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Somaliland and Ethiopia signs "Historic" MoU on access to Red Sea and Establishment of Naval Base

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We are ready for a war’: Somalia threatens conflict with Ethiopia over breakaway region

Somaliland hoped to be recognised as a country after port deal with landlocked Ethiopia - but move has sparked fury in Somalia

Somalia is prepared to go to war to stop Ethiopia recognising the breakaway territory of Somaliland and building a port there, a senior adviser to Somalia’s president has said.

A memorandum of understanding signed on 1 January allowing landlocked Ethiopia to develop a naval base on Somaliland’s coast has rattled the Horn of Africa, one of the world’s most volatile regions.

Somalia claims Somaliland as part of its territory and has declared the deal void. Last Sunday its president, Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, called on Somalis to “prepare for the defence of our homeland”, while rallies have been held in Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital, against the agreement.

could spark a “domino effect” of other countries recognising the territory.

“Recognition is what we have been fighting for all this time and it is the most important thing we can offer to the people of Somaliland,” Kayd said.

However, there is confusion over the content of the deal between Somaliland and Ethiopia. Neither side has made the full text public.

When it was struck, Somaliland’s president, Muse Bihi Abdi, said Ethiopia had agreed to grant official recognition in return for a 50-year lease of a stretch of coastline, which it will develop for “naval and commercial” purposes. However, Ethiopia said it had only agreed to “make an in-depth assessment towards taking a position regarding the efforts of Somaliland to gain recognition”.

A western diplomat briefed on the deal described it as a “memorandum of misunderstanding”. “Ethiopia insists they did not agree to recognise Somaliland,” the diplomat said.

Kayd said the deal is based on Ethiopia granting recognition to Somaliland: “Without that, nothing is going to happen.” He added that discussions had been progressing “for years”. “Ethiopia needs sea access and we need recognition, so you can see how these needs can be dealt with.”

Ethiopia became the world’s largest landlocked country in 1993 when Eritrea seceded along with its Red Sea coastline. In October, Abiy said this was a historic mistake that threatens Ethiopia’s existence, sparking fears of a war with Eritrea. “In 2030 we are projected to have a population of 150 million,” Abiy said. “150 million people can’t live in a geographic prison.”

On Thursday, Abiy’s adviser drew parallels between Ethiopia’s quest for sea access and its construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a potentially transformational hydro­electric project on the Blue Nile, which was built despite objections and military threats from Egypt.

Somalia is unlikely to attack Ethiopia while it grapples with Al-Shabaab, said Alan Boswell, Horn of Africa director at the International Crisis Group. But the deal could open fresh fissures in a turbulent region.

Mohamud visited Eritrea last week and is preparing to travel to Egypt. The countries are Ethiopia’s main regional rivals and have both expressed support for Somalia in the wake of the port deal. “Abiy sees this as a legacy issue,” said Boswell. “If this deal with Somaliland falls through, Ethiopia will try to find a port somewhere else, so this is going to shape regional dynamics for years to come.”

The Guardian

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How realistic it is to bring Eritrean troops to replace Ethiopians?

Will Turkey and Egypt be willing to confront Ethiopia on the waters if the Somali Government and Parliament approve the presence?

Can the Somalis be mobilized at a large scale to confront the initial incursion by Ethiopia into Awdal?

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22 minutes ago, Che -Guevara said:

How realistic it is to bring Eritrean troops to replace Ethiopians?

Will Turkey and Egypt be willing to confront Ethiopia on the waters if the Somali Government and Parliament approve the presence?

Can the Somalis be mobilized at a large scale to confront the initial incursion by Ethiopia into Awdal?

If you think there can come troops from Somalia into Somaliland how will they travel what routes logistics it will be a nightmare really, The only option would be Djibouti. But i doubt Ismaciil Cumar geele would allow that.

 

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Ethiopia’s deal with Somaliland upends regional dynamics, risking strife across the Horn of Africa

Published: January 13, 2024 7.11pm CET

Author

Alemayehu Weldemariam

Ph.D. Fellow, Center for Constitutional Democracy, Indiana University

Disclosure statement

Alemayehu Weldemariam does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

The Horn of Africa ushered in the new year with news of a deal that would ensure that diplomatic relations in the region got off to a bumpy start in 2024. Ethiopia, it was announced on Jan. 1, had signed a memorandum of understanding with the breakaway region of Somaliland, opening the door to an agreement to exchange a stake in flagship carrier Ethiopian Airlines for access to the Gulf of Aden.

Such transactions of economic reciprocity are generally routine, as scholars of international relations and law like myself are aware.

But this deal has another element. It intertwined sea access with Ethiopia’s formal recognition of Somaliland – and this has sparked quite a diplomatic stir. Ethiopia’s neighbor Somalia has demanded that the agreement be immediately retracted. In Somaliland itself, the deal has been greeted by protest and the defense minister’s resignation.

Prior to the memorandum of understanding with Somaliland, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed had signaled his intention to gain Red Sea access for his landlocked country – a bid observers warned could have a destabilizing effect in the region.

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Ethiopia is reeling from an intense and bloody two-year war within its own borders, coupled with ongoing strife among different ethnic groups. As a result of the violence, Ethiopia is currently experiencing massive internal displacement and famine.

Geopolitical tensions created by the pact with Somaliland could serve to exacerbate Ethiopia’s problems – and that of the region. But despite the risk, both sides know they have much to gain.

Somaliland’s quest for recognition

Since declaring independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland has operated as a fully functional de facto state, boasting its own defined territory, population and government.

However, it still lacks the international recognition that would allow Somaliland full participation in the global community, such as membership in the United Nations. A formal nod would also unlock access to protections under international law and economic opportunities.

The agreement with Ethiopia would be a step toward providing that critical missing link.

Recognition of a new state under international law requires established nations to acknowledge the sovereignty and legitimacy of the territory. This can be achieved through either expressed or implicit means.

Expressed recognition takes the form of an official unequivocal declaration. In contrast, implicit recognition can emerge through bilateral treaties, alliances or diplomatic exchanges – essentially signaling acceptance of a country without making an official declaration of recognition. Implicit recognition often provides a strategic advantage, safeguarding a country’s interest without triggering regional discord.

Mastering the art of crafting treaties with implicit acknowledgments can be crucial to avoid overcommitting a country diplomatically. Abiy, a Nobel Peace Prize winner, was expected by the international community to navigate this diplomatic tightrope, balancing a degree of acknowledgment of Somaliland with restraint. Doing so might avoid rupturing relations with Somalia and imperiling regional security dynamics.

An ambiguous deal

The specific details of the memorandum of understanding remain unpublished. So far, any insights gleaned stem mainly from a joint press conference held by Ethiopia’s and Somaliland’s two leaders in Addis Ababa and subsequent press releases.

Nuanced distinctions in each party’s priorities have emerged: Somaliland places emphasis on explicit recognition; Ethiopia directs its focus toward regional integration.

And some larger discrepancies in messaging pop out when you look closer. Both sides point to economic and security benefits. But Ethiopia’s Jan. 3 statement suggests only an “in-depth assessment” of the request for state recognition. This seems at odds with Somaliland’s claim of guaranteed recognition in exchange for sea access.

But because the actual text of the agreement isn’t publicly available, its implications remain shrouded in secrecy – further adding to the unease in the region over the deal.

Rising regional tensions

In the days since the memorandum of understanding was inked, tensions have deepened between Somalia and both Ethiopia and Somaliland. Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud issued a stern warning against the agreement and threatened to defend Somalia through all available means.

He urged Somali civilians to stand united against potential incursions and cautioned Ethiopia against escalating the situation into armed conflict.

Mohamud has also been seeking support from allies. Already in 2024, he has traveled to Eritrea for security talks aimed at strengthening bilateral ties and addressing regional and international concerns. He also received an invitation from Egypt in an apparent show of support.

Ethiopia’s precarious situation

In a further sign of growing tensions, Ethiopia’s army chief of staff has engaged in talks with his Somaliland counterpart to discuss military cooperation.

Considering Ethiopia’s delicate situation with domestic secessionist forces, critics have been quick to note that Ethiopia may not be best placed to entertain the idea of recognizing Somaliland. Not only would it risk conflict with Somalia, doing so could also lead to the renewal of a breakaway push within Ethiopia itself.

Workers offload goods from a docked ship at the seaport of Berbera in Somaliland. AP Photo/Brian Inganga

Somaliland is situated to the south and east of Ethiopia’s Somali Regional State. The region is governed by the Somali branch of the Ethiopian Prosperity Party, whose legitimacy has long been contested by the Ogaden National Liberation Front, ONLF, a group demanding autonomy for Somalis in Ethiopia.

Until a peace agreement in October 2018, the ONLF had been engaged in a decades-long secessionist war with the Ethiopian government. More recently, in 2020, a push for independence in the Tigray region of Ethiopia resulted in a two-year armed conflict that displaced millions of people and forced hundreds of thousands into famine.

Meanwhile, the Amhara – an indigenous ethnic group in Ethiopia – have been resisting the federal government’s attempt to disarm their militia and regional special forces. And the state of Oromia also saw calls for independence before an Oromo prime minister, Abiy, was elected by parliament in 2018.

A renewed push for autonomy from Ethiopia’s Somali community could serve to reignite any number of these simmering internal conflicts and Somali irredentism.

Uneasy international response

Global attention to growing tensions in the Horn of Africa has been mounting: The U.S. has expressed serious concern, and the African Union has urged Ethiopia and Somalia to de-escalate the tensions in the name of regional peace.

Similar statements have come from the Intergovernmental Authority on Development — an African trade bloc — the European Union and the Arab League.

Widespread protests

Djibouti, which neighbors Somaliland to the northwest, has called for dialogue and a diplomatic solution.

But such calls – from both international and regional players – have done little to calm tensions.

In the days since the deal was announced, tens of thousands Somalis have protested in the streets of Mogadishu, calling the move an aggression against the nation’s sovereignty.

And while residents of both Somaliland and Ethiopia have largely supported the memorandum – hopeful in turn that it would lead to international recognition and economic uplift – not everyone is behind the deal. In Somaliland, Defense Minister Abdiqani Mohamud Ateye resigned on Jan. 8, stating that the handing over of access to the coast to Ethiopia represented a threat to Somaliland’s sovereignty.

It would seem that the memorandum of understanding has served to reopen old wounds across the region.

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2 minutes ago, Xaaji Xunjuf said:

If you think there can come troops from Somalia into Somaliland how will they travel what routes logistics it will be a nightmare really, The only option would be Djibouti. But i doubt Ismaciil Cumar geele would allow that.

 

Any initial war between Somalia and Ethiopia would be Macaswiley vs ENDF/Liyu Police.

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Just now, Che -Guevara said:

Any initial war between Somalia and Ethiopia would be Macaswiley vs ENDF/Liyu Police.

Where in between the Somali border with Ethiopia 

Before we can talk about war with Ethiopia first Somalia must agree how to remove the Ethiopian troops from Somalia  once that is done. Then u can take other gradual steps. in confronting Ethiopia.

 

By the way why are the Kikiyus so quiet these days

 

 

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53 minutes ago, Xaaji Xunjuf said:

Where in between the Somali border with Ethiopia 

Before we can talk about war with Ethiopia first Somalia must agree how to remove the Ethiopian troops from Somalia  once that is done. Then u can take other gradual steps. in confronting Ethiopia.

 

By the way why are the Kikiyus so quiet these days

 

 

I agree they have to be removed from South and Central Somalia!

The Kenyans are more interested in EAC and Ruto is positioning himself Pan-Africanist. They are genuinely concerned about Abiy's recklessness.  The Kenyans also know they can keep quiet so that they offend no one.

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valid makes sense if ur quiet then u offend no one.

What about the UAE as faisal rooble statesd

Why do you think though that the Mamuul gobeleedyo of Somalia re quiet  Puntland galmudug Jubbaland its kind of strange. or mala hassan bay diidanyihin

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Pland was in the middle of elections and the rest of the regional admins did issue a declaration. Pland has already reached out to HSM. Pland will likely attend the next national council.

The role of the UAE depends on HSM, but there is a consensus the UAE has become a  menace that can't be ignored. Farmajo chased out them during his tenure so kicking them out is not a problem, but their influence on the regional leaders is more concerning.

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