WILL SOMALIS ABANDON THE BLAME GAME?

[NASSIR]

Will Somalis Abandon the Blame Game?

 

January 04, 2007

 

The cat is said to have nine lives. That symbolic high number of lives represents finely tuned instinct for survival on the part of the seemingly lowly creature. The only other life form known to man that surpasses the cat in beating the odds is the Somali nation. For this nation had weathered decades of ceaseless turmoil and simply refused to go into the night, as predicted by countless self-styled prognosticators. Yet this will to survive though critically important is not enough; the country must find a way to thrive—and soon. To this end, Somalia needs to face up to several bewildering characteristics that are unique to her society. None more so than the contradiction that sets the country apart as being simultaneously one of the few culturally and ethnically homogeneous societies on earth and one of the most politically dysfunctional. That is why after two republics, a savage civil war and 16 major “peace” conferences later, Somalis are still having a hard time trying to come to grips with the restoration of their national government. This when all acknowledge the urgent need, to say nothing of the obligation, to once again to reconstitute the society in accordance with internationally recognized norms.

 

Consider the fact that the Transitional Federal Government that was created by the Transitional Parliament nearly two years is just now in the process of establishing its authority in Mogadishu and throughout the country. This is because until recently the TFG’s efforts were stymied by notorious Mogadishu-based warlords. Fortunately, that group was vanquished in June 2006 by a collection of clan-based Islamic courts in and around the capital city (that later coalesced to form the Union of Islamic Courts). Shortly thereafter, UIC began to unceremoniously challenge the TFG’s authority, setting the stage for the military showdown that has just ended in the Courts own downfall.

 

During the long period (1991-2006) of Somalia’s political wilderness, an entire generation had grown up without the benefit of formal education, health care, fully functional economy. Meanwhile, catastrophic environmental degradation at home, lack of international representation, and, above all, inadequate safety and security for both people and property became a features commonly identified with Somali nationality. For great many individual Somalis at home and abroad the picture was becoming ever so bleak. In deed, the society seemed to be precariously hanging at the edge of an abyss. This is the story of the real, unmitigated national disgrace of Somalia’s recent past that can longer be swept under the mat. There is no way to spin it other than to acknowledge what it actually is: the source of an abiding shame that robs human beings of dignity and diminishes their self-worth. And, it was caused and perpetuated by none other than Somalis!

 

Ignoring such travesty and the attendant crimes against innocent fellow Somalis, by pointing accusatory figure at others is no solution. To establish the root causes one must ask: who, in Allah’s green earth, is responsible for the clan-cleansing sprees in which tens of thousands of innocents perished the exploitation of the most defenseless communities, the expropriation of private property, the destruction of forests, the permitting of international syndicates to dump toxic waste in the country’s territorial waters? Were these atrocities overseen by the ubiquitous Western imperialists? Was it engineered by the Amharas—as most Somalis refer to all things Ethiopian? Or, was it iblisi, Somalis that committed these dastardly crimes?

 

What foreign power had imposed the Mogadishu-based warlords that wreaked havoc in the nation’s capital for more than a dozen years? Who sabotaged the solutions that were devised in all the perennial Somali conferences, including the 2004 confab in which the current Transitional Federal Government was formed?

 

There are those Somalis who, having placed their heads in the clouds, seek to employ empty rhetoric and emotionalism in an effort to bring the rest of us to their never-never-land perch—a place built on ‘bricks and mortar’ from an alternative reality—in fantasy land.

 

It is too easy to blame Ethiopia for what had been called an “utter failure” on the part of Somalis to remake their society up to the current TFG campaign. Perhaps it appears to them crafty and wise to play the role of ‘prophet(s) of doom’, a human traits that requires hedging of bets and playing safe. Such characters are ready to assume the mantle of super nationalist when things go their way. If all else fails there is always the perennial fallback: claim to farsightedness and vague concern for future generations. One can dismiss their musings as exercise in “freedom of speech”, which is a very good thing. But, God forbid, it would not be proper to ask such folks to consider (just for once) the necessity for a workable solution for the long-suffering society.

 

I am all for freedom of expression. But real courage lies with exercising the freedom to tell the truth! And, truth be told, Somalia, after have squandered at least 16 well-planned opportunities to restore the nation’s central authority in 16 years was undeniably at the cusp of disintegration from which there would probably be no return. So, let us give credit where credit is due, namely the TFG for turning what surely akin to borrowed time into a real chance upon which the nation can build the future she deserves.

 

No one I know would consonant the preclusion of Islam from playing a role in the new Somali political dispensation. In deed, as Muslims Somalis would do well to follow the Islamic precepts closely and base the countries moral code on the injections of the faith. However, collective fear and herd mentality are not Islamic values. Nor can hatred masquerading as patriotism be made to look respectable.

 

As for Ethiopia, I would argue that she is neither inherently a friend nor foe. The country is a neighbor with which the Somali nation had adversarial relations for a good many years. But it is important to understand which Ethiopia is coming to the aid of the TFG. The Ethiopia of today is not the 7th Century CE, Abyssinia of yore that welcomed the first Hijrah at the behest of the Prophet Mohamad (PBUH). Nor does it necessarily represent the world view of Somali’s arc-enemy monarchs from that country, namely Menelik and Haile Selassie. It is even a far cry from Somalia’s recent nemesis Mengisto Haile Mariam. The current Ethiopian government came into power with substantial help from the Somali nation. It is not out of the ordinary for them to return the favor.

 

Further more, there seem to be quite a bit of fear mongering regarding Ethiopian hidden agenda to occupy Somalia for the foreseeable future. This simply does not make sense. Ethiopia is a desperately poor country of some 70 million people that is not able to feed its people made up of highly diverse ethnic populations and tribes. But it is a neighbor of Somalia that has within its borders a huge Somali region.

 

Granted, there are geopolitical issues that the two countries need to workout. But the time has come for cooperation between the two sister-countries for the mutual benefit of both nations. Ethiopia can not occupy or dominate Somalia by force of arms. The Somali people will not allow it. However, if a determined segment of the Somali society remains hell bent on perpetuating the civil war under false pretexts such as “The Ethiopians are coming, the Ethiopians are coming”, then there is no need for anyone to invade Somalia—the nation will tear itself down, from within. For these reasons, the TFG’s, as the sole, legitimate Somali national authority, request for Ethiopian assistance should, by any objective criterion, be preferable to total disintegration of the country into mutually hostile fiefdoms. It is also important to remember that this is a lawful act sanctioned by the UN charter and countless other international agreements.

 

Ali A. Fatah

Washington, DC

Chief of DC GIS Staff

AMakhiri@aol.com

[Wisdom_Seeker]

Actually Ethiopia isn’t obligated to help us out simply because most Somalis think that the Ethiopian regime today came to power with the “substantial help” which was given to them by the Somali nation. And just how “substantial” was that help? Where there Somali tanks, MIGs and thousands of Somali soldiers who went all the way to Addis Ababa to install in this regime, the answer is plainly NO. They weren’t as dense as the Somalis we have today, who are enthusiastic in killing his fellow Somalis and selling them out to the lowest bidder. It must have slipped his mind, but factually Ethiopia is eminent for supporting different warlords and arming them to the teeth.

 

As I have said before we are more than willing to hold responsible those of us who have caused and continue to cause internal damages, and there are plenty including our so called legitimate warlord government to blame. However some foreign intruders particularly Ethiopia has given us a reason to hold them accountable. Are we wrong to know who our enemy is? Should we brush everything that took place these past 16 years aside and blame no one? I am deeply sorry but someone will bear the blame, whether it is Somalis or Ethiopians or Americans it really doesn’t matter. There is someone to blame for all this chaos, it is clear that there were other participants involved in flaming this never-ending-war and some of those hands didn’t belong to a Somali individual.

 

So the blaming game shouldn’t stop until justice is served! Those who are responsible will either be brought to justice in this world or the hereafter by the All-Mighty.

[Naxar Nugaaleed]

Are we wrong to know who our enemy is?

Might we consider our enemy

Rampant and mindless murder

Lawlessness

statelessness

Miseducation of an entire generation

poverty

hunger

destruction of infrastructure

?

[NASSIR]

Mystic, point taken but is it not better to save our people from the mass confusion accusatory fingers create in our puzzled minds. TFG wants to reconstitute our state back to where it was before prior to the civil war. Yes It can be done and achieved if we embrace the TFG and put both recent and old memories to rest.

 

We actually helped the current regime of Ethiopia mount up resistance against the old, ruthless regime rule of the Marxist-Leninst dictator, Mingeste. Our Somali government back then trained and supplied arms and munitions to Zenawi's TPLF as well as ELF. But I think TPLF's victory against the old regime is twofold. One is the collapse of the USSR and the other is the massive military and financial assistance ELF used to garner from anti-communist countries.

 

"Ignoring such travesty and the attendant crimes against innocent fellow Somalis, by pointing accusatory fingure at others is no solution. To establish the root causes one must ask: who, in Allah’s green earth, is responsible for the clan-cleansing sprees in which tens of thousands of innocents perished the exploitation of the most defenseless communities, the expropriation of private property, the destruction of forests, the permitting of international syndicates to dump toxic waste in the country’s territorial waters? Were these atrocities overseen by the ubiquitous Western imperialists? Was it engineered by the Amharas—as most Somalis refer to all things Ethiopian? Or, was it iblisi, Somalis that committed these dastardly crimes?"

 

 

Exactly

[Fabregas]

Originally posted by Naxar Nugaaleed:

[QB]

Are we wrong to know who our enemy is?

Might we consider our enemy

Rampant and mindless murder

Lawlessness

statelessness

Miseducation of an entire generation

poverty

hunger

destruction of infrastructure

 

Mainly caused by warlords and their henchmen....Where are they today?

[NASSIR]

^I belive former warlords have this proclivity to disavow their past activities by representing their clans through customary means in the direction of conflict resolution mechanism and by helping the Gov collect guns. As Qaybdiid asserted, I believe all of them would want to be part of the general masses and conduct their normal business, return to their houses and spend time with their families.

[Taako Man]

We should work for reconciliation. The Transitional Federal Instititions have the upper hand and they control from Buhoodle to Badbaadhe. A feat not accomplishmed by any gov't since 1991.

 

They need to seize this moment. For this window might close in a matter of days.

[Khalaf]

Duke, Caamir, Naxar, and co what u think of this article?

 

The stability that emerged in southern Somalia after sixteen years of utter lawlessness is gone, the defeat of the ruling Islamic Courts Union now ushering in looting, martial law and the prospect of another major anti-Western insurgency. Clan warlords, who terrorised Somalia until they were driven out by the Islamists, and who were put back in power by the US-backed and -trained Ethiopian army, have begun carving up the country once again.

 

With these developments, the Bush Administration, undeterred by the horrors and setbacks in Iraq, Afghanistan and Lebanon, has opened another battlefront in this volatile quarter of the Muslim world. As with Iraq, it casts this illegal war as a way to curtail terrorism, but its real goal appears to be to obtain a direct foothold in a highly strategic area of the world through a client regime. The results could destabilise the whole region.

 

The Horn of Africa, at whose core Somalia lies, is newly oil-rich. It is also just miles across the Red Sea from Saudi Arabia and Yemen, overlooking the daily passage of large numbers of oil tankers and warships through that waterway. The United States has a huge military base in neighbouring Djibouti that is being enlarged substantially and will become the headquarters of a new US military command being created specifically for Africa. As evidence of the area’s importance, Gen. John Abizaid, the military commander of the region, visited Ethiopia recently to discuss Somalia, while Chinese President Hu Jintao visited Horn countries a few months ago in search of oil and trade agreements.

 

The current series of events began with the rise of the Islamic Courts more than a year ago. The Islamists avoided large-scale violence in defeating the warlords, who had held sway in Somalia ever since they drove out UN peacekeepers by killing eighteen American soldiers in 1993, by rallying people to their side through establishing law and order. Washington was wary, fearing their possible support for terrorists. While they have denied any such intentions, some Islamists do have terrorist ties, but these have been vastly overstated in the West.

 

Washington, however, chose to view the situation only through the prism of its ‘war on terror’. The Bush Administration supported the warlords — in violation of a UN arms embargo it helped impose on Somalia many years ago — indirectly funnelling them arms and suitcases filled with dollars.

 

Many of these warlords were part of the Western-supported transitional ‘government’ that had been organised in Kenya in 2004. But the ‘government’ was so devoid of internal support that even after two years it was unable to move beyond the small western town of Baidoa, where it had settled. In the end, it was forced to turn to Somalia’s archenemy Ethiopia for assistance in holding on even to Baidoa. Again in violation of the UN arms embargo, Ethiopia sent 15,000 troops to Somalia. Their arrival eroded whatever domestic credibility the government might have had.

 

The United States, whose troops have been sighted by Kenyan journalists in the region bordering Somalia, next turned to the UN Security Council. In another craven act resembling its post-facto legalisation of the US occupation of Iraq, the Council bowed to US pressure and authorised a regional peacekeeping force to enter Somalia to protect the government and “restore peace and stability”. This despite the fact that the UN has no right under its charter to intervene on behalf of one of the parties struggling for political supremacy, and that peace and stability had already been restored by the Islamists.

 

The war came soon after the UN resolution, its outcome a foregone conclusion thanks to the highly trained and war-seasoned Ethiopian army. The African Union called for the Ethiopians to end the invasion, but the UN Security Council made no such call. Ban Ki-moon, the incoming Secretary General, is being urged to treat the enormously complex situation in Darfur as his political challenge, but Somalia, while less complex, is more immediate. He has an opportunity to establish his credentials as an unbiased upholder of the UN Charter by seeking Ethiopia’s withdrawal.

 

The Ethiopian military presence in Somalia is inflammatory and will destabilise this region and threaten Kenya, a US ally and the only island of stability in this corner of Africa. Ethiopia is at even greater risk, as a dictatorship with little popular support and beset by two large internal revolts by ******is and Oromos. It is also mired in a military stalemate with Eritrea, which has denied it secure access to seaports. It now seeks such access in Somalia.

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