Rayaale’s infestus fantasy - the unlawful claim for land

[General Duke]

Rayaale’s infestus fantasy - the unlawful claim for land

- Sunday, January 18, 2004 at 19:49

 

Rayaale’s infestus fantasy - the unlawful claim for land

 

Puntland Patriotic Party PPP/02104/CHGPL1310

 

 

 

Lately fancy has taken political commentators, primarily from northwest regions of Somalia (Somaliland) to analysing as to the political raison d'être of the conflict in Sool, Sanag & Ayn regions while trying to challenge the argument favouring the regions to align with Puntland State in lieu of Somaliland. The enthusiasm is prompted by a possible war between Dahir Riyaale (of Borama) in charge of Hargeisa’s bidding, and Mohamed A Hashi (of Las Anod), Vice President of Puntland administration over the control of the regions concerned.

 

 

 

Aside the escalation of hostilities, reported arms build up, war words being exchanged through the online medium, political posturing and commentary from places as far as Ottawa and London, matters are not helped by the sheer bareness of the arguments presented as valid and legitimate to a claim. More damaging than the fragility of the arguments put forth is the inherent application of poor language which largely seems lop-sided.

 

 

 

Some speak of the obscure nature of territorial integrity. Others drum up the beats about national unity. Some even had gone, ill-conceivably as far as to take the reader on an educational tour to locations as distant as the Jaza’ir and the Kalahari deserts in the African Continent for comparative interpretation, and to perhaps illustrate their points of contention.

 

 

 

The case favouring Somaliland’s claim seems to wholly concentrate on legitimacy on the basis of colonial legacy. Conversely, Puntland’s hinges upon a more realistic and direct approach to the problem within the Somali context, and with regards to the Somali problem. Thus far, handsome majority of the people of the regions concerned have openly reinstated their allegiance with Puntland State, thus with Somalia. Additionally, expatriates remain silent except communications in the form of press statements calling on all parties concerned to resolve the matter through peaceful means, and to circumvent what might amount to a devastating war.

 

 

 

The most compelling argument hitherto presented by the Rayaale government is in relation to the colonial legacy. It is claimed that Britain, a one-time colony of the northwest regions of Somalia (Somaliland) had a legal claim to this part of Somali territories prior to independence in 1960, therefore the self-declared government of Somaliland, its existence recognised by no country other than merely being regional territory of Somalia, intends to make true of the erstwhile claim. Once under occupation always a colony is the underpinning grounds for this line of argument. Trouble is the year is neither 1884, nor is it 1920. These dates have historical significance to contemporary history and politics of Somalia. The former pertains to Major Hunter’s installation of British viceroys in Berbera, Bulaxaar and Zaylac (note the regions) in the British colony, whereas the latter saw the defeat of the Dervishes of Mohamed Abdulle Hassan, the first structured nationalist movement in the Somali territories, in the hands of the British colony.

 

 

 

The flaw in this argument could be traced back to the epoch prior to independence. Having exchanged hands a number of times, Somali territories had been annexed and partitioned by European colonies fiercely fighting over the land simply for its strategic location – a gateway to the Arabian Peninsula and Persian Gulf. In 1935 for instance, after Italy’s conquest of Ethiopia, Somali territories came under a single rule with the seizure of Ogadania and British Somaliland. Though transitory, Somali territories for the first time in forty years, having been partitioned along Anglo-Italo-Ethiopian boundaries, had been amalgamated with Somalis in Ogadania in steady touch with Somalis in British and Italian Somalilands. The elimination of the artificial boundaries and the unification of the Somali Peninsula were regarded as the initial realisation of the Greater Somalia dream even though things were to have taken a terrible turn for the years to follow. The Italians succeeded in imposing taxes, commissioning a common currency, and turning local economy from a traditional to a modern monetary system of exchange by the standards of the 19th century Rome for the whole of Somali territories. Despite economic rewards and prestigious colonial association in expanding its colonial legacy, Italy could not sustain its expansionist military stratagem at the start of the 2nd World War. At the beginning of the first quarter of 1941, Britain effected a daring military invasion bringing an end to Italian occupation, restoring Emperor Haile Selassie to the throne, retaking northern Somalia, and placing southern Somalia and Ogadania under military rule.

 

 

 

Some years later in 1948, Britain agreed to return the ****** territories under Ethiopian rule, the only Christian domain in the region. The action shattered Somali nationalist aspirations for Greater Somalia. To coax dissident nationalist voices of Somali chiefs, a mandatory clause conveniently overlooked by contemporary political commentators was included in the pre-independence negotiations with leaders of both Somalilands (British Somaliland and Italian Somaliland) which obliged the two territories to form a democratic Republic of Somalia. The intent was to appease the voices of nationalism in other Somali territories who interpreted this act as a blow to their long-held dream of a united Somalia. And to stifle nationalist movement and voices, Governments in Washington and Moscow with Ethiopian interest at heart, intervened persuading Britain to return the Somali region of ****** to Ethiopia in 1948 over massive Somali protests. Here again, challenged is the argument that British Somaliland voluntarily entered into the union with Italian Somaliland - a peculiar deal had been brokered in the absence of the subjects in the formation of the union.

 

 

 

With wars being fought over the control of territories, Somalis along with other colonies in Africa and Asia remained immobilised with no say in determining their fate, and as to where their interests lay. The war of resistance by the dervishes, the first pan-Somali liberation movement for the unification of all territories populated by Somalis, had commenced as early as 1898 ending as late as 1920 at the death of Mohamed Abdulle Hassan. A historical figure and the father of modern Somali nationalism, Hassan’s aspiration for Greater Somalia was believed to have lived on with the formation of the Republic of Somalia that brought together British and Italian Somalilands with the pledge to liberate other Somali territories that had remained under occupation. The resistance by the Dervishes primarily were fought out in Sool & Sanag regions of Somalia and its people neither accepted the presence not the occupation of the colonial lodgers even in the aftermath of the collapse of the Somali nationalist movement. At the defeat of the Dervishes forces, which lent significant fervour to the ensuing nationalist movement that had precipitated the birth of the republic of Somalia, Sool & Sanaag had finally been brought under the British rule. For some in northwest Somalia today to vow allegiance to pre-independent colonial legacy is not only an insult to the Somali nationalist movement, but a victory for the fascist Europhiles whose dream it is to see their legacy live on in the psyche of future generations whose ancestors sacrificed their lives for. Is it not astonishingly ludicrous, if not an affront to the intellect, to ask of the sons and daughters of the nationalist grandfathers who died in defiance of colonial rule to honour it now by recognising it as a legitimate doctrine? Is it not even more damning to demand of them to abandon Somali nationalism, the fruits of the struggle of independence that came at such a high price, and embrace a legacy which its creators died centuries ago? More importantly, could a case for legitimacy and claim for land be made on such basis?

 

 

 

A far damaging historical gaffe often narrated by contemporary political analysts is the notion that the disputed regions geographically belong to Somaliland by way of regal signature while people of these regions are associated with Puntland State by a virtue of ethnic allegiance. Once peeled off a bit deeper, the argument reaches its fine point – it is argued that if the *********** & Warsangeli are to associate with Dashiishe, Awrtable, ********, and *****tien in Puntland State, and other Somali tribes in the south, then the right to occupy the land is automatically rescinded, and therefore they (***** ) must vacate the territories they presently inhabit in Sool, Sanaag & Ayn regions. If no, then they must vow allegiance to the government in Somaliland by a virtue of colonial association. And if resisted, brute force must be effected to subjugate them to submission?

 

 

 

One often hears of deliberations with regards to the sanctity of Somaliland’s (northwest regions of Somalia) territorial integrity, and as to how important it is to secure its borders and defend the country. One wonders as to the validity of this argument in light of the historical reflection of how it came about. If we are being asked to set the aside the yearnings of the Somali peoples, honour the legacy of the regal dominance, even if it no longer reigns over the peoples if perhaps only active in the psyche of the students of colonial teachings, abandon the principles at the cornerstone of Somali nationalist movement, why not then be true to one’s conscious in declaring a republic in the regions (northwest regions of Somalia) that were so duly receptive to the rule of the master, benefited from it, and still remain supportive of its legacy? And why not make peace with thou neighbours that had ferociously fought against criminally unlawful occupation by the colonisers, and resistance against persecution who to this day aspire to the premise of that long-held dream of Greater Somalia? Are there recognisable borders that could be defended on such grounds? If so, does it support the claim that Sool & Sanaag ought to abide by the colonial rule and regulation?

 

 

 

Seated at the heart of the claim of proprietyship which lends esteem in the war against Puntland State is the tribal composite of the Somali body politik. On the onset of the formation of the republic of Somalia, dissatisfaction with the union was displayed by portions of the people of British Somaliland, namely of the **** tribe. In the south, SYL was the dominant political party whereas in the north there were the SNL representing people of **** tribe, which constituted a sizeable majority in British Somaliland, and USP largely drawing support from the *********** and Warsangeli of ***** (Darood), and the ********** of *** . In the newly formed republic of Somalia, Isaqs to their disbelief were relegated to a minority status. There then began a movement of dissatisfaction among Isaqs, and here lies the root thrust of their discontent with the union which was found to have been neither genuine, nor compelling. A more authentic concern, though expressed covertly but never explicitly, had been an inherent disparity between the southern and northern political elites and respective administrations. The former with administrative experience and exposure accumulated over years of working along the Italian civil servants were better equipped than their counterparts from the north. With the colonies functioning under procedurally different administrative system of governments, legal or otherwise, divergence in interest, economically or otherwise had developed. Matters were not helped by the fact that USP political leaders along with their constituencies disagreed with the discontent demonstrated by the predominant SNL supporters. The results of the constitutional referendum of 1961 not only affirmed their nationalistic feeling but sent a clear message to the dissidents silencing their diminishing backing.

 

 

 

More recently, at the height of the Somali civil war, armed rebel groups such as the SNM of predominantly **** support base, and USC of ****** clans after the collapse of the Somali military government, attempts of land seizure and expansion mainly into regions inhabited by people of other clans had taken place. Sool & Sanaag had not been spared. Properties in the urban cities namely Erigavo and Aynaba, gazing terrain in the rural areas mainly in Sanaag, and pastoral lands in both regions owned by people of ***** had been confiscated with most still under occupation. The only explanation for the recent declaration of war on the neighbouring Puntland State is nothing short of Rayaale government’s attempt to legalise the claim of territories illegally taken at the beginning of the civil war.

 

 

 

And for those reasons, the predominantly **** pro-secessionist movement in northwest regions of Somalia have no legal grounds, no constitutional entitlement, and no political influence for any land claims. And there lies the impetus that motivates Rayaale and his government’s preoccupation with war.

 

 

 

Desperate is the popular feeling in Hargeisa these days.

 

 

 

“I will not stop until war and pillaging takes place in Las Anod” Rayaale was quoted to have said so while addressing his cabinet shortly after the Dec/17 incident in 2002 when he was chased out of Las Anod.

 

 

 

“Ceilings on the roofs of most houses in Las Anod are those left behind by the British colony” Somaliland’s foreign minister, Edna Adam told reporters in Hargeisa with respect to the Sool & Sanaag conflict shortly after she returned from secret trip to Djibouti. This is interpreted as meaning that cities in Sool & Sanaag predominantly inhabited by people supportive of Somali nationalist sentiment, in other words of ***** , did not suffer any damage in the civil war, hence their time has beckoned.

 

 

 

“We failed to secure recognition for Somaliland. Therefore, we must seek revenge” these were the words of Faisal Ali Warabe, the leader of UCID, a political party which draws a sizeable backing from Hargeisa, and from the Diaspora. Here, Warabe is clearly enticing clan-based war and hatred.

 

 

 

Radio Hargeisa, the only radio station in northwest regions of Somalia, the voice of the government in Hargeisa, has been broadcasting hate-filled, clan motivated war transmissions calling upon people of **** tribe ( Duriyada - the terms used is these transmissions) to wage war on the people of Sool & Sanaag.

 

 

 

However, in the event of war, which appears imminent judging from latest reports from the regions, Rayaale, his mentor Isma’il Omar Ghelle of the tiny Djibouti, and his war financing yuppies with nothing to lose are in for a shock.

 

 

 

Mohamed Abdi Hashi, the Vice President and the people of Puntland State have more to lose than their counterparts in Somaliland even if they overrun the ill-equipped Rayaale militias that had been gathering at Yagoori, on the outskirts of Buuhoodle, and El Afweyn fronts. Anything less than a win-win situation in negotiations and through peaceful means will be far more damaging – something the leadership in Hargeisa does not seem interested.

 

 

 

It is in the best of interest of the people in the region to think twice before committing to a devastating war.

 

 

 

Nonetheless, as the old saying would have it “War Jiraabaa, Cakaaruu Iman”.

 

 

 

Chairman

 

Puntland Patriotic Party (PPP)

 

Garowe, Puntland State of Somalia

 

Email: puntlandpp@yahoo.com

 

15th Janaury 2004

[miles-militis]

Truth be told. Desperate situations demand desperate deeds. Do not I see that in Riyaale's camp.

 

"....northwest regions of Somalia have no legal grounds, no constitutional entitlement, and no political influence for any land claims. And there lies the impetus that motivates Rayaale and his government’s preoccupation with war"

[Sophist]

The author took words out of my mouth!.

 

Thus Spake

[Saxardiid]

this seems to me a desperate party that is trying to evert a war which their militia started in the first place. Somaalida ayaa waxay ku maahmaahdaa 'Afeef hore lahoow ama Adkeysi dambe yeelo'.

[General Duke]

Sooyaal what ever makes you comfortable bro, the truth is simple SOOL,SANAG and CAYN belong to Puntland state of Somalia, nuff said.

[General Duke]

Bayaan: Siyaasiyiinta beeshe d.h.u.l.b.a.h.a.n.t.e ee Jooga Muqdisho

by Buuhoodle.net 19.01.04

Shir ay isugu yimaadeen wax garadka beesha *********** oo isugu jira culumo’udiin, aqoonyahano, saraakiil, siyaasiyiin, dhalinyaro iyo hooyooyin oo ka dhacay jimcihii taariikhdu markay ahayd 16/01/2004, degmada dharkeenley ee gobalka banaadir.

 

Shirkaas oo ay beeshu kaga hadashay mawqifkooda kuwa jahan isku-haysadka maamulada soomaliland iyo puntland ee gobalada sool sanaag bari iyo howd iyo mideynta danaha beesha *********** ee ku dhaqan magaalada muqdisho.

 

Dood iyo falanqeen dheer ka dib beeshu waxay isku afgaratey in gobaladaasi yihiin gobolo hoos taga maamul goboleedka puntland.

 

Taas oo u sabab ah saldhiga nidaam qeybsiga afar beeloodka iyo barka kuna salaysan nidaamkii soo jiriinka ahaa ee soomaaliyeed iyoh iyadoo aan gobaladaasi xalaaleen Karin xuduud ku sheegii (1884) sidoo kalena aan xaaraameen Karin heshiiskii (1960) ay soomaali ku midawday.

 

Hadaba inta laga helayo midnimo soomaaliyeed Gobalada waqooyi galbeed waxaan ugu baaqeynaa in ay ilaaliyaan darisnimada.

 

Sidoo kale beeshu waxay gudoonsatay in ay abuurato guddi samafal, sanduuq dhaqaale iyo odayaal xeer beegti ah.

 

Taas oo lagu ilaalinayo dhaqan soo jireenkii beesha iyo la dhaqanka suuban ee beelaha kale.

 

Sidoo kale beeshu waxay danaynaysaa oo soo dhawaynaysaa nidaam kasta oo maamul loogu sameeynayo gobalka banaadir laguna xasilinayo amniga guud.

 

Sidoo kale waxay beeshu baaq nabaddeed usoo jeedinaysaa beelaha ku dagaalamaya Banaadir Xeraale Ceelbuur Gobalka Bay iyo Koonfurta Gaalkacayo iyo meelkasta oo lagu haminayo in lagu daadiyo dhiig sokeeye .

 

 

 

Magacyada Saxiixayaasha Bayaanka

 

1. Cisamaan macalin xeraw Gudoomiye

 

2. Axmed Caalim Ismaaciil K/Xigeen

 

3. G/sare saciid cali saalax

 

4. G/sare Axmed maxamed wardi

 

5. G/sare cabdi maxamed baradho

 

6. G/sare wiilo diiriye Sugulle

 

7. Dhame cumar maxmuud xaaji yuusuf

 

8. maxamed cadde faarax

 

9. Dr: maxamed ismaaciil faniin

 

10.Dr: Cabdi fataax aadan isxaaq

 

11.Dr: Cabdikarim saleebaan cumar

 

12 C/laahi Nuux Maxamed

 

13.Maxamed cabdi faarax

 

14.Caasho aadan aar

 

15. Canab faarax

 

16. Sh.C/naasir Sh. Mursal

 

17. Sh. Aadan aw yuusuf

 

18. Sh.C/rashid Axmed Caalim

 

19. Sh.Xusseen Axmed Xusseen

 

20. Sh.Cali boobe

 

21. Jaamac Suudi Faarax