartment a few blocks away. It was November 1, 2004, the day before George W. Bush would win a second term in office. But the Muslim holy man had been too busy fasting and praying to pay much attention to the presidential election. For Farahi, an Iranian citizen who had lived in the United States for more than a decade, it was simply another month of Ramadan in South Florida. Then, around 5 p.m., as he neared his apartment, he saw two men standing outside. They were waiting for him. "We're from the FBI," one of the men said. "OK," he responded. They wanted to know about José Padilla and Adnan El Shukrijumah, two South Florida men linked to the Al-Qaeda terrorist network. Padilla, the so-called Dirty Bomber, was arrested in May 2002 and initially given enemy combatant status. He eventually stood trial in Miami, was convicted on terrorism charges, and sentenced to 17 years in prison. Shukrijumah is a Saudi Arabian and an alleged Al-Qaeda member whose last known address was in Miramar. The FBI is offering up to $5 million for information leading directly to his capture. "I know José Padilla, but I don't know Adnan," Farahi told the agents. Of course, Farahi knew of Shukrijumah. As imam of the Shamsuddin Islamic Center in North Miami Beach, Farahi was in a unique position to know about local Muslims, including Padilla and Shukrijumah. Padilla had prayed at Farahi's mosque and was once among his Arabic students. Shukrijumah was the son of a local Islamic religious leader. "I have had no contact with Padilla since 1998, when he left the country," Farahi told the government agents. He had once met Shukrijumah but had no contact with him after that. "I don't know anything about his activities." "We want you to work with us," Farahi remembers the agents telling him. And this is when the imam's five-year battle with the federal government began. "I have no problem working with you guys or helping you out," Farahi said. He could keep them informed about the local Muslim community or translate Arabic. But the relationship, he insisted, would need to be public; others would have to know he was helping the government. But that wasn't what the FBI had in mind, Farahi says. The agents wanted him to become a secret informant who would investigate specific people. And they knew Farahi was in a vulnerable position. His student visa had expired, and he had asked the government for a renewal. He had also applied for political asylum, hoping one of those legal tracks would offer a way for him to stay in the United States indefinitely. "We'll give you residency," the agents promised. "We'll give you money to go to school." Farahi considered the offer for a moment and then shook his head. "I can't," he told them. The slender, bearded 34-year-old Farahi frowns as he recalls all of this while sitting on a white folding chair in the Shamsuddin Islamic Center on a recent afternoon. "People trust you as a religious figure, and you're trying to kind of deceive them," he says, remembering the choice he faced. "That's where the problem is." Farahi soon discovered the FBI's offer wasn't optional. The federal government used strong-arm tactics — including trying to have him deported and falsely claiming it had information linking him to terrorism — in an effort to force him to become an informant, he says. The imam has resisted the government at every step, having most recently taken his political asylum case to the U.S. Court of Appeals in Atlanta. "As long as you're not a citizen, there are lots of things [the government] can do," says Ira Kurzban, Farahi's attorney. "They can allege you're a terrorist and try to bring terrorist charges against you, or they can get you deported." Terrorism, he explains, can even be defined as giving "money to a hospital in the West Bank that turns out to be run by Hamas." Farahi asserts unequivocally he is innocent of any terrorism charges the government could bring against him. In fact, he says, he would report anyone in the Muslim community supporting terrorism. "From the Islamic perspective, it's your duty to respect the law, and if there's anything going on, any crime about to be committed, or any kind of harm to be caused to people or property, it should be reported to the police," he says. The FBI's intense efforts to pressure Farahi into becoming an informant reveal the bureau's desperation to infiltrate local Muslim communities. The hard-line tactics have become so widespread in the United States that the San Francisco-based civil rights group Muslim Advocates distributes a video advising how to respond if FBI agents approach. In fact, relations between the FBI and U.S. Islamic communities are so strained that a coalition of Muslim-American groups in March accused the government of using "McCarthy-era tactics" and threatened to sever communication with the FBI unless it "reassessed its use of agent provocateurs in Muslim communities." Despite this public conflict, few specific cases of Muslims being recruited as informants have become public. Farahi's battle with the government is not only daring but also unusual. "People have two choices," Farahi says. "Either they end up working with the FBI, or they leave the country on their own. It's just sometimes when you're in that situation, not many people are strong enough to stand up and resist and fight — to reject their offers." ---------- By law, Foad Farahi is an Iranian. But by every other measure, the North Miami Beach imam is something else. In his 34 years, he has never set foot in Iran. He speaks Arabic, not Farsi, and while the majority of Iranians are members of the Shia sect of Islam, Farahi is a Sunni. He is an Iranian only because he inherited his father's citizenship. But Farahi grew up in Kuwait. His father was an Iranian businessman who operated a currency exchange business in Kuwait City. His mother, a Syrian, raised him and his younger sister to speak Arabic and worship as Sunnis. But he knew his future would never be secure in Kuwait. "Even if I married a Kuwaiti woman, I wouldn't become a citizen," he says. "Kuwait could deport me to Iran at any time for any reason." At age 19, he applied for and received a student visa from the United States. He chose to come to South Florida, where his family once vacationed when he was a teenager, and enrolled in Miami Dade College. He received an associate's degree there and transferred to Barry University, the private Catholic school in Miami Shores, where he earned a bachelor's degree in chemistry. While at Barry, he served on the university's interfaith committee, several faculty members recall. This continued even after he graduated. He helped put together interfaith dinners and talked about Islam. In addition, he participated as a teacher in a Barry University peace forum attended by Jewish, Christian, and Muslim children. "He has had a positive influence at this university," says Edward R. Sunshine, a theology professor at Barry. No one who knows Farahi, Sunshine says, would suspect he is radical or militant in any way. Farahi went on to obtain a master's degree in public health from Florida International University. He also began an intensive, three-year imam's training course administered by the director of Islamic studies at a mosque in Miramar. In 2000, the Shamsuddin Islamic Center opened near his home in North Miami Beach. Six months later, its imam returned home to Egypt, and Farahi was a logical successor. In Islam, an imam is among the designated leaders in a community or mosque. The imam leads prayers during gatherings and helps others understand the teachings of Islam. Farahi earns a modest salary funded by donations to the mosque. It was through this position that he met several South Floridians who have been linked to terrorism. In addition to Padilla and Shukrijumah, he encountered Imran Mandhai, a 19-year-old Pakistani man living in Hollywood who was arrested in 2002 for an alleged plot to bomb power plants. "Imran came here once years ago during Ramadan," Farahi recalls as he sits in a corner of the mosque. "It was a big event for him at the time. He memorized and recited the Koran." When Farahi met with the FBI agents November 1, 2004, he said he couldn't spy on members of his mosque in good conscience. Two days later, FBI agents phoned him. They requested he come to their office to take a polygraph. "I had nothing to hide," Farahi recalls. "They asked the same questions over and over, to see if my answer would change, and it didn't." The agents were still focused on Shukrijumah. "What is your relationship with him?" "When was the last time you were in contact with him?" "Where is he now?" For two and a half years after the polygraph, Farahi didn't hear from the FBI. Then, in summer 2007, he received another call from the bureau. An agent asked to meet with him immediately. In Cooper City, two FBI agents — a man and a woman — again asked Farahi if he would work with the government. He again declined, and the meeting ended amicably. Farahi didn't know the pushback would come later. ---------- On a November day in 2007, Farahi arrived at Miami Immigration Court for what he thought would be a routine hearing on his political asylum case. The imam had requested asylum because he is a Sunni, a persecuted religious minority in Iran. Fear of religious persecution is one of the internationally recognized grounds the United States considers in granting asylum from Iran. As Farahi entered the courthouse, he saw four men from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. They wore body armor and had guns holstered at their sides. All followed Farahi from the security checkpoint on the ground level to the third-floor courtroom of Judge Carey Holliday. Farahi's attorney at the time, Mildred Morgado, spoke with the ICE agents and then asked to talk to Farahi in private. "They have a file with evidence that you're supporting or are involved in terrorist groups," Farahi recalls Morgado telling him. (Morgado did not return repeated calls seeking comment.) Farahi says the ICE agents gave him an ultimatum: Drop the asylum case and leave the United States voluntarily, or be charged as a terrorist. He was afraid. Indeed, luck wasn't on Farahi's side when drawing a judge for his asylum claim. Appointed to the immigration court in October 2006 by then-Attorney General Alberto Gonzales, Holliday was a Louisiana Republican who had quickly earned a reputation for being tough on immigrants in Florida. In one case, he declined to hear arguments from an Ecuadorian couple who alleged they were targeted for deportation because their daughter, Miami Dade College student Gabby Pacheco, was a well-known activist for immigration reform. "People who live in glass houses should not throw stones," Holliday wrote. (The judge resigned this past January, after the Department of Justice Office of the Inspector General found Bush administration officials had illegally considered political affiliation when selecting judicial candidates for immigration court.) So Farahi told Judge Holliday he would voluntarily leave the country within 30 days. Although Farahi's Iranian passport was expired — a bureaucratic problem that should have given him more time to consider the government's threat — Judge Holliday granted the order of voluntary departure. Soon, Farahi realized the government's claim that it would prosecute him as a terrorist was a bluff — nothing more than leverage to coerce him into becoming an informant. To this day, the government has not shared with Farahi or his attorney any information about this professed evidence, and he has not been charged with a crime. "If they have something on Foad, they should make it public. They haven't done that," says Sunshine, the Barry University theology professor. "They are intimidating and bullying, and I resent that type of behavior being paid for by my tax dollars." Farahi's assertion that the government is trying to coerce him to become an informant cannot be verified independently because the FBI won't comment on his case. "It is a matter of policy that we do not confirm or deny who we have asked to be a source," says Miami FBI Special Agent Judy Orihuela. But similar claims from other would-be informants seem to support Farahi's assertion. In November 2005, for example, immigration officials questioned Yassine Ouassif, a 24-year-old Moroccan with a green card, as he crossed into New York from Canada. The officials confiscated his green card and instructed him to meet an FBI agent in Oakland, California. The bureau's offer: Become an informant or be deported. Ouassif refused to spy and won his deportation case with the help of National Legal Sanctuary for Community Advancement, a nonprofit that advocates for civil rights on behalf of Muslims and immigrants from the Middle East and South Asia. The government employed a similarly tough tactic against Tarek Mehanna, a 26-year-old U.S. citizen living in Sudbury, Massachusetts. After FBI agents failed to persuade Mehanna to spy, the government charged him with making a false statement. Prosecutors allege Mehanna told FBI agents a suspect was in Egypt when he knew that person was in Somalia. Mehanna is awaiting trial, and his attorney has alleged the prosecution is a form of revenge for Mehanna's unwillingness to be an informant. Among more recent cases is that of Ahmadullah Sais Niazi, a naturalized U.S. citizen from Afghanistan. Charged with making a false statement to obtain citizenship, he alleged in a February detention hearing in Orange County, California, that he was arrested and indicted for refusing to be an informant. The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) suspects there are hundreds of similar cases in which the government has used deportation or criminal charges to force cooperation from informants. Most of these cases will never be made public. What's more, the FBI is now working under guidelines, approved in December 2008 by then-Attorney General Michael Mukasey, that allow agents to consider religion and ethnic background when launching undercover investigations. Today, many Muslims in the United States simply assume informants are working inside their mosques. "This is becoming increasingly common," says Ibrahim Hooper, CAIR's national communications director. "Law enforcement authorities seek to use some vulnerability of the individual, whether it be business, immigration, or personal, to try to gain some sort of informant status. "The issue is law enforcement's basic understanding of the community. Is it one that law enforcement needs to have blanket suspicion toward or is it... well integrated into our multi-faith nation and wants to preserve public safety as well as civil liberties?" ---------- Ira Kurzban's law office in Miami is a mile from the alfresco restaurants of Coconut Grove. On a hot day in late August, Kurzban wears a white guayabera and shows no concern for the disheveled gray hairs on the sides of his balding head. He leans forward at his desk, having been asked a question about Farahi. "He's an imam in his mosque," Kurzban says as he throws his hands in the air in a sort of protest. "He's basically, you know, the rabbi." Kurzban has become a well-known advocate for immigrants' rights, having argued more immigration-related cases before the U.S. Supreme Court than any of his peers. He is also on the board of directors of Immigrants' List, the first political action committee in Washington, D.C., established to support candidates who endorse immigration reform. Farahi, desperate not to leave the country but frightened after government agents threatened to charge him as a terrorist, hired Kurzban to take his case on appeal. In November 2007, Kurzban asked the Board of Immigration Appeals to throw out Farahi's voluntary departure order and reopen his political asylum case, arguing the imam was illegally intimidated. The board denied the request, so Kurzban petitioned the U.S. Court of Appeals in Atlanta. Farahi's order of voluntary departure has been stayed. For now, the legal battle makes Farahi a kind of no-land's man. He no longer has an official immigration status in the United States, and in asking for political asylum, he has rejected his Iranian citizenship. As he was in Kuwait, Farahi is home in a land that could expel him at any time. "I think the real issue is, does the government have the right to pressure people... to make them informants?" Kurzban says. "It's clearly modus operandi of the FBI to (a) recruit people who are going to be informants and (b) to use whatever leverage they can." A few weeks later, in North Miami Beach, Ramadan is nearing its end. For Farahi, this year's religious festival marks nearly five years since the FBI first asked him to be an informant. "I'm not bitter about what has happened," the imam insists. Dressed in khaki pants and a white button-down shirt, he walks barefoot through the mosque as members begin to arrange food on folding banquet tables. After sundown, everyone will eat and drink together to break the fast. Farahi is distracted as he waves at attendees and hugs others entering the mosque. "I'm not bitter," he repeats after a few moments. "I wouldn't say I'm bitter at all. But I'm tired. I want to live my life in this country. I want to stay here. That's all." Farahi stops and waves to another man. The imam shakes his head quickly. "I wish the case would be over," he says. "I just wish I could stay here." Research for this story was supported in part by a grant from Political Research Associates, with funding from the Atlantic Philanthropies. Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Nur Posted July 24, 2010 American Jews don military uniforms for volunteer service They left their comfortable lives in lap of their families for meals in soldiers' residence during combat training. Volunteers of 'Aish Machal' project come to contribute to Israel in only way they see fit – military service Smadar Shir Published: 07.22.10, 20:20 / Israel News The hot July sun blazes in the sky, scorching the asphalt pavilion in the Mahva Alon military training base and turn Nathaniel Schlakman's cheeks pink. But the 18-year-old who came from New Jersey to don an IDF uniform welcomes it. "It's a different sun," he revels in the misery, "an Israeli sun." Until a year ago, Schlakman's future seemed quite clear. He worked out five times a week in order to get accepted into the Marines. However, he ultimately landed two months ago at Ben Gurion Airport with the first group of soldiers organized by Aish Machal. Diaspora Relations Calling a spade a spade / Mairav Zonszein Op-ed: Framed as Israel-Diaspora issue, conversion bill cuts to heart of Israel’s identity Full Story "I couldn't keep sitting on my couch in my spacious house, watching on television how IDF soldiers are defending Israel, which is also my country," he explained. "I studied history, and I understood that all the big disasters, from the Inquisition to the Holocaust, happened because we didn't have a country of our own, and we had nowhere to go. I decided that if I'm going to serve, it has to have meaning." "Nathaniel told me that if he's going to take a bullet, he'd rather take one in Israel, for the country," said Aharon-Yosef Katsof, who found Schlakman in the religious school in which he studied. Katsof's story embodies the ideology behind Aish Machal. Twenty-six years old, Katsof located all 23 members of the group that recently landed in Israel. When he arrives at Mahva Alon to visit "his kids," as he calls them, they give him friendly slaps on the shoulder as they greet him with shouts "A. Y." – his initials, nearly the only remaining indicator of his American past. Thanks to his Israeli wife and three Israeli-born children, his accent has faded, making it hard to believe that just seven years ago he was a computer student at a Los Angeles college. I was like an alien It all started for him when he was 10 years old on a trip to Israel with his parents. "I fell in love," he declared. "But when I finished high school, I went with the flow and applied for college." A year later, he decided to return to Israel "because I felt at home here. When I looked in the mirror, I saw a typical American. But in my heart, in the places that can't be seen, I felt that I am a Jew and an Israeli." But the bureaucracy at the Interior Ministry scared him off. "Here there is a shouting clerk, there they say that a document is missing. Balagan (a chaotic mess)," he smiled under his cap. Only at the age of 22, when he was already father to his daughters Shirat Hodaya and Shira-Nava, now aged five and three, did he return to the Interior Ministry, make aliyah, and prepare for enlistment. But the military didn't want him. "They told me that as a father of two, I have an exemption from military service," he said. Katsof, whose son Yisrael was born just a year ago, did not give up. "I understood that you can't get by here without connections. So, I pulled some strings, and I got an interview with the commander of the recruitment office in Jerusalem. I told him that every Jew has the right to be part of the IDF system. After a quarter of an hour, he gave in." Katsof enlisted for a half a year of military service and underwent an officers' course as part of his reserve duty. "I really can't say that it was easy," he said. "They didn't understand my thought process. I landed in the military like an alien. I searched for someone who had already gone through the track and could help me integrate. I broke down a few times, but I got up and continued on. Why? Because this is Israel." His personal experience was just the tip of the iceberg. Of the widespread range of difficulties confronting Americans who want to enlist in the military Katsof learned only when he started working in the hesder yeshiva Aish HaTorah in Tel Aviv as a deputy to director Baruch Tretiak, 36, originally from Kansas. Aish HaTorah is an organization that seeks to connect Jews to their heritage and prevent assimilation. Some 100,000 people participate in Aish HaTorah programs every year. Aish Machal, which Katsof and Tretiak initiated, is one of them. "The Aish HaTorah yeshiva is a yeshiva of Israelis that only a few Americans came to. We saw how confused they are. They had no one to give them guidance," said Katsof. "Baruch and I started to spread the idea, and only in February of this year did we receive authorization from the Defense Ministry to open a Machal branch." The Machal concept – of IDF volunteers from abroad – has existed since the establishment of the State. There are additional projects that bring young immigrants, some of whom perform IDF military service, "but since the days of Ben Gurion, there has not been a group of volunteers that come with one clear purpose – to enlist." How did you find volunteers? "I flew to the US and I wandered between twenty Jewish high schools in New York, New Jersey, California, Boston, and Baltimore. I came in uniform, with my ranks, and a coat on top. I came to the school, knocked on the door, and asked to meet with the principal. When they said that he is busy or that I 'didn't have an appointment,' I would tell them that the principal had invited me to stop by when I'm in the area. "Once I was in front of the principal, I would take off my jacket and say, 'Hi, I'm an Israeli soldier from the combat Engineering Corps. Usually when I show up at places without an invitation, I blow up the door. In this case, I am asking you to open the door and give me five minutes.' "Some of the principals would organize a meeting with all the students in the grade, while others agreed to send out emails or make recommendations to graduates that were suitable," explained Katsof. This is how Yitzhak Benji, also from New Jersey, was scouted. His parents, Persian-born, were in Israel for a few years before they moved to the US. "The Persian mentality hasn't left them," Benji testified. "If I had applied to college, I am certain my mother would not have allowed me to live in the dorms. So, they were alarmed when I decided to leave and travel to such a faraway and dangerous place. But now, especially after I passed the paratroopers' tryout period, they are the proudest parents in the world." Jordan David, who now insists that people call him Yarden, grew up in New Jersey to a family that had no problem paying the $30,000-a-year tuition for private Jewish high school. During a meeting with Katsof, he said that he dreams of making a drastic move – to study in Bar-Ilan University. "So I suggested an even more drastic move for him," recalled Katsof. "When he said that he is going to enlist in the military, people laughed at him. They said, 'You, who grew up with a silver spoon in your mouth, are going to crawl through bramble and do sit-ups?" Yakov Kroll, 20, whose dream is to serve in Givati, arrived in Israel after two years of studying accounting and real estate at a Santa Monica college. "I have always asked myself what I can do for the country," he said in fluent Hebrew, which the volunteers obtained during a six-week preparatory course in the Jewish Quarter of Jerusalem's Old City. "I thought that if I'd be a lawyer, maybe I could sue Iran, or if I'd work in public relations, I could do hasbara (public relations) for the country. But ultimately, I understood that there is only one way to truly contribute to the country, and that is the military." Katsof met with Kroll's father in Beverly Hills at the home of a real estate magnate who wishes to remain anonymous. "He funds us," said Katsof, refusing to provide any additional details. "I told the father, 'I have a program that fits your son to a T,' and that was enough." Now, a week before entering basic training, Kroll is working hard to find an apartment to rent. The housing scholarship, as well as the double salary from the military – NIS 700 (about $180) – he will receive only after he reports to the induction base. "But most landlords demand payment ahead of time," he said without a trace of complaining in his voice. He explained that he is a lone soldier, and when he is hungry, he eats in the soldiers' hostel. When I asked who irons his uniforms, he laughed and quipped, "You think they've been washed?" But he proclaimed that he likes it here. "This is the most fascinating place on earth, without a dull moment. The distance has helped me miss my parents. I think that's what called growing up." On the times in which they miss home spoke Moshe and Eliyahu Engelman, blond twins from New York wearing black kippahs. "We are both 20-years old, but I was born two minutes first," declared Moshe, as he describes how Katsof fished them out of a Jerusalem restaurant for the project. "He heard that we were speaking English, sat down at the table, and asked matter-of-factly 'Have you ever thought about joining the army?"" So, had you? "Of course. But everyone always told me that if I travel to Israel for a year, I'll finish my degree after everyone else. When A.Y. explained how much that year will contribute to my character, I said to myself, 'So what if I'm late?'" When the twins' mother found out that the duo had signed up for combat duty, she demanded that they not serve in the same unit, added Eliyahu. "She wants to be sure that if something happens, only one of us will be hurt." Brothers Rafael and Joshua Levy, aged 20 and 18, plan on serving in the commandos, which obligates them to serve for two or more years. "Because of my dad's work, I traveled throughout the world," said Rafael. "But after a visit to Israel, I would get on the plane and cry. I felt like part of my soul is here." And do you miss America? "Sure," said Yehoshua. "I miss football games. But does this seem like a good enough reason not to serve?" Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Nur Posted July 24, 2010 The above News is exactly what I was wondering: What part of The American Constitution makes an American Jew a Hero to join training in Israel to Kill Palestinians, yet makes a Somali American Volunteer who joins the resistance in Somalia a Terrorist! Nur Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Nur Posted August 26, 2010 The Classified internal CIA Report on US export of terror to the world Wikileaks documents shed some light on the sensitive issue of Americans who provide material support* to their country of origin in a conflict. The Irish Republican Army, American Jews etc. * "Material Support" does not include Duaa prayers, information campaigns soliciting lawmakers to change the law by allowing Somali kids to join the struggle to liberate Somalia as an American duty and any form of vocal or blogging activism for ALL of Somali Resistance to Ugandan Occupation, indiscriminate shelling of civilians and Humiliation of Somalis in their home country . Also the US law does not forbid joining the Hizb Al Islami faction, The Sufi Group, and the TFG Warlords, or Blackwater ( Xe) Mercenaries and soldiers of fortune now contracting terror in Mogadishu, The US Law forbids Somali-American kids joining the Shabaab movement! which is classified as a terror group like the then Abbas PLO and the Mandela ANC of South Africa" Source 2010 eNuri Paralegals Never break the law, just collect enough signatures to change it Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Nur Posted August 27, 2010 To All Somali Parents: This is a Warning! As Citizens or legal residents of the US , you have certain inalienable rights " At least still in the books", of which due process of law is the cornerstone. But because the US policy making process has been hijacked by secret special interest groups that speak in the name of the American people yet espouse sinister objectives that is increasingly eroding the very rights that made the US a great nation, your sons and daughters can be an easy prey for Entrapment which means: (Luring an opinionated person into committing a crime that otherwise he/she would not have committed if not influenced by a skillful and persuasive person who gained a level of confidence with your son/daughter and providing the instruments and the know-how of the commission of such a crime, in order to prosecute them and put them away in jail to score a political point on the affinity of a "Muslim" for heinous antisocial crimes for the purpose of defamation) Courtesy: eNuri Transemantics. Every American has the right to advocate any ideology, principle, political initiative of his/her choice as long as he/she does not take the law into his/her hand or participates in actions that are deemed subversive or disruptive at home ( US Homeland ). While in overseas, an American Citizen is not allowed to join any organization that has been designated by US LAW as a Terror Organization yet, sympathizing with such an organization does not in itself alone constitute a crime punishable by any existing US law ( NOT YET!). By Joining a "Terror organization" outside of the US , a US Citizen does not lose his/her constitutional right of due process, but due to expediency of the current Obama Administration, (which US Citizens are asked to trust with their hard earned bill of rights) a US citizen risks the loss of his/her Constitutional rights of Due Process of Law as per the interpretation of the Obama Administration, which so far no American has challenged and as refugee, you have a good chance winning as those who arrived Plymouth Rock, fleeing religious persecution and injustice. Due Process of Law For Dummies / Refugees * Right to a fair and public trial conducted in a competent manner * Right to be present at the trial * Right to an impartial jury * Right to be heard in one's own defense * Laws must be written so that a reasonable person can understand what is criminal behavior * Taxes may only be taken for public purposes * Property may be taken by the government only for public purposes * Owners of taken property must be fairly compensated For that reason, all Somalis who sympathize with the Shabab movement back home, just like the Irish Americans support for the IRA (once a "Terror Group") and the Zionist Americans support for the creation of Israel in Palestine), may be between a rock and a hard place, a target for entrapment in the US and candidates of contractual Assassination in Somalia. For that reason, parents and community leaders in the US who have different opinions on the fate of Somalia's Geopolitical landscape, should work together to educate their young not to fall in the wrong hands, nor out of desperation join any organization that speaks for Islam as many organizations are DECOYS for entrapment of the non-suspecting and the naive. Entrapment List OF Terror Organizations ( US State Department ) 2010 eNuri Nomadic Public Service "US Law Is not designed to protect the intellectually Challenged" Nur Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
