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miles-militis

Somalia: Who should elect the parliament? Traditional Isims or the leaders?

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Dear Nomands,

It is being debated in the conference halls in the Somali PP, who should appoint members of parliament (MPs) for the federal government in Somalia?

 

It has been proposed that Traditional Isims (aka Gurti or Malaaqyo) should do the honours.

 

Another proposal which favours leaders (aka warlords) has also been put forth.

 

How much confidence do you have in Isims? How much trust do you have in leaders?

 

Considering empirical and historical events in the local as wells as in other cultures, which of the teams do you reckon is cognisant of the ills, virtues and providence of the society? And why do you think so?

 

Cheers.

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Coloow   

Samurai warrior since you posted this thread, I have had the opportunity to read the two drafts. I have read the old constitution from 1960, and the one which was drafted in Djibouti.

 

I remember also someone lamenting in the late eighties about somalia having the best constitution on paper. and these two actually look promising on paper saaxib.

 

Nonetheless our history has shown that we don't have any respect for laws that are written on paper or even divine laws of the almighty..hence my sceptism.

 

Even though you or some others may differ, I still see warlords wanting to become a president. In my opinion the issue at hand is a recognition of the atrocities saaxib. They have already explored so called reconcialation. I think it is time somalis explore past mistakes and heal the wounds of many..because at the end of the day it is about trust- and very few people trust warlords.

 

You may recall the djibouti conference , somalis everywhere were in exctance- hoping that we have finally made progress and the result is what we see today. Infact, if my memory serves me well things were better in terms of number of deaths before the djibouti conference.

 

Insha allah my hope is that this conference would achieve everlasting peace but my brain says otherwise.

 

Anyway back to your question of how we elect a parliament: I believe that we don't need a central parliament or ministers because as we know they would be based on tribalism- which has caused as much harm. Somalia is not suffering because of lack of parliament. I think what we need is a bottom up approach whereby every region elects its own leaders. and we need a strong president..... an idealist.... a man who is not a product of former governments.

 

A bold suggestion: why don't we do like the Tchez and choose Nuradiin faarah, the somali novalist?

 

Macaslaama

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Entrepreneur – I can image the scepticism and the disinclination to trusting leaders (warlords) with the task of lifting the mutilated morale of the society, the predicament of them gaining the trust of the people, and the once-bitten-twice-shy attitude towards them which truly is shared by the majority as the natural relic of the grisly past that unfortunately has become synonymous with the word Somali. Virtuous it has been argued for the long term, and vile as suggested by the myopic minority for the moment at least amongst the intellectuals, I think we might have just flipped a new page. I was never so enthused by the Arte conference for the actors who were pushing the wagon forward were the very culprits and remnants of the military regime, were rather roguish bunch with devilish agenda, were neither truly resolute about the country nor the people, and thus did not consider any of them suitable in one way or another. In other words, the old regime was trying to resurrect itself from the ashes. The present conference though ambitious and I have my reservations about the passiveness and acceptance of the demands on some seems in balance on most accounts in my view, and might produce the desired result.

 

Despite the utopic nature of the desire to see a government with neither a parliament nor ministries, which I trust it is not quite feasible on practical terms and proceedings of historical perspective, I trust the discussion of whom shall appoint MPs (Isims or leaders) might continue.

 

Yes to the bottom-up approach, or the building blocks approach, where each state or region appoints its representatives, leaders, and establishes its local administration, authority, and constitution, institutions and so forth as have been done by Puntland, Somaliland, and Southwest to some extent.

 

Bashi- let us explore the issue relating to the Isims: the old versus the new. The former being the handful few (and their successors)prior to the military regime whereas the latter is new phenomenon which has gotten out of hand during and after the military regime. I understand Puntland by itself has close to 49 Isims if not more whereas in reality there only should have been no more than a dozen.

 

Do you reckon a blend of the two (50/50) could perhaps be the solution to the problem?

 

So long!

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Darwish   

Salaams

 

Time would not permit me to write lengthily but if I leave any blunders my utmost good friend Dantey would fill the gaps.

 

The traditional elders should elect I would say. But the problem this posses is that the fact that in the south of Somalia traditional leader’s words are seldom valued where for example in Somaliland and Puntland their words are revered consequently, since we are men who value pragmatism rather that idealism I would say that we should consider both.

 

Guys, trust me I despise all those who are there, but that is the best (in practical terms) our society had produced.

 

In the South we should leave it to those who are in power. In Puntland and Somaliland the Elders seem to have a grip over the society (however feeble that is). The elders set up both administrations in these two states and so far (in relative terms) they have been functioning moderately.

 

Wabilahi Towfiq

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As luck would have it, it appears an agreement to a combination of the two forces of influence in the land of Somalis (Isims and leaders) has been reached in terms of who should appoint MPs. I reckon this to be in line with the suggestions that some of you have already put forth. The number of MPs (450) though has already been stamped seems to have generated a host of troubles primarily from foreign elements contributing in many aspects though financial only seems noticeable to the flow and facilitation of the conference. Their protest as to the number of MPs is said to have been influenced by the disintegrating TNG/Arte and the dubious G8.

 

Fort instance Puntland is said to have allocated 10 Isims – 2 for each of the regions of Bari, Sool, Mudug and Sanaag whereas 1 each for Nugaal and Hawd of the 6 regions comprising Puntland- to partake in the conference.

 

I expect Southwest will manage to apportion their allotment among RRA-old and RRA-new with less trouble. But the big question is, how is this to be approached in Banaadir and its environs?

 

Whom will the TNG/Arte which always claims to represent the entire country contrary to popular belief and realities on the ground appoint as their Isims?

 

How about the G8?

 

Murky I know, but then that is the reality of the present day Somalia. Let us wait and see where it all ends.

 

For those of you who take pleasure in reading preceding events of the past for reflection if nothing more, and to find insight as to the nature of conflict in today’s world, Somalia in particular as opposed to the yesteryears, or perhaps centuries could draw a parallel for better understanding from a time when men like Jefferson, Hamilton, Madison, Adams etc., in the late seventeenth hundred contested similar issues under different circumstances.

 

Does this not sound familiar relative to the ongoing SPP conference in Nairobi. Different calibre of characters of course, but identical issues in many aspects. Read along you may be surprised.

 

“ ….. The Federal Convention convened in the State House (Independence Hall) in Philadelphia on May 14, 1787, to revise the Articles of Confederation. Because the delegations from only two states were at first present , the members adjourned from day to day until a quorum of seven states was obtained on May 25. Through discussion and debate it became clear by mid-June that, rather than amend the existing Articles, the Convention would draft an entirely new frame of government. All through the summer, in closed sessions, the delegates debated, and redrafted the articles of the new Constitution. Among the chief points at issue were how much power to allow the central government, how many representatives in Congress to allow each state, and how these representatives should be elected--directly by the people or by the state legislators. The work of many minds, the Constitution stands as a model of cooperative statesmanship and the art of compromise”

 

For further reading you may visit the Law Library of Yale University.

 

So long!

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