Cowke Posted May 26, 2010 Djibouti: Guelleh To Run Again, Discusses Impact of Economic Crisis, Future Jeune afrique Friday, May 21, 2010 Ismail Omar Guelleh is ready to run again, even if his “job is not easy”. Interview with Djibouti President Ismail Guelleh conducted by Marwane Ben Yahmed on 18 May: “ Ismail Omar Guelleh: `The Country Still Needs Me`”; place not given The Djibouti chief of state has decided to play for more time in office via a revision of the Constitution allowing him to run again. He justifies doing so in a long interview and discusses his country`s relations with France, a number of “scandals,” and the tension-filled Horn of Africa. At 62, Djibouti Chief of State Ismail Omar Guelleh is an ambitious man who harbors a dream that is a priori impossible: to turn his country into an international economic hub, a kind of African Dubai or Singapore. It is a formidable challenge. Squeezed into the confines of an East Africa that is prey to multiple crises - Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia - the Republic of Djibouti is a land of paradoxes, several worlds all wrapped into one. This sentry posted between Africa and the Middle East that has fascinated so many men, whether poets, adventurers, or scholars, a land swept by hot winds blowing from Arabia and Egypt, is not collapsing under the weight of mining or oil resources and lacks both water and means. Its relief and soils bear witness to the Earth`s subterranean humors, vegetation is sparse, and human activity subjected to the scorching rays of the sun and sultry temperatures. Nevertheless, Djibouti is also a miniature state that attracts investors, essentially Arab and Chinese, just as honey attracts bees. It is a garrison state that hosts French, American, and soon Japanese bases, a haven of stability in a Horn of Africa ever fraught with tension. Its exceptional geographic position between the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean enables it to benefit from the exponential development of maritime trade between Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Europe. Plans and completed projects are steadily increasing in number, from the ultramodern container terminal at Doraleh to the neighboring free zone, and including a casino and five-star luxury hotels designed to welcome businessmen from all over the world side by side with tourists looking for an escape. In power since 1999 and reelected in 2005 for a theoretical final term, Ismail Omar Guelleh has decided to play for more time in office. On 19 April, the Djibouti Chamber of Deputies passed a constitutional reform enabling him, among other things, to run again in 2011. He justifies the reform in the following interview, which was conducted at the Presidential Palace in late April. He also responds to nagging questions: the quasi absence of any opposition; the Boreh and Borrel scandals, criticisms expressed over conditions governing the organization of the 2011 presidential election; and the often complicated relations with the former colonial power, deemed too touchy about its investments. Finally, he analyzes the consequences of and lessons drawn from the world economic crisis for his own country, as well as the recurring tension with his Eritrean neighbor, the Somali pirates, and China. (Ben Yahmed) In an interview granted to Jeune Afrique in February 2008, you stated that you did not want to “get bogged down in routine, the flattery of sycophants, or be among those who would tear up a constitution because (you) do not like it.” At the time, you ruled out running in 2011. On 19 April, however, the Djibouti Chamber of Deputies passed a constitutional reform doing away with the limit placed on the number of terms, and you have just announced your candidacy. Why did you change your mind? (Guelleh) I remember that interview very well. At the time, I was truly convinced that two terms would be enough, and that the time would have come to pass the torch. I need to rest, to do something different, but since last year, I have been subjected to friendly pressure that, given the regional context -disturbing, to say the least - has prompted me to continue. I resisted, I assure you, but I finally agreed to make the sacrifice because, I can assure you, this job is not in the least free of stress. (Ben Yahmed) Does the lack of opposition in the Chamber of Deputies (Ed. Note: It boycotted the 2008 legislative elections.) not taint the legitimacy of this constitutional reform? (Guelleh) Five parties are represented in the Chamber and belong to the presidential movement. One of them, the National Democratic Party (PND), refused to support the reform and will even run a candidate against me in the next presidential election. This is indeed proof that, even among allies, one can express disagreements and point out differences. As for the opposition, it is absent because it decided to be. I am sorry about that, but I am not responsible for its choices. (Ben Yahmed) On that same 19 April, Malian President Amadou Toumani Toure announced that he would not modify the Constitution in order to seek a third term. Do you not believe, as many Africans do, that he embodies a model of democracy? (Guelleh) Everyone has his own way of looking at things. The situations are different, and one must also listen to those who believe that limiting the number of terms is not necessarily democratic. If your people want you to continue leading the country because you have achieved results and they are satisfied with your work, why stand in their way because of an election? (Ben Yahmed) Your adversaries will respond that because you are in power and have far more means than your opponents, you will have no difficulty being elected, and that the vote is fixed in advance. (Guelleh) The elections are overseen by numerous international observers who crisscross the country. If the people should happen to mobilize against me, do you sincerely believe that no one would notice? Let us be reasonable: An election will be held and the process will be totally transparent. The Djiboutian people will choose their president, whoever he might be. As for me, I have a country to build and a people to feed. I want to be judged on my results. It is easy to criticize, especially when one is not doing anything. (Ben Yahmed) Ever since Ahmed Dini`s death, the boycott of the 2005 presidential contest, and the 2008 legislative election, the opposition has scarcely existed. Is that not disturbing? (Guelleh) Indeed, it is. Every government must have its (so-called) counter-government, and every nation benefits from a true debate among its political class, however constructive it may or may not be. In order to engage in politics, however, one has to work and propose, not just sit back and criticize. The opposition has made its choices, and now it must live with them. (Ben Yahmed) How much influence does it truly have? (Guelleh) I have no idea, but not much, in my opinion. Not enough to affect the future of this country, at any rate. (Ben Yahmed) Djibouti experienced tragic events in the 1990`s, with serious ethnic clashes between the Issas and the Affars. Could that happen again? (Guelleh) If we are not careful and if we do not safeguard our national unity, that possibility cannot be ruled out. (Ben Yahmed) Do you still consider yourself an Issa? (Guelleh) No, I am a Djiboutian. (Ben Yahmed) In your opinion, is the Republic of Djibouti a democracy? (Guelleh) In our country, we have neither capital punishment nor political prisoners. Journalists do not go to prison because of what they write. One can demonstrate and go out on strike. Elections take place routinely. Yes, Djibouti is a democracy. (Ben Yahmed) But your party has headed the country for over 20 years. (Guelleh) So? Transferring power to another party (alternance) is neither an end in itself nor an absolute guarantee of good governance, to the best of my knowledge. (Ben Yahmed) On 24 February, your former financial adviser, opponent and businessman Abdourahman Boreh, filed a complaint against you in Paris for murder and extortion. He accused you of attempting to prevent him from running in the presidential election scheduled for 2011. How did you react to this new legal episode in France? (Guelleh) That gentleman is among those who, while in the government`s shadow, felt themselves sprouting wings and consequently experienced the worst difficulties checking their personal ambitions and “appetites.” He fled to France, hired the same attorney as Mrs Elisabeth Borrel and, like her, accuses me of every possible wrong. Do you not find that a curious coincidence? The matter is before the courts, and he must therefore provide evidence of what he is claiming. Nevertheless, I fear that it may all turn against him. Sweeping declarations are one thing; facts and the truth another. (Ben Yahmed) He has announced his desire to run against you in the next presidential election? Does that worry you? (Guelleh) On the contrary, let him do so. He will be welcome. Then we shall see what he stands for. (Ben Yahmed) Since the May 2001 peace accords between the government and the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD), the situation of the rebels seems to be vague. Apparently, a number of diehards are continuing the fight, albeit sporadically, but all the same, what is the story? (Guelleh) In the country`s northern region, some of those involved in the 2001 negotiations signed the agreement, were taken into the army, and even received compensation. Next they realized that they had a potentially lucrative deal going: make peace, take up arms again, renegotiate in order to obtain new forms of compensation, and so on. Moreover, since they always have the attentive ear of our Eritrean neighbors, who never miss an opportunity to generate instability here, it does not worry me, in short. Rebellions that do not have the people`s support have no chance of lasting. (Ben Yahmed) Your country is very dependent upon foreign investments and maritime traffic. What impact has the world economic crisis had on Djibouti`s economy? (Guelleh) The crisis hit us very hard, just as it did everyone else. We experienced a net decline in direct foreign investments, and a number of projects had to be postponed, waiting for better times to come. What is worse, it all combined with the higher cost of energy and a hike in prices for basic foodstuffs. Thanks to the support of our Saudi, Emirati, Kuwaiti, and Indian friends, we were able to check the crisis and difficulties, and we continue to move ahead. Major new infrastructure projects will get underway: a $250-million naval shipyard; two new roads, one of them with four lanes; a new port at Tadjoura that will be connected by a road to northern Ethiopia; and so on. This is of monumental importance for us because it will enable us to develop that region of Djibouti and check the exodus of people who, lacking jobs and infrastructures where they live, are pouring into the cities. Actually, the crisis turned out to be a cloud with a silver lining: It forced us to get organized and find urgent, but inventive, solutions, such as our social development initiative, the acquisition of land in Ethiopia and Sudan for the purpose of producing the grain we need ourselves, even the introduction here in Djibouti of a Japanese variety of rice able to withstand the heavy concentration of salt and scorching heat. The worst enemy of a leader is comfort and routine. (Ben Yahmed) Among your principal partners, Dubai is certainly the one hardest hit. Were you worried when the Emirate was on the brink of bankruptcy? (Guelleh) Obviously, even though we were quite sure that the United Arab Emirates would not let Dubai go down. It was mainly Nakheel, the company operating in tourism and real estate, that was hit the hardest; DP World (Ed. Note: port activities) less so. In a way, it enabled Dubai to get back on the right track, to be less prodigal and more rational. (Ben Yahmed) Who is your main foreign partner today? (Guelleh) In terms of volume, it is undeniably China, but it is essentially a matter of loans. If one goes by the aid with which a country can supply us, I would say Japan, which has been extremely generous toward us. (Ben Yahmed) The Chinese economic offensive on the continent has roused a certain number of criticisms, mainly from the Europeans and Americans, who blame Beijing, among others, for leading Africa back into debt when they had gone ahead and cancelled large debts. Are these legitimate worries or unfair criticism? (Guelleh) Africa needs infrastructures more than ever. To go into debt to build that which we need so desperately should not be viewed as a problem; on the contrary. It is the sine qua non condition of our development. The Democratic Republic of the Congo could produce electricity for the entire continent, but it needs dams. The Chinese have loaned the money needed to build such infrastructures and are actually completing them. No one would prevent Westerners from doing the same thing, as far as I know. But they do not have a long-term vision; they want immediate, disproportionate returns on their investments. I could add that the Chinese do not set the prices for our raw materials, unlike the Europeans and the Americans, so certain lessons about morality make me smile. (Ben Yahmed) How is the Bab el-Mandeb bridge construction project linking Djibouti with Yemen going? (Guelleh) That project is one of those postponed because of the crisis. The Bin Laden family is very interested in it, as are the Chinese. However, the bridge will not be an attractive project unless Saudi Arabia joins in the project and a rail system linking the Middle East with Africa is built. (Ben Yahmed) Along with water, energy is one of Djibouti`s main concerns. Do you truly think that the alternatives to hydrocarbons: solar, aeolian, and geothermal, can provide solutions? (Guelleh) I am betting heavily on geothermal energy, because the potential in our country is immense. A number of projects are well underway. Here again, we are receiving aid from our Kuwaiti, Icelandic, and Chinese friends. We are also in the process of finalizing the construction of a tidal energy plant and are designing an aeolian project with Alstom and Suez. (Ben Yahmed) Does the emergence of modern piracy in the Horn of Africa post a serious threat to Djibouti? (Guelleh) Obviously. Once again, we have become a high-risk country solely because of that scourge. Pirates station themselves at the entryway to the Gulf of Aden and potentially threaten all types of freight going through Djibouti, Djeddah (Saudi Arabia), and the Suez Canal. Insurance policies are vanishing, discouraging some ship owners for good. Moreover, despite all the measures taken by the Europeans, Americans, and Japanese, the Somali pirates are still there. I would even say they are getting stronger and stronger. (Ben Yahmed) How do you explain it? (Guelleh) As long as piracy has existed, it has never been stopped at sea. The crux of the problem is on land. Westerners refuse to set foot in Somalia, where the pirates have taken refuge, in a relatively limited area running from Puntland to north of Mogadishu. At the present time, we are spending billions of dollars for nothing or next to nothing. (Ben Yahmed) So what has to be done, in your opinion? (Guelleh) As I said, take action in Somalia, put an end to the chaos that prevails there, restore the government`s authority, reestablish law and order, train and equip Somali security forces, and prevent the people from joining the ranks of the pirates. I am not saying that it would be easy, but we have to begin one day or another. Until peace and security exist in that country, nothing will change. (Ben Yahmed) Since April 2008, part of your territory, the Ras-Doumeira border zone, has been occupied by Eritrea. The United Nations has adopted several resolutions condemning your neighbor, demanded that troops be withdrawn, issued an ultimatum, and let over a year go by, but nothing has happened. (Guelleh) It is surprising, right? And yet, the sanctions passed by the UN are beginning to produce effects. Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki is going everywhere seeking support, to Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Libya in particular. He is sending messages all over the place to put pressure on us, but we are standing firm on our demands: the withdrawal of his troops and release of our prisoners. (Ben Yahmed) Do you know Isaias Afwerki personally? (Guelleh) Of course. I telephoned him in April 2008, the very evening of the Eritrean troops` incursion. As usual, he tried to make me believe that my information was false, and that no soldier in his army was in our country. So I went there and saw an army...in civilian dress! (Ben Yahmed) Could the conflict degenerate? (Guelleh) Neither party has anything to gain, Eritrea even less than we. Its army is just a shadow of what it was, given all the desertions. For its part, Ethiopia is stepping up its pressure on Asmara, but Afwerki is like that: He likes the current situation: no government, no legislature, no political parties. He does whatever he pleases, admits nothing to anyone. What can you do with such an individual? (Ben Yahmed) Do you believe in a United States of Africa? (Guelleh) No, not in short-range or medium-range terms, at least. That is the fantasy of Mr al-Qadhafi. We are already struggling to set up a common market and to get our regional and continental institutions running, so.... (Ben Yahmed) Your relations with France go back and forth between chilly and renewed warming. (Guelleh) Such a situation is not limited to Djibouti. The same is true of many African countries, from Senegal to Algeria, including Cote d`Ivoire, Rwanda, and others. (Ben Yahmed) And yet, the Judge Borrel affair did poison your relations with the former colonial power for a long time. Did the Versailles Court of Appeal`s release of two Djibouti subjects (Ed. Note: Djama Souleiman and Hassan Said, tried for bribing witnesses in the investigation into the Judge`s murder in 1995) in May 2009, and the lifting of the international arrest warrants naming them put an end to the tension between France and you? (Guelleh) When President Sarkozy came to Djibouti in January, he assured me that that business was all part of the past. We are currently negotiating a new defense agreement and hope to turn the page on Francafrique (French influence and networks in Africa) and have a true partnership with Paris. We have historical, cultural, and linguistic affinities, but we have to say that France`s cooperation is shrinking like a hair shirt. France could give us a great deal in terms of university, scientific, and military training, for example, but today more and more of our students are going to Morocco and Tunisia and fewer and fewer to France. Francafrique`s technical advisers are no more, but no one has taken their place. (Ben Yahmed) Will we ever know the truth about the Borrel affair? (Guelleh) I hope so. The French were manipulated by a number of judges. Is what country in the world does justice sit on a matter for 15 years? Either the case has been filed away, or it is being transferred in order to produce a ruling. Two Djiboutians are saying who knows what, while I am accused without the slightest proof, a handful of judges are leaning to one hypothesis and others toward another, all in a context in which the magistrates dare not challenge certain colleagues out of solidarity. As for us, we are not worried. What reasons could we have to have an adviser to the Djiboutian minister of justice murdered? (Ben Yahmed) It is rumored that the French are trying to get you to lower the rent on their military base in Djibouti. (Guelleh) The agreement has no financial aspect to it because rent on the base is set until 2012, and I frankly do not believe that 30 million euros a year is expensive. (Ben Yahmed) The United States pays less. (Guelleh) Right, $30 million, but it invests a great deal more. One has but to go to the airport to see the multiple infrastructures that it has put in place. (Ben Yahmed) How would describe your relationship with Nicolas Sarkozy? (Guelleh) Between you and me, very good, even though I do not move at the same speed as he (laughing). (Description of Source: Paris Jeune afrique.com in French -- privately owned, independent weekly magazine; URL: http://www.jeuneafrique.com) © Compiled and distributed by NTIS, US Dept. of Commerce. All rights reserved. Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
djibsomali Posted May 26, 2010 an other dictator who does not know when to throw the towel. FAT A55 Ismail Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Wiil Cusub Posted May 27, 2010 Great presidant who build his countery. Visionair who can day dream to build impire. Good and bad he did alot for 10 years Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Cawaale Posted May 27, 2010 You are right Wiil, he have had 10 years of day dreaming, it's time for him to step aside and let someone else to lead(and make those dreams real).. Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
Jacaylbaro Posted May 27, 2010 `The Country Still Needs Me` How many times did i hear this from an African leader ?? ,,,, Mugabe, Zenawi, and so on ... Quote Share this post Link to post Share on other sites
