Firdhiye iyo Jabuuti

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

Muuse Muqayil yaa haray uu heshiis la yahay? Soomaalidii dhan waa isku wada diray, col macangag qaabdaran iyo dabeecadxumo baahsan. Xataa ilma adeeradiisa col weyn yihiin.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Somaliland republic  has demonstrated a strong commitment to its cause and a willingness to collaborate with any party sharing mutual interests. It is unclear what Firdhhiye or his allies could possibly offer to Ismaïl Omar Guelleh. Guelleh is engaged in a battle SL  has already won; he cannot criticise Ethiopia for seeking to free itself from being landlocked or have  Naval Base. He cannot openly denounce or oppose Ethiopia, as they hold significant leverage over him. Without Ethiopia, Djibouti's economy would collapse. If Guelleh truly opposed Abiy Ahmed and Ethiopia's interests, he would recall his ambassador from Addis Ababa for further consultations. However, he cannot afford to be perceived by the Ethiopians as opposing them, so his actions remain clandestine ,and his play is behind the curtains.

As for the fellow called  Firdhhiye, this individual appears to align with whoever provides his daily  lunch  ,His motives and objectives are unclear. Djibouti's opposition to Somaliland is driven by economic interests, while Mogadishu's opposition stems from envy towards Somaliland, not out of genuine concern for Somali unity, economic interests, or Somali  protection. Mogadishu is begging Ethiopia to abandon the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) and instead take control of Garacad or Hobyo—so much for Somali unity.

The Somali leadership in Jigjiga,  ina 'Cagjar,' or Abtigiis as we know him,fully supports the Somaliland-Ethiopia agreement. President Muse Bihi is performing admirably; he has the backing of the elders, the parties, the Guurti, and the parliament. Recently, Suldaan Cismaan Suldaan Cali Suldaan Madar, the esteemed leader of one of the largest clans in Somaliland, publicly addressed the Garaad clan. He warned that conflict would ensue if they do  not back down, He made it clear that any individual from the Garaad clan found in Habar Yoonis territory would be considered a target. This stance underscores the resolve and determination within Somaliland traditional  Leadership as well as the SL  goverment  to protect its interests and maintain its sovereignty at all cost .

[galbeedi]

Hogaamiye Firdhiye met Awdal elders from ( Jesus and Gada...s)  in Mogadishu before he flew to Djibouti. There is a big change brewing from Omar Geelle. Anigu ka hordhici maayo, but the Habro in Hargeisa who talk from both sides of their mouths daily are very worrying. 

I was listening the gangster Buurmadow praising the D block and Farmaajo while attacking HSM and vowing to help Dani. Few years ago the biggest danger for the enclave were Farmaajo and Siyaad clan. 

You don't see Puntland, Mogadishu, Baydhabo or anywhere in Somalia where leaders go to a wedding event and call " Reer Hebel Baa cadow inagu ah".Faysal Waraabe  calls Puntland Majeerteeniya and so many other names, yet no one even bothers to respond to him. They ignore him like a lunatic.

Awdal State Movement went to Djibouti and all hell broke loose. I knew the Habro project is fragile and weak, but I was shocked the hysteria the doomsday scenario that is been pronounced from every corner. I don't know how this project will end, but everything that is built on lie always crumbles in spectacular fashion.

I hope change happens without big bloodshed.

 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

 

if SL is so fragile weak and based on lies it wouldnt take clans tribes  a country such as Djibouti and the Bunker to combine their efforts to Fight Somaliland, i mean if something is so fragile, u wouldnt say you need such a coalition. So that arguments falls on deaf ears.

Furthermore, it is intriguing to observe that individuals such as Firdhiye, who deny the very existence of Somaliland, simultaneously attempt to insinuate themselves into its affairs and engage with its clans. One cannot help but query what tangible benefits Firdhiye and his ilk might derive from their involvement in Somaliland's internal dynamics, given that they do not acknowledge its legitimacy. 

As for Buur madow he build him self a  track record  of good will  with the puntland clans, he made in the late 1990s peace between jama ali jamaa and abdulahi Yusuf  so there are no permanent friends in politics not sure why the likes of the bunker are so scared of this new alliance

A for faisal ali waraabe when he calls them after their clan kingdom of the 19 century this is not an insult if you ask me

 

 

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

9 hours ago, galbeedi said:

Hogaamiye Firdhiye met Awdal elders from ( Jesus and Gada...s)  in Mogadishu before he flew to Djibouti. There is a big change brewing from Omar Geelle. Anigu ka hordhici maayo, but the Habro in Hargeisa who talk from both sides of their mouths daily are very worrying. 

I was listening the gangster Buurmadow praising the D block and Farmaajo while attacking HSM and vowing to help Dani. Few years ago the biggest danger for the enclave were Farmaajo and Siyaad clan. 

You don't see Puntland, Mogadishu, Baydhabo or anywhere in Somalia where leaders go to a wedding event and call " Reer Hebel Baa cadow inagu ah".Faysal Waraabe  calls Puntland Majeerteeniya and so many other names, yet no one even bothers to respond to him. They ignore him like a lunatic.

Awdal State Movement went to Djibouti and all hell broke loose. I knew the Habro project is fragile and weak, but I was shocked the hysteria the doomsday scenario that is been pronounced from every corner. I don't know how this project will end, but everything that is built on lie always crumbles in spectacular fashion.

I hope change happens without big bloodshed.

 

Cabaadka dheer Xunjuf ka baxaayo ayaa ka garan kartaa inuu ka gubanaayo waxa socdo. Secessionists cabsi weyn ayee ka qabaan Ina Geelle.

[maakhiri1]

Who would believe this few months back

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

7 hours ago, Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar said:

Cabaadka dheer Xunjuf ka baxaayo ayaa ka garan kartaa inuu ka gubanaayo waxa socdo. Secessionists cabsi weyn ayee ka qabaan Ina Geelle.

Not at all this has absolutely no significant geele is trying to send a signal geele is praying every day that we go back to the days of pre mou. U do know his setting up this show just to go back to that particular era. But gone are those days somaliland is going to have the best laugh somaliland and abiye Ahmed do have geele and the guy in the bunker by the balls  and there is nothing the firxad called fardhiye is going to change any of that 

[maakhiri1]

1 hour ago, Xaaji Xunjuf said:

Not at all this has absolutely no significant geele is trying to send a signal geele is praying every day that we go back to the days of pre mou. U do know his setting up this show just to go back to that particular era. But gone are those days somaliland is going to have the best laugh somaliland and abiye Ahmed do have geele and the guy in the bunker by the balls  and there is nothing the firxad called fardhiye is going to change any of that 

The noose is tightinig , my friend, the best thing for SL would have been to hung BIIHI for this massive miscalculation, you still have small chance, dumb this fool asap

No place to escape for secessinists, cornered from everywhere

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

20 minutes ago, maakhiri1 said:

The noose is tightinig , my friend, the best thing for SL would have been to hung BIIHI for this massive miscalculation, you still have small chance, dumb this fool asap

No place to escape for secessinists, cornered from everywhere

Ina Biixi has unveiled the inherent fragility of both the Bunker and Djibouti, while Bixii remains unconcerned, as the UAE wields greater power than any other nation in the region. The UAE's involvement, driven by their previous fallout with Djibouti, further solidifies this stance and their investments in Addis Ababa . Thus far, Biihi has adeptly navigated the situation, whereas Geele appears to have overplayed his hand prematurely. Once considered shrewd, Geele’s strategy now seems questionable. He has revealed his antagonistic stance towards Somaliland, much to easy much to early, yet there is little concern about Firdhiye, who is viewed as an insignificant pawn in Geele’s game. Firdhiye's motivations remain unclear.

Somaliland possesses significant leverage, and Geele is feeling the pressure from various fronts. Notably, the conflict between his  Jesus  clan and the Afar, exacerbated by Abiye's federal forces siding with the Afar, highlights Geele's preoccupation with the Djibouti-Addis Ababa corridor and port business. Sources suggest that Abiye's dissatisfaction with Geele is escalating, cautioning him against opposing the Memorandum of Understanding (MOU). Should Geele persist, Addis Ababa may redirect its business to Port Sudan, Port Lamu, and Berbera, posing a substantial threat to Djibouti's  economic interests.

In contrast, Somaliland is well-prepared for potential conflict, with troops stationed in Sool and around the Oog region. Many intellectuals hope Geele provokes Somaliland by deploying militia in Awdal, which would likely unite the Duriyad clan more then ever we have heard Suldan cismaan Suldaan Cali Suldan Madar and his remarkts towards Garaad jamac garaad Cali. However, Awdalites remain mature and well-led community, with leaders such as Sultan Dhawal, Sheikh Ali Jawhar, and Ina Rayaale, is unlikely to succumb to Geele’s machinations. If Geele seeks to make a statement through opposition in Somaliland, he may inadvertently strengthen his adversaries. Somaliland could leverage figures like Ina Boore and other Djibouti opposition in  members, exploiting Djibouti's internal discontent and give them Platform inside Somaliland.

With 280,000 Djiboutians holding dual citizenship in both  Somaliland and Djibouti, the latter has an intimate understanding of Djibouti’s clan and political dynamics. Geele should be cautious, as the saying goes, "Those who live in glass houses should not throw stones." The future promises to be intriguing indeed.

[Che -Guevara]

Xaaji,

You seem to ignore,  I believe on purpose, the land belongs whoever he lives there.  At the end of the day, what matters is reer Awdal wants. More importantly what matters is what the youth wants. If they want Hargeisa out of their land, Hargeisa will be kicked out. No amount of pressure from else where can change that.

 

Unlike 91, every Somali is armed today. Only two groups among the Somalis seem to not understand that namely, your tolka and the folks who were kicked out of dab-badmiska last night. 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Why do the Koonfurians presume they can speak on behalf of the Awdalite people, implying that they are a weak group whose rights have been suppressed? The Awdalite people boast intellectuals, political leaders, traditional leaders, and business leaders. They are among Somaliland's finest, and there has never been an uprising in Awdal, contrary to the narratives propagated by Koonfurians for their own gain. Where do we draw the line? Should there be a notion of sub-sub-clan self-determination? Who has the authority to decide what a clan can or cannot do? These questions merit serious consideration.

The majority of the Awdalite people stand firmly behind their country and community, except for a few dissidents like Galbeedi and other members of the diaspora in Canada, who believe their interests are better served in the Bunker primarily out of self interest. The Duriyad clan also has a few who think they can profit from the Bunker. The reality is that the eastern Sanaag and eastern Sool regions have no genealogical ties with the rest of Somaliland, hence their desire to leave based on tribal self-determination, as they feel their interests are better served elsewhere.

However, the Awdalite clan is deeply connected to the rest of Somaliland both tribally and economically, with significant investments in Hargeisa. Personally, I hope Geele does bring militia into Awdal, so the true outcome can be witnessed. Geele miscalculates in thinking the Awdalite clan will act on his behalf. What he fails to grasp is that the Awdalite clan would rather push his clan further into Djibouti and out of Selel region. In the 1990s, when Djibouti attempted something similar, Abdurahmaan Tuur and the SNM expelled their militia from the entire Awdal region. History, I believe, will repeat itself.

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

Sawirka Xunjuf hurdo la'aanta ku ridaayo.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Ur having a field day  i guess  u do know Barkhat batuun one of our lowly MP also met the geele  guy so what is the big deal there

 wait let me look up the picture 

[Che -Guevara]

IOG is a snake! Firdhiye should keep that in mind.

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

40 minutes ago, Xaaji Xunjuf said:

Ur having a field day  i guess  u do know Barkhat batuun one of our lowly MP also met the geele  guy so what is the big deal there

 wait let me look up the picture 

"Lowly?"