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Deeq A.

Somalia-Türkiye Relations: Who Benefits?

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Deeq A.   
1000016697.jpg?resize=694%2C486&ssl=1In 2011, Erdogan and his wife visited a camp for internally displaced people in Mogadishu.

Mogadishu (Commentary) — Somalia and Türkiye  do not share a long history of diplomatic relations or friendship. Turkey’s involvement in Somalia began during the presidency of Sharif Sheikh Ahmed but intensified when Somalia was struck by drought. In 2011 President Recep Tayyip Erdogan made a visit described by the Turkish government as “a visit to help Somalia.” Erdogan’s delegation included ministers and businessmen. At the time, many Somalis questioned whether the visit was humanitarian or business-oriented, given the presence of businessmen in Erdogan’s entourage.

Erdogan and  his wife visited a camp for the internally displaced people in Mogadishu. The visit opened the door to controversial contracts signed by Turkish companies with the Somali federal government at a time when the country lacked the institutional capacity to fully understand what was being agreed upon. There was no a competitive bidding process.

During that period, the Somali federal government signed a contract with Erdogan’s son-in-law’s company, Albayrak, for the management of Mogadishu’s port and airport. It was an unfortunate time to sign contracts with a nation grappling with famine.

Following that deal, the Somali federal government signed additional contracts with private Turkish companies. Upon examining these contracts, it becomes evident that construction contracts were awarded to businessmen and private companies. These individuals are known to fund Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s party.

Investments

Most of the time, Turkish media reports that Turkey has made significant investments in Somalia. This unsubstantiated claim surprises the Somali people, as Turkey has not made any real investments in Somalia apart from building its embassy allegedly in violation of planning regulations and establishing a military base, neither of which can be considered investments. These are properties “exclusively owned by the Turkish government”. 

Humanitarian Aid

The Turkish government frequently boasts about providing aid to the Somali people amidst Somalia’s humanitarian crisis. However, their aid rarely extends beyond Mogadishu and is handed over to private individuals for distribution.

Most of the aid consists of expired food and medicine or items with very short shelf life. These are goods that cannot be marketed in Turkey. This reflects Turkish businesses’ irresponsibility, implying that the health of African citizens—perceived as starving populations—can be disregarded by sending items unfit for consumption by their own citizens or for sale in Turkish markets.

Healthcare

Turkey has taken over the Digfeer Hospital, which was owned by the Somali state — the Health Ministry.  The new  name of the hospital is: Erdoğan Hospital. The original five-storey hospital was demolished and replaced with a new hospital building, which was handed over to the Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Hospital Trust (RTEHT) for management. While the Turkish government presents this as a hospital helping the Somali people, in reality, it operates as a private hospital catering to the wealthy, as it charges exorbitant fees for its services. For instance, storing a deceased person’s body in the hospital mortuary costs $100 per night. Its operations are entirely commercial. As the French say, “hôpital qu’il faut de la charité” (a hospital that lacks charity). The Erdoğan Hospital in Mogadishu serves as a stark illustration of health disparities within a vulnerable society struggling with the consequences of state failure and weak institutional frameworks

Jobs displacement

Somalia has a long-standing tradition in the fields of construction, electrical work, masonry and plumbing. These trades have historically been dominated by the Bantu ethnic group, who are  known for their excellent craftsmanship in building houses and roads.

Since the arrival of the Turks in Somalia, the Bantu community has been displaced from their jobs. Today, they live in extreme poverty because their positions have been taken over by Turkish immigrant workers brought in from Turkey, who now control the construction sector, leaving Somalis impoverished and unemployed.

Turkey has trained Somali military forces and the so-called military police, Gorgor and Haramad. These forces lack professional training, receiving only minimal or, in some cases, inadequate instruction. Over the past six years, they have repeatedly retreated from the frontlines against Al-Shabaab, often abandoning their weapons. None of the battles they have fought against Al-Shabaab have resulted in victory. The Federal Government of Somalia was compelled to rely on clan paramilitary forces, known as Macawisley, to combat Al-Shabaab forces.

Last week, the Somali Army troops fought against Jubaland State troops but were defeated. Nearly 200 soldiers and officers surrendered to the Jubaland administration, while around 600 soldiers and commanders crossed the Somalia-Kenya border to seek asylum in Kenya. This is not only a humiliation for the Somali armed forces and Somalia but also an embarrassment for Türkiye. Today, Somalia cannot rely on the Turkish-trained forces, as security experts report they were trained to a very low standard—much noise, but little structure.    

Politics

For Erdogan, Somalia is treated as a Turkish province. However, Somalia’s politics and leadership depend heavily on Erdogan’s approach to governance — a subtle and destabilising autocracy. The Somali president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, is the founder of the Dam-Jadid religious clique, a branch of Al-Islah, which aligns with the Muslim Brotherhood. Somali politics is shaped by this affiliation, largely controlled through Ankara. This is why Somalia has been mired in a seemingly endless political crisis for several  years. Somali-owned  politics has essentially disappeared, replaced by policies that the Somali people neither tolerate nor accept.

The Oil and Blue Economy Agreement

Nearly one year ago, Ethiopia signed a maritime Memorandum of Understanding with Somaliland administration, a Somali region claiming to have unilaterally seceded from Somalia, granting Ethiopia access to the sea, the right to build a military base and use of a commercial port. Somalia opposed the deal, claiming it violated its sovereignty. Erdogan summoned the Somali president to a summit in Ankara last week and persuaded him to sign an agreement with Ethiopia, an agreement that contained a clause on leasing a coastal area, the very wording the Federal Government of Somalia denounced as an attempt to annex Somali territory when the maritime MoU was signed in Addis Ababa on 1 January 2024. In February 2024 President Mohamed told the bicameral legislature that Somalia had signed defence pact with Türkiye to deter Ethiopia. His declaration was followed by an invitation from Erdogan to President Mohamud who visited Türkiye to officially sign onshore  oil exploration deal, fisheries agreement and the  defence and maritime security pact.

The Somali president sought parliamentary approval for this agreement, despite the fact that no members of parliament had seen its contents. The president relied on claims that Ethiopia was planning to annex a Somali coastal district in the north. He argued  that the defence and maritime security agreement was essential for the Turkish navy to counter the Ethiopian offensive. This was entirely false.

This strategy was merely a ploy to incite anxiety among parliamentarians and the Somali public. If presented under different circumstances, the agreement might have sparked tensions within parliament and among the population.

Imports and Exports

Turkey imports significant quantities of goods into Somalia, albeit of low quality. These include clothing, jewellery, food, furniture, appliances, medicines, cosmetics and other items. Somalia, on the other hand, exports nothing to Turkey.

When taking stock, Somalia emerges as the the victim of exploitation — deprived of resources and manipulated by Turkish companies aligned with the Turkish government. Many Somalis mistakenly view Turkey as a “brotherly nation,” but it is far from it. “The Turkish government, particularly its putatively Islamist political elite, is exploiting Somalia openly, while no one notices because the Somali government operates entirely under the self-proclaimed sultan, Recep Tayyip Erdogan” a Somali Senator said.

Erdogan has turned Somalia into a showcase for the Muslim Brotherhood’s political agenda, aiming to extend this model across Africa. In this exploitative bilateral relationship, Turkey has turned Somalia into the ultimate loser on all fronts.

The writer of the article is a researcher based in Mogadishu

The post Somalia-Türkiye Relations: Who Benefits? appeared first on Puntland Post.

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