Somaliland and Ethiopia signs "Historic" MoU on access to Red Sea and Establishment of Naval Base

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

 

[Che -Guevara]

 

[maakhiri1]

Next to Berbera??!, I highly doubt it.

It was too far for them to defend 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

13 hours ago, Che -Guevara said:

 

I have told u before.  Awdal has nothing to worry about this . It’s in the heart land of the duriyad clan

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

12 hours ago, maakhiri1 said:

Next to Berbera??!, I highly doubt it.

It was too far for them to defend 

Defend from who 

[maakhiri1]

 

[maakhiri1]

1 hour ago, Xaaji Xunjuf said:

Defend from who 

Xaaji wax Baar, figure out why Ethiopia after months of investigation, and exploring the area , chose Lughaya areas, it will be easier for them to annex and create as access, land bridge to Ethiopia

Berbera , while clans  live ma give some local  support,  does not  fit into Ethiopian agenda

[maakhiri1]

5 minutes ago, maakhiri1 said:

 

This is very concerning 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

2 hours ago, maakhiri1 said:

Xaaji wax Baar, figure out why Ethiopia after months of investigation, and exploring the area , chose Lughaya areas, it will be easier for them to annex and create as access, land bridge to Ethiopia

Berbera , while clans  live ma give some local  support,  does not  fit into Ethiopian agenda

Nonsense  Ethiopia it doesn’t serve them to annex anything they will get 50 year lease and after that lease another 50 years and after that another, they pay some money for it . Why look for headache conflict annexation while u can have it . Makes no sense at all . There is even on the table that they can build a separate port. This what the Ethiopians have suggested not sure if biixi accepted a port they co own with sl and can have. A majority share in it .  Where they annually just give a revenue of 300 million to Somaliland and they can have a discount of almost 1,8 billion dollar which they pay for jabuuti  now this I also heard this  . Not sure if it will materialise as  muuse will press then to use berbera port where they can have. 20 percent share still much cheaper then jabuuti since sl economy isn’t based on port revenues since oil is being drillled  next year 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

2 hours ago, maakhiri1 said:

This is very concerning 

The murderus walanweyn bandits have began their killings all in the name of somaliweyn unity bunker style 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Somaliland oo ka hadashay wakhtiga la hirgalinayo heshiiskii ay Itoobiya la gashay

Axad, February, 18, 2024 (HOL) - Somaliland ayaa sheegtay in dhawaan heshiis rasmi ah loo badali isfahamkii ay Itoobiya la gashay isla markaana loo xilsaaray guddi aqoonyahano ah oo dhamaystirkiisa ka shaqaynaysa.

Wasiirka Warfaafinta Somaliland Cali Maxamed Xasan ‘Cali Mareexaan’ oo BBC-da la hadlay ayaa sheegay in heshiiskani uu wax ka tarayo xoojinta xidhiidhka iskaashi ee Somaliland iyo Itoobiya.
 

“Somaliland iyo Itoobiya waxay leeyihiin iskaashi ganacsi, mid amni iyo mid xiriir oo muddo soo jiray, wayna ka wada hadlaan sidii loo xoojin lahaa arintaas” ayu yiri wasiir Cali Mareexaan.

 

Wasiirka ayaa beeniyey in saraakiil sar sare oo Itoobiyan ah ay ku sugan yihiin Somaliland sida uu sheegay Madaxweyne Xasan Sheekh Maxamuud balse wuxuu xusay inay jiraan saraakiil sare oo Somaliland oo ku sugan Addisa Ababa, oo uu ku jiro Wasiirka Arrimaha Dibadda D.R. Ciise Kayd Maxamuud.

Madaxweynaha Somaliland Muuse Biixi Cabdi, ayaa dhawaan magacaabay guddi aqoonyahano, sharci-yaqaano iyo dibulumaasiyiin iskugu jira oo uu hoggaaminayo Amb. Baashe Cawil, kuwaasi oo ka shaqayn doono dhamaystirka heshiiska.

Wasiirka Cali Mareexaan ayaa sheegay in heshiiska loo dhamaystiri doono sida ugu dhakhsaha badan kadibna la horgayn doono golayaasha sharci dajinta.

Somaliland ayaa sheegtay in heshiiskani uu sababi dooni in Itoobiya ay u aqoonsato dal madaxbannaan, halka dowlada Soomaaliya ay ku tilmaantay madaxbannaanideedii oo lagu soo xadgudbay.

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

The only people that can stop this agreement now is. Somalia not the way it’s doing now by going to foreign capitals but by reaching on a long lasting solution with Somaliland . It should be an offer that somaliland can’t refuse  I suppose .

but they are not opposed to Ethiopia having a sea out let  hassan begged the Ethiopians to make a deal with  the bunker but they are not interested in the Indian Ocean but more on the golf of Aden and the Red Sea. He said anaga rabna in itoobiya bad hesho Laakin qaabka ay u gashay banu diidayna , which means making deals with Somaliland they are opposed to not that Ethiopia gets a sea out let . Only Djibouti is ideologically opposed to Ethiopia having a sea out let of their own . Because it threatens their very life line which is port trade . But the bunker just wants to make the deal themselves getting the xaqu qalam and ofcourse stopping somaliland political objectives . Waxwalba way isku dayeen they have one card left and talk to Somaliland in al honesty . Or the ship will indeed sail , hadi heshiiska qalinka lugu duugo  it’s done deal . The only people that can. Stop it now is not the international community . It’s the somaliland parliament and guurti . Or Somalia and they have to come with a deal sl can’t refuse 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Somalia’s Denial Won’t Rewrite the Books: Somaliland Has Proven Itself a De Facto State Deserving Recognition

The separation between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia began during the colonial era, when Britain administered the territory as a protectorate separately from Italian-governed areas further south.

BYZELALEM TAMIR

FEBRUARY 18, 2024

Image source: flickr/African Union Commission

When Somalia President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud took the stage at the 37th African Union Summit in Ethiopia’s capital of Addis Ababa on February 17th, 2024, his harsh criticism of the recent Ethiopia-Somaliland cooperation agreement displayed a short-sighted and counterproductive approach to a complex political issue with deep historical roots. Rather than advancing reconciliation, his remarks entrenched long-held positions and undermined opportunity for constructive engagement between key stakeholders in the Horn of Africa region. 

The Summit provided an opportunity for African leaders to discuss collaborative solutions to pressing challenges like food insecurity. However, Hassan utilized the forum to condemn Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s decision to formally recognize Somaliland and establish a security partnership through a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU). While no doubt playing to nationalist sentiment back home, the Somalia President’s reaction overlooks crucial context shaping realities on the ground.

The separation between Somaliland and the rest of Somalia began during the colonial era, when Britain administered the territory as a protectorate separately from Italian-governed areas further south. Nearly a century of isolated administration yielded distinct administrative structures, economic patterns, and cultural influences in both territories. When they unified as the Somali Republic in 1960 following independence, the forced union of such divergent regions was perhaps destined to face challenges.

From the outset, tensions arose between clans and between those nostalgic for colonial-era autonomy and supporters of Pan-Somali nationalism. The authoritarianism and perceived favoritism towards certain clans under dictator Siad Barre’s regime from 1969 intensified discontent, particularly in the northern regions of Somaliland. Armed rebellions ultimately led to Barre’s ouster in 1991 and Somalia’s descent into chaos, but Somaliland immediately took the opportunity to reclaim the sovereignty it had never fully relinquished.

While Hassan maintains that such a unilateral move violated Somalia’s borders, Somaliland’s self-declared independence is best understood as a reversion to the pre-1960 status quo, before being subsumed within the ill-fated Somali state project. In the three decades since, through sustained efforts and against all odds, Somaliland has emerged as one of the few relatively stable and democratic successes in the turbulent Horn of Africa region. It has consolidated effective self-governance, with institutions, security forces, government structures, and a populace that overwhelmingly favors maintained independence.

In contrast, despite ongoing international support and a succession of transitional administrations, large parts of Somalia remain under the control of Al-Shabaab militants and intermittent conflict. Somaliland’s experience underscores the failure of the 1960 union to unite distinct societies, as well as the viability of self-rule as an alternative to the instability that has plagued Mogadishu. While Hassan’s government clings to a vision of restored territorial control, Somaliland’s reality is one of a de facto independent state in all but name.

Ethiopia, as the dominant regional actor, is well within its rights to engage strategically with this reality by recognizing Somaliland’s sovereignty. In exchange for use of port facilities on Somaliland’s coastline, Abiy has brought added international legitimacy to the separatist administration’s effective rule. Given Somaliland’s record of delivering stability where Somalia struggles, this cooperative approach stands to strengthen security for all parties. Hassan’s hostile condemnation ignores political winds that have shifted definitively away from restored union after more than 30 years of distinct development.

Hassan’s remarks promoted an outdated narrative that fails to acknowledge the political realities that have emerged on the ground. While nationalism defines his rigid stance, pragmatism demands recognition that separate Somali and Somaliland societies with distinct geographies and identities have formed since the colonial era in the Horn of Africa.

At this stage, after over 30 years of effective self-governance and consolidation of sovereignty, Somaliland is clearly in a position to exist as an independently recognized state should its citizens democratically decide that path. Autonomy within Somalia is not a tenable framework given the turbulent history of their forced union and Somaliland’s clear trajectory towards independence.

Ethiopia’s engagement with Somaliland’s government constructively recognizes this reality and stands to strengthen security cooperation across the region. Rather than criticism, Hassan and Mogadishu would be wise to pursue negotiations in a spirit of reconciliation and mutual understanding and respect the right to self-determination. Only through open and pragmatic diplomacy between equal stakeholders can sustainable political solutions be found that bring long term stability to the Horn of Africa

[maakhiri1]

2 hours ago, Xaaji Xunjuf said:

Nonsense  Ethiopia it doesn’t serve them to annex anything they will get 50 year lease and after that lease another 50 years and after that another, they pay some money for it . Why look for headache conflict annexation while u can have it . Makes no sense at all . There is even on the table that they can build a separate port. This what the Ethiopians have suggested not sure if biixi accepted a port they co own with sl and can have. A majority share in it .  Where they annually just give a revenue of 300 million to Somaliland and they can have a discount of almost 1,8 billion dollar which they pay for jabuuti  now this I also heard this  . Not sure if it will materialise as  muuse will press then to use berbera port where they can have. 20 percent share still much cheaper then jabuuti since sl economy isn’t based on port revenues since oil is being drillled  next year 

If we follow your logic, and believe this nothing but foreign investment, which is normal, why in the world, they want 99 years ? what is the talk about generations on Ethiopian side? what is the talk of needing sea access by force?

what is the celebration on Ethiopia? why is this a secret? why did Ethiopia not able to full fill and utilise Berbera , on their 19% deal? Forget bout Mogadishu, where are community from this region protesting? are they all idiots?

why give more while Berbera is still under utilised?

Ethiopia wants to use disgruntled communities, as Trojan horse.