Why Somaliland’s hard-earned peace and stability is at Risk?

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

1 hour ago, Che -Guevara said:

Back to being reer Isxaaq. Nin walba reeerbuu noqdo and the hubris.

 

well spoken the suldaan  of Hargeisa  indeed

[Arafaat]

9 hours ago, Xaaji Xunjuf said:

well spoken the suldaan  of Hargeisa  indeed

Cuqdadan ah Somali ayaa no tashatay, is perhaps the first and most important of false narratives that have been propagated. sending mediocre players to the field that are loosing the political game, doesn’t mean that anyone is there to get you. It just means you need to come with a better game. 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Tell me adigu hal ama Qof Somai ah oo ka so jeeda  degmooyinka walanweynta oo Somaliland wax u ogol  iskaba gooni isutaaga   Xita kuwa la jooga jagooyin naf leh ma siiyan Qof Somaliland ka soo jeeda. Looma ogola inu madaxweyne noqodo iskada madaxweyne eh looma ogola raisal wasaare nin itoobiya ka yimid bay ka doorbideen marka. Dadkaasi manay sl u heshiin

[maakhiri1]

15 hours ago, Arafaat said:

Cuqdadan ah Somali ayaa no tashatay, is perhaps the first and most important of false narratives that have been propagated. sending mediocre players to the field that are loosing the political game, doesn’t mean that anyone is there to get you. It just means you need to come with a better game. 

When we used to debate secessionist back then, they used to say, 50K were killed, you can even see videos from early 2000s

The actual report from Rukiya Omaar ,Raage's older sister, who was working for agency late 1980s to early 1990s, , was about 5K, 

Now , 50K is not big enough, and they say it was 500K

It is changing everyday

Many innocent died in last 30 years of Somali civil war, but to program the youth, with very inaccurate info,  has hidden agenda, it is possible now, those propagating , hatred, cuqdad, are not actual Somalis, but Ethiopians,  it suits them

Somalis must have a real reconciliations conference, no under estimate or over estimate, no lies, just truths,  what actually happened? it is hard to get REAL truth with so much misinformation, over the years, that if you keep telling lies lies , it forms  its own life, and imagination, and is part of not healing, trauma,  some real and false trauma

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

far more died in Hargeeisa between 1988 and 1991  during the war 5000 are u crazy the entire hargeisa and burco was empy fled  ,hargeisa was leveled to the ground  over 400.000 people fled and lived in Ethiopia for about two and a half years..  And u tell us 5000 people died . 

Quote

 

Barre's Divide-and-Rule Tactics

With no appreciable religious, linguistic, cultural or other divisions within Somalia, clan and sub-clan loyalty have emerged as the most important political factors in Somali politics. The reliance on clan identity and competition among clans and sub-clans, while long a part of Somali culture, was exacerbated by the divide-and-rule tactics of Siad Barre. The warfare that has racked Somalia since Siad Barre's ouster has also been based upon the manipulation of clan and sub-clan allegiances.

During his 21-year rule, Barre manipulated clan loyalties and rivalries, favored members of his own clan, and undermined independent sources of authority. In what was to be a recurring pattern, following an April 1978 coup attempt led mainly by army officers from the Puntlandersten clan, Siad's forces singled out Puntlandersten civilians for reprisals. After the creation in 1981 of the Somali National Movement (SNM), a guerilla force that drew its support from the Isaaq clan, the government unleashed a reign of terror against Isaaq civilians, killing 50,000 to 60,000 between May 1988 and January 1990.1

From the outset of his rule, Siad also favored members of his own clan, the Marehan, who were recruited in large numbers into the army and favored within the civil service. Despite this favoritism, Siad purported to outlaw "tribalism" by banning clan gatherings, such as engagement and wedding ceremonies, and co-opting elders by making them paid "peacekeepers." Independent institutions capable of challenging the government's power were destroyed, leading civilian politicians were arrested, independent civic organizations and political parties were outlawed, and any form of political dissent was prohibited. Thus, in seeking to maintain himself in power, Siad Barre fanned the flames of clan animosity while systematically destroying anyinstitution that could cut across clan lines or act as an authentic mediator in disputes between clans.

Siad Barre was also responsible for introducing the strategy of banditry into the civil war, particularly during the 1988 war against the SNM. During this brutal campaign, Siad's troops, many of whom later joined clan factions after the collapse of the central government, were allowed openly to loot and sell the spoils of the war in the markets of Mogadishu, with no fear of punishment.2 This practice broke with traditional Somali customs governing competition between clans, and changed the character of the civil war. After Barre's ouster, other clan factions continued these tactics.

 

 

SOMALIA

WWW.HRW.ORG

 

this is the source human rights whatch be honest for once maakhir  intan inad dhaantay baan ku moodayey we didnt make up these numbers how ever i am not saying we in SL should be victims or something no we should remain vigiliant we have said samaaxnakum to every one we moved on we licked our wounds  and the northern men decided to be at peace with all the others, how ever if some one ever crossed us  we will get even , mida kalle we will forgive but we will never forget

 

 

 

[maakhiri1]

All I am saying, the numbers are exaggerated  extremely by politicians these days, the truth is far different, and yet who are responsible for all these deaths? there was a dictator in power, and very dumb separatists who started war in their own home town

I agree the whole population of Hargaisa and Burco, was less than 500K, majority of them fled to Ethiopia

[maakhiri1]

The third reason is the government's human rights record. For example, in 1981, a group of intellectuals in Hargeisa attempted to renovate the city's hospital as a community self-help project, with the support of a German NGO; they were sentenced to lengthy prison terms. The solidarity exhibited for this group by the entire population of the city, and particularly by students who demonstrated in the streets of Hargeisa during their trial in February 1982, was forcibly suppressed by the military police. Five people were killed during the demonstration and hundreds of others were arrested. Many subsequently gave their support to the SNM rebels. After peace accords were signed by Presidents Mengistu and Siad Barre in April 1988, the SNM took action and launched a massive attack on the cities of Burao and Hargeisa. The government responded with mass executions, heavy artillery bombardment and aerial bombings. The refugees who were attempting to flee the combat by heading for the Ethiopian border were not spared from the bombing. The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) counted 400,000 Somali refugees in Ethiopia following these events.

The SNM was itself involved in numerous human rights violations and committed atrocities, as evidenced by massacres of non-Isaaq families. The targeted populations did not forget the toll taken. According to Gersony's report, the SNM "killed unarmed civilians in individual instances which together may have resulted in the deaths of at least several hundred or more persons." These killings occurred "when neither resistance to these actions nor danger to the SNM was present" (Gersony Aug. 1989, 60-65).

3.  CURRENT SITUATION

In February 1991 the SNM (Isaaq) army conducted "mopping-up operations" in the Awdal region that took the lives of more than 130 people and forced hundreds of thousands of others into exile (Radio of the Somali National Movement 5 Feb. 1991; Africa Research Bulletin 1-28 Feb. 1991, 10026; INCS-UK Apr. 1991, 71-72). In March 1991, fighting occurred between the SNM and the Gadabursi near the Ethiopian border, and conflicts erupted between the SNM and the Issa near the Djibouti border (New African May 1991, 12). In April 1991, a conference of the northern communities, organized by the SNM, resulted in the appointment of a constituent assembly comprised of 45 Isaaq, 35 Darood, 20 Gadabursi and 5 Issa. The official goal of the assembly is to draw up a constitution, form a government and organize elections to be held in 1993 (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 25 May 1991). The SNM announced that Abdirahman Ahmed Ali, known as Abdirahman Tour, had been appointed president of the North (Africa Research Bulletin 1-31 May 1991, 10142), and also announced the formation of a new government composed of two Dulbahante, two Gadabursi, one Warsengele and thirteen Isaaq (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 8 June 1991; Le Monde 8 June 1991). Another source, however, reports that there is one member of the Issa clan in this government (Africa Confidential 14 June 1991). Since shortly after the declaration of independence of the North in May 1991 the situation, which had been somewhat promising when the new state was formed, has steadily deteriorated.

 

source

 

The North | Refworld

WWW.REFWORLD.ORG

 

[maakhiri1]

why do you guys killing innocent everywhere? In Awdal, a clear ethnic cleansing

[maakhiri1]

everything is recorded by UN, and other agencies,  how the secession was only HABRO project, they fabricate stories that SSC, Maakhir or even Awdal agree to it, the whole project was fake. if you not lazy and able to read , anybody can find out the truth. The lie is directly responsible what happened in in SOOL 2023, Kalshaale etc and now giving access to Ethiopia

 

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4.  FUTURE CONSIDERATIONS

Future prospects for the North remain sombre. The newly-created Republic of Somaliland remains unrecognized by the international community, and anarchy and insecurity prevail. Clan politics and socio-economic conditions are basically the same as those of southern Somalia: the same catalysts are present, although they are not yet as intense as in the south, where the cycle of inter-clan violence has grown to frightening proportions. Social prospects for the North depend on a number of factors. First, clan favouritism exhibited by the government of Abdirahman Tour has created discontent both among rival clans and sub-clans and among the leaders who have been ousted from power, particularly former SNM guerrilla fighters who have argued for a greater military presence within the government (Gilkes July 1992, 54). The proclamation of the secession of the North was not unanimous (Current History May 1992, 233). Some non-Isaaq clans still resent the Isaaq for the devastation the region has experienced since 1988 and for the SNM's unilateral take-over in 1991. As well, "while there is no ideologically based opposition to the administration in Somaliland, its domination by the Isaaq-supported SNM has led to resistance from some members of non-Isaaq clans" (Ibid.).

[maakhiri1]

Warning, this may even be back, if the secessionist crazy project does not end.

inter clan fighting between Somalilanders

3.1               Fighting Between Clans

Many observers predicted a war between the Isaaq and the other clans in the North, namely the Warsengele, the Issa, the Gadabursi and the Dulbahante. These clans were reluctant to support the secession of the North, particularly because, in the eyes of the Isaaq, they had been associated with the Siad Barre regime (The Indian Ocean Newsletter 22 June 1991; Africa Events June 1991).

Instead, war erupted among the various Isaaq clans. In January 1992, following violent clan fighting between the Habar Jelo and the Habar Yunis in Burao, several dozen people were killed, and a number of others were forced into exile (Le Monde 13 Feb. 1992; The Indian Ocean Newsletter 25 Jan. 1992). This fighting began after the firing of Minister of Defence Mohamed Ali Kahin, who had apparently been preparing a military coup to overthrow the current president. The struggle between the two men arose out of the fact that the head of state, Abdirahman Ali Tour, had given precedence to civilians at the expense of former guerrilla fighters. According to Kahin, it was inconceivable that the number of military representatives in the Abdirahman Ali Tour government be limited to two (Jeune Afrique 16-22 Apr. 1992). A source "close to the official representation bureau of Somaliland in Europe" and quoted by The Indian Ocean Newsletter reports, however, that the friction resulted from an attack led by dissident members of the military against the Burao garrison (25 Jan. 1992). Kahin is a member of the Habar Jelo clan, like the former president of the SNM, Mohamed Silanyo. Silanyo recently criticized President Abdirahman Ali Tour for his overly hasty proclamation of the North's secession (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992). The opposition also accuses the head of state of "dictatorial tendencies, corruption and clan favouritism," as the former minister of water and minerals asserts:

There are no collective cabinet decisions. There hasn't been a single law that has been signed. He (Tour) is hardly in the office, but this is where the buck stops (Inter Press Service 16 Mar. 1992).

At the end of March 1992, fighting broke out in Borama and, a few days later, spread to Berbera, the North's principal port and sole generator of government revenue. Berbera is under the control of the Issa Moussa. The fighting involved the army of the current president and the forces of General Abdillahi Ibrahim, also known as Dheega Weine (Big Ears), who is very close to Kahin, the former minister of defence (Ibid; Jeune Afrique 28 May-3 June 1992; Africa Confidential 3 Apr. 1992). These conflicts are the logical consequences of the spirit, structure and objectives of this movement.

According to the UNHCR, 90 percent of the population (70,000) has left Berbera for neighbouring towns or villages (UNHCR 29 May 1992, 6). The Vice-President and Minister of Defence stated in March 1992

We have given negotiations every chance, so now we have full public backing to enforce the full thrust of the law. ... No matter what the casualties are going to be, every government is entitled to use legitimate force. Either they (the rebels) put down their arms and surrender or they'll be run over (IPS 16 Mar. 1992).

Following this declaration, women and children demonstrated against the war in the streets of Hargeisa (Ibid.).

 

[Arafaat]

18 hours ago, maakhiri1 said:

Instead, war erupted among the various Isaaq clans. In January 1992, following violent clan fighting between the Habar Jelo and the Habar Yunis in Burao, several dozen people were killed, and a number of others were forced into exile (Le Monde 13 Feb. 1992; The Indian Ocean Newsletter 25 Jan. 1992). This fighting began after the firing of Minister of Defence Mohamed Ali Kahin, who had apparently been preparing a military coup to overthrow the current president. The struggle between the two men arose out of the fact that the head of state, Abdirahman Ali Tour, had given precedence to civilians at the expense of former guerrilla fighters. According to Kahin, it was inconceivable that the number of military representatives in the Abdirahman Ali Tour government be limited to two (Jeune Afrique 16-22 Apr. 1992).

So the ‘Calan cas’ colonels did directly start the inter-clan war in the 90’s, somehow I thought it was just hear say. 

If you look at the involvement of these Soviet trained colonels, their fingerprints are all over the major conflicts in Somaliland. From the escalation of the conflict in the North during the 80’s, the inter-clan Habar-Habar war during the 90’s, the Las Anod war (2022-2023) and even now they are busy to stirr and incite another regional conflict, in order to deflect attention and stay in power. 

No wonder that they always seek to deflect attention from their own role and need an ‘external’ enemy. But this time it won’t work, no matter how loud they scream, repeat their inciting rhetoric, nobody will belief nor follow their politics, for they are just another loud social media pundits not worth for young people to sacrifice their lives for.  

 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

Nonsense calan cas are nothing more then a few colonels and generals in the SNM during the 1980s  who had their own clique who pressured the  SNM chairperson whether it was siilaanyo or tuur or the Sheikh , to  give them more power since they were the military leaders of the SNM  ina bixii ina kahin dhaga weyne  col ina askar  Lixle the fallen hero and Jeneral Mohammed ali raximillah were all part of this Clique  they pressured  the SNM leaders all the political diplomatic leaders of the SNM siilanyo the sheikh and tuur in particular , but they were very fond of  Colonel Abdulqadir koosaar killed in in 1984 because he was a soldier like them.  Sillaanyo kept them at bay because he feared they wanted to take him out , and aburahman tuur couldnt control them when he was the chaiperson of the SNM . But do u know who used them effective  against his enemies in Cigaal during the habar habar wars  they were not the artitecht of the Civil war it was Ina cigaal , In cigaal used their grievances against Tuur against Tuur . Calan calas  were cruicial in the formation of the SNM during the liberation colonel hassan  yoonis habane and  cabdilahi Darawal ina kahin ina bixi and ina askar and dhagaweyne  stood with their people  when they said we stand with the people of SL that we want what they want that was what ina kahin said  anagu waxanu rabna waxay dadku rabbaan taaas ayaa u quus gooeysey those SNM elements who wanted to give the walanweyns one more chance  such as ibrahim meygaag silaanyo and tuur who wanted to give the walanweyn the benefit of the doubt where as the calan cas brough out the SNM flag  and lowered the blue flag  and thats how it went  and the people of burco cheered them up and clapped for them and thats history 

[Arafaat]

“Kulmiye crocodile tears are fake, as their failed politics and suppression of people’s rights have caused the exodus to Mogadishu” 

 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

yes and the exodus to mogadishu became the massacre of Duriyad people in Mogadishu nothing much has changed since 1989 when the jazeera massacre happened.

[Arafaat]

18 hours ago, Xaaji Xunjuf said:

yes and the exodus to mogadishu became the massacre of Duriyad people in Mogadishu nothing much has changed since 1989 when the jazeera massacre happened.

Your selective memory of history is quite perplexing as you only seem to remember the 80’s. And not the massacre and killings during the inter-Habro war in the 90’s and the Las Anod war last year, both instigated and committed by the same colonels.