Doorasho iyo Dagaal, Somaliland kee ayee dooran?

[Arafaat]

70 out of 80 MPs, 70 out of 80 Guurti members voted for this law. Nearly all present MPs voted for the law. If the Kulmiye regime, whose terms has ended in 2022, refuses to enact it then all options are on the table. 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

It’s not on kulmiye kulmiye just said what  wadani wanted they  you can’t oppose what u presented ur self.   Ha wareegto

[Arafaat]

The regime won’t go peacefully, they will try to undermine, confuse and deflect and whatever it takes to steal the elections for that is their nature. 

[maakhiri1]

Reminder of the Habro infighting for power, the whole project is fake, and this may return,

 

3.1               Fighting Between Clans

Many observers predicted a war between the Isaaq and the other clans in the North, namely the Warsengele, the Issa, the Gadabursi and the Dulbahante. These clans were reluctant to support the secession of the North, particularly because, in the eyes of the Isaaq, they had been associated with the Siad Barre regime (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 22 June 1991; Africa Events June 1991).

Instead, war erupted among the various Isaaq clans. In January 1992, following violent clan fighting between the Habar Jelo and the Habar Yunis in Burao, several dozen people were killed, and a number of others were forced into exile (Le Monde 13 Feb. 1992; The Indian Ocean Newsletter 25 Jan. 1992). This fighting began after the firing of Minister of Defence Mohamed Ali Kahin, who had apparently been preparing a military coup to overthrow the current president. The struggle between the two men arose out of the fact that the head of state, Abdirahman Ali Tour, had given precedence to civilians at the expense of former guerrilla fighters. According to Kahin, it was inconceivable that the number of military representatives in the Abdirahman Ali Tour government be limited to two (Jeune Afrique 16-22 Apr. 1992). A source "close to the official representation bureau of Somaliland in Europe" and quoted by The Indian Ocean Newsletter reports, however, that the friction resulted from an attack led by dissident members of the military against the Burao garrison (25 Jan. 1992). Kahin is a member of the Habar Jelo clan, like the former president of the SNM, Mohamed Silanyo. Silanyo recently criticized President Abdirahman Ali Tour for his overly hasty proclamation of the North's secession (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992). The opposition also accuses the head of state of "dictatorial tendencies, corruption and clan favouritism," as the former minister of water and minerals asserts:

There are no collective cabinet decisions. There hasn't been a single law that has been signed. He (Tour) is hardly in the office, but this is where the buck stops (Inter Press Service 16 Mar. 1992).

At the end of March 1992, fighting broke out in Borama and, a few days later, spread to Berbera, the North's principal port and sole generator of government revenue. Berbera is under the control of the Issa Moussa. The fighting involved the army of the current president and the forces of General Abdillahi Ibrahim, also known as Dheega Weine (Big Ears), who is very close to Kahin, the former minister of defence (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992; Africa Confidential 3 Apr. 1992). These conflicts are the logical consequences of the spirit, structure and objectives of this movement.

According to the UNHCR, 90 percent of the population (70,000) has left Berbera for neighbouring towns or villages (UNHCR 29 May 1992, 6). The Vice-President and Minister of Defence stated in March 1992

We have given negotiations every chance, so now we have full public backing to enforce the full thrust of the law. ... No matter what the casualties are going to be, every government is entitled to use legitimate force. Either they (the rebels) put down their arms and surrender or they'll be run over (IPS 16 Mar. 1992).

Following this declaration, women and children demonstrated against the war in the streets of Hargeisa (Ibid.).

 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

why are u separating  the two clans from the eastern part of sool and eastern part of sanaag region as if they are supposed to be  two different clans 

 

by the way i am not sayng there were not casualties in the habar habar wars ofcourse there were  but it is never as significant in the wars with general afweyne

[Tallaabo]

 

On 2/21/2024 at 2:50 AM, maakhiri1 said:

Reminder of the Habro infighting for power, the whole project is fake, and this may return,

 

3.1               Fighting Between Clans

Many observers predicted a war between the Isaaq and the other clans in the North, namely the Warsengele, the Issa, the Gadabursi and the Dulbahante. These clans were reluctant to support the secession of the North, particularly because, in the eyes of the Isaaq, they had been associated with the Siad Barre regime (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 22 June 1991; Africa Events June 1991).

Instead, war erupted among the various Isaaq clans. In January 1992, following violent clan fighting between the Habar Jelo and the Habar Yunis in Burao, several dozen people were killed, and a number of others were forced into exile (Le Monde 13 Feb. 1992; The Indian Ocean Newsletter 25 Jan. 1992). This fighting began after the firing of Minister of Defence Mohamed Ali Kahin, who had apparently been preparing a military coup to overthrow the current president. The struggle between the two men arose out of the fact that the head of state, Abdirahman Ali Tour, had given precedence to civilians at the expense of former guerrilla fighters. According to Kahin, it was inconceivable that the number of military representatives in the Abdirahman Ali Tour government be limited to two (Jeune Afrique 16-22 Apr. 1992). A source "close to the official representation bureau of Somaliland in Europe" and quoted by The Indian Ocean Newsletter reports, however, that the friction resulted from an attack led by dissident members of the military against the Burao garrison (25 Jan. 1992). Kahin is a member of the Habar Jelo clan, like the former president of the SNM, Mohamed Silanyo. Silanyo recently criticized President Abdirahman Ali Tour for his overly hasty proclamation of the North's secession (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992). The opposition also accuses the head of state of "dictatorial tendencies, corruption and clan favouritism," as the former minister of water and minerals asserts:

There are no collective cabinet decisions. There hasn't been a single law that has been signed. He (Tour) is hardly in the office, but this is where the buck stops (Inter Press Service 16 Mar. 1992).

At the end of March 1992, fighting broke out in Borama and, a few days later, spread to Berbera, the North's principal port and sole generator of government revenue. Berbera is under the control of the Issa Moussa. The fighting involved the army of the current president and the forces of General Abdillahi Ibrahim, also known as Dheega Weine (Big Ears), who is very close to Kahin, the former minister of defence (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992; Africa Confidential 3 Apr. 1992). These conflicts are the logical consequences of the spirit, structure and objectives of this movement.

According to the UNHCR, 90 percent of the population (70,000) has left Berbera for neighbouring towns or villages (UNHCR 29 May 1992, 6). The Vice-President and Minister of Defence stated in March 1992

We have given negotiations every chance, so now we have full public backing to enforce the full thrust of the law. ... No matter what the casualties are going to be, every government is entitled to use legitimate force. Either they (the rebels) put down their arms and surrender or they'll be run over (IPS 16 Mar. 1992).

Following this declaration, women and children demonstrated against the war in the streets of Hargeisa (Ibid.).

 

Can you see a certain name in this report? A true devil in human form!!

[maakhiri1]

2 hours ago, Tallaabo said:

 

Can you see a certain name in this report? A true devil in human form!!

Who? 

[maakhiri1]

The same players from late 1970s , when fighting  against SSDF, to SNM, in 1980s, to clan wars in  early1990s, to SSC 2023, and Laascanood, same.players

Evil people don't die, good people die young 

[maakhiri1]

Quote

Mohamed Silanyo. Silanyo recently criticized President Abdirahman Ali Tour for his overly hasty proclamation of the North's secession (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992)

So Silaanyo didn't want secession?

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Not  persay he wrote. A well drafted powersharing formula between Somalia and Somaliland .  Beteeen usc and snm . Luckily  the usc rejected it and he had to go along  with the independence  after all . God works in mysterious ways .

[Arafaat]

3 hours ago, maakhiri1 said:

The same players from late 1970s , when fighting  against SSDF, to SNM, in 1980s, to clan wars in  early1990s, to SSC 2023, and Laascanood, same.players

Evil people don't die, good people die young 

The Soviet trained ‘Calan Cas’ Colonels will never  handover power peacefully, for they have shed so much blood to get in to power and won’t let let go unless forced by violence as that is the language they speak.

 If they had planes and bombs during the Habro wars in 90’s or in 2023, god forbid they would have surely left monody to survive those massacre.

[Che -Guevara]

Heego thinking 

 

[Arafaat]

8 minutes ago, Che -Guevara said:

Heego thinking 

 

Waxa la arki jiray fikirka umada lagu hogaamiyo inu ka yimaada hogaanka, mufakiriinta iyo mutacalamiinta. 

Laakinse marka caqligii iyo fikirkii suuqa laga qaato umadna lagu hogaamiyo, wexe keenta iskadaba wareeg, dhibaato kadibna jab iyo dib usocod ayee

[Arafaat]

Muuse Biixi oo golaha wakiillada u gudbiyey warqad lagu eedeynayo xubinta xisbiga WADDANI ee komishanka doorashooyinka.

HADHWANAAGNEWS.CA

---

Toddobaadka soo socda ayaa la filayaa in Golaha wakiilladu..

Meanwhile the political establishment is being mocked and entertained with so called elections that nobody knows;

1. when they will take place(regime has not committed to any dates), 

 2. how it will be organised(regime still hasn’t been signed and enacted the electoral law),

3. by whom they will be organised (regime firing some electoral committee members),

4. and if they will be fairly and orderly Organised without instigating or creating pretext for armed conflicts in some areas(as regime planning might be planning for potential war in areas and strongholds of opposition). 

5. and who is contending(as regime is contemplating who to put forward as the current leaders will definitely loose any vote). 

Can’t belief Wadani is accepting this. If this was done to Kulmiye being in opposition, they would have definitely have instigated an armed conflict and rebellion. 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

its part of politcs divide and conquer  muse inu kala sariifto wadani  before the elections is all part of the game dont  hate the player hate the game

ina rayaale was also playing games with komishinka back in 2009. last casha sharaf ina bixii had with ina rayaale mala wuxu tacticadi uu ku sii joogay Xukunka another year from 2009 until 2010 daba yaqadeedi..  Muuse will try to implament the the MOU with Ethiopia he will get allot of push back but if he manages to convince the Ethiopians to settle for Sabawa naaag eel sheeikh which is only 11 miles from lughaye town it self , but it sits on his tribal home land where the cant be any sort of dispute he manages to do that.  And drills the oil  and starts a war in eastern sool again he can get another extension he would knowing muuse start a two fron war one in eastern sanaag one in eastern sool  labbada dhinac ba , then the guurti wil give him another 2 years ,his next plan will be  to change some of the constitution and perhaps allow the political parties opposition to form a joint sort of a joint government ucid will be join the bandwagon  Selebaan gaal is going to retire   Fasial will be the new head of the guurti .. This is the plan from ina bixii and u heard it from xaajiga first