The state of the State of Somaliland

[SOO MAAL]

The state of the State of Somaliland

Ali Gulaid

 

 

September 18, 2005

 

[This is the text of Mr Ali Gulaid's Presentation at the SOPRI conference in Los Angeles on June 26, 2005]

 

To my knowledge this is the second time so many Somalilanders came from all over the world to meet outside the country and that makes it a golden opportunity, an opportunity not to waste. The first one was (of course) in London when the Somali National Movement (SNM) was founded about twenty years ago. The resolution to dislodge the Siyad regime from the country which the SNM adopted in London was bold, drastic and risky but the payoff was worth the risk. The two conferences have similarities and some differences but it isn't my intention to compare and contrast the two events but it is my intention to remind you that the struggle isn't over yet. Today, the dictator is gone and that should have been a cause for joy but this administration practices and perpetuates without shame the inhumane practices that bedeviled Siyad's regime and it is up to the participants of this conference to seize the moment and condemn the lack of rule that is prevalent in Somaliland .

 

In light of that it isn't the time to exchange few pleasantries nor is it the time for Somalilanders to soak themselves with unfounded self aggrandizement and denial. We are all here, I assume, to assist Somaliland transition from half-way house to a home. But to do so would first require SL meet the minimum acceptable standard and if the headlines from Amnesty International, Africa Right, and the State Department are any measure this administration is repressive and that is alarming but what is more alarming is the predominant sentiment among the diaspora of thou shall not speak of this administration's poor human rights record lest it jeopardizes recognition

 

To illustrate the magnitude of the problems beset on Somaliland, I would scratch the surface in this short analysis some of the reactionary practices, the dictatorial tendencies and the misallocation of scarce funds and would conclude since this administration has failed to restore democratic values and the basic human rights, the prospects of recognition are getting slimmer and only a resolution as bold and as risky as the London resolution could restore hope.

 

The Repressive Policies and practices

 

 

Dahir Rayaale Kaahin - President of Somaliland

To start with, Rayaale presides over a cabinet of sixty-five (65) including himself, the vice-president and fourteen (14) advisors. That makes the cabinet of sixty-five (65) larger than the cabinet of the most recent government in India - a nation of about one BILLION- which is mere sixty (60). On paper, Somaliland and Somalia are like day and night. Somaliland had local and Presidential elections; it has two Houses of Parliament, albeit unelected, a constitution that guarantees human rights, freedom of the press and separation of powers and other fundamental rights. On the other hand, Mogadishu has no constitution, has no central government, no functioning institutions and the recently crowned and foreign imposed government remains still in exile. With that profile, it is natural to deduce that Hargeysa is democratic but appearance is deceiving. One has unconstitutional Islamic Courts sanctioned by the Chief Justice, unconstitutional Security Courts sanctioned by the President and pays lip service to the independent media; it has banned public demonstrations, public debates, the right to peacefully assemble and private broadcasting all under the pretext of national security. Further, it constantly harasses journalists and activists and recently has busted the opposition party headquarter in a Watergate like style, and its ruling party militia mowed down the office of the same opposition party with machine gun. If you guessed that is Mogadishu you are wrong; that is the reality in Hargeysa.

 

The litany of lawlessness is too long but the following few examples are cited as representative just to prove a point. The Minister of information, Mr. Abdilahi Dualeh, has banned private broadcasting claiming that it is a threat to National security and President Rayaale has reiterated that policy recently in an interview he gave to the BBC. The editor of Jamhuuriya, daily newspaper, Mr. Hassan Saeed has been arrested 15 times within two years. The forum “Cawa Caqlikeen†which the civil society under the leadership of Dr. Hussein Bulhan have recently launched to debate the issues of the day was banned and its license revoked. On May 18, 2004 students who demonstrated peacefully were arrested and 156 of them were summarily sentenced by the illegal Court in less than five minutes to a maximum one year in jail, so were 11 students from Borama and so were the Gabiley students who complained to authorities about the lack of playing grounds and the list goes on but the one that baffled all was sentencing a 17 year old girl for five years for alleged espionage without due process. To add that the two recent episodes where the government cordoned off the House of the representatives and banned the Berbera local government council from convening a session to block the impending impeachment of the President and the Mayor of Berbera puts it in the same league with that of Siyad Barre. This tendency of abuse glaringly extends itself over the economic affairs as well.

 

The economic mismanagement

 

The road map to economic development of any nation is reflected on its budget, how it assesses and prioritizes its needs and how it ultimately allocates the available resources to its needs. If the adopted budget of this administration is a map to go by, it would exacerbate poverty and misery. Education, health, justice, agriculture, livestock, infrastructure and everything else shares forty-percent (40%) while the remaining 60% covers the salary of the President, the vice-president and the office of the presidency and security. To give you a flavor, the President and his vice-President earned $ 515, 916 and $186,200 respectively last year. That is more than twice what President Clinton and Al-Gore made in their final year in office. The entertainment budget of the Minister that coordinates the two Houses of parliament that are housed in the same building is $7,123 which is more than 30% of his whole budget. Over 10% of the total budget of about 22 million is for the salary of the president, the vice-President and the presidency.

 

To illustrate the bigger picture, the salary of the duo and the budget of the office of the presidency for the five year term of this administration would be $12,120,276. The President alone would earn a whopping $2,931,528 in his five-year term while a police officer would earn less than $2,000 for the same period and there is more heart ache. The Education $1,062,928 and health budget $650,890 combined are less than that of the office of the Presidency $1,703,927 and the budget of the prison guard is more than the budget of 15 Ministries combined. It is also almost twice the budget of health services and is almost equal to that of education. The negligence and the mismanagement of the economy doesn't stop there. The ban on livestock is still in effect and no appreciable effort was expended to lift the ban or find another market. The business people have migrated to Bossasso port due to bureaucracy; heavy handedness, high tariff and inefficiencies on Berbera Port and the diaspora have forgone the family summer visits because of harassment and unreasonably too high airport tax.

 

Somaliland prides herself to own a passport, currency and a flag and that is all true. But neither the currency nor the flag gained currency. While the flag and the currency are all confined to the capital, the passport is reserved for one Party. Over the Eastern part of the country starting from Burcao the Siyad Barre shilling is tendered while the Ethiopian Birr and the Djibouti Franc are the coveted ones in Awdal region. The hottest commodity in Somaliland today is the passport and like any other hot commodity it is closely controlled and used, as another tool to buy friends while holding it from those deemed anti-administration. Dejavu! If the passport is reserved for the governing party loyalist, the wildlife including some rare species are sold to the rich Arab Sheiks for a hefty sum. The trees has been killed for charcoal fuel export to the Middle East and the fragile flora has been destroyed by the constant fleets of high-powered vehicles that roam the grazing plateau hunting rare species without regard to conservation with the government blessing.

 

Territorially, since this administration was inaugurated, Somaliland has shrunk. On the Eastern front, Puntland has occupied Sool region and some parts of Sanaag since Riyaale ordered his administration to pull out of that region. That is known but what isn't so known is that on the Western side Djibouti authorities freely operate inside Somaliland borders with the supervision of this administration and moving the border outposts from Lyacado to as far interior as Seylac is said to be on the offing.

 

Hargeysa has many pressing matters, and I dare say MORE pressing than recognition. The lack of due process, arbitrary arrest, control of media, skyrocketing corruption, selective enforcement of the law, unlawful security courts, inability to expand the administration beyond the capital, misappropriation of funds are only few. By the way, recognition would not be a panacea. On the contrary many believe where there is neither transparency nor accountability and corruption is the order of the day, loans and financial aid would just fuel the unfettered looting and saddle the poorest Nation on earth with another unbearable burden.

 

Gabooye

 

Like few other cultures Somaliland has a cast society called “Gaboye†and many as of this day call them “Midgan†a derogatory term equivalent to Niger or untouchable but the plight of the Gaboye in SL is unpublicized and not to condemn such oppression in gatherings like this one is unacceptable. Isn't it ironic that SL wants to be recognized as a Nation equal to other Nations while she discriminates and tolerates that some of her own people are less equal than others. Rare platforms like this one should play a role in dispelling that ignorance.

 

Conclusion

 

In a region where the benchmark of a semblance of government is Mogadishu , Hargeysa is relatively Copenhagen . To the outsiders, Hargeysa remains a beacon of democracy “shan-karoon†as long as it doesn't sink as low as Mogadishu but to the internationally renown human rights activist, Ms. Rakiya Omaar and to Sultan Rabi whom she chronicled his ordeal and maltreatment in Hargeysa prison so vividly and to Zamam Ahmed, the 15 year girl sentenced for five years (5) without due process because of alleged espionage, and to the Gaboye (lower caste) community that is discriminated against, Hargeysa is a nightmare. If the SNM objective and the London resolution was to rid the Siyad regime from proper Somalia and the objective of the subsequent conferences in Burcao and Borama was only to withdraw from Somalia without structural changes, this administration has succeeded but if the objective was all along to restore the democratic principles and other inalienable rights, it has failed. To characterize this administration which has failed on democratic principles and the rule of law for four consecutive years as a shining star is far from the truth.

 

This administration is suffering from Siyad Barre's syndrome. The success or the failure of this administration should be measured against what is under her power to change such as the repressive policies not on matters that are beyond her power such as political recognition. Nor should the success or the failure of this administration be measured against one, two or even three elections. Elections in Sub-Saharan Africa are nothing but a back door to dictatorship and Somaliland is a case in point. Somaliland is held back not by the absence of political recognition as this administration would like us to believe but is held back by her own poor record on fundamental rights and corrupt practices. On my humble account, as well as the account of human rights activist and more importantly that of the US State Department Somaliland ranks the lowest in terms of rule of law, constitutional liberties, the freedom of the press and human rights. And that is unacceptable. SL had a tradition of carrying out justice under a tree for centuries; for it doesn't require much but equity, transparency, consistency and good faith effort. On matters of such importance, the level of tolerance should be zilch and records as bad as this administration be reprimanded.

 

The state of the State of Somaliland is in peril. Presently, disenchantment is in; euphoria is out and hope is fading. Chaos is looming and the thought of another furlough in a refuge camp is discomforting. The anticipated dividends of dislodging the brutal dictator, the subsequent painful separation of enjoined twins and the concerted colossal effort of long impassioned clan negotiations have being squandered. Many have hoped that Somaliland's painful past would help her avoid the fatal missteps that have caused the collapse of the defunct Somali Republic and would further motivate her work harder to earn enough marks for good behavior to graduate from a half-way house (unrecognized) to a nation that is FIRST democratic and SECOND politically recognized but as of today Somaliland has fooled no body but herself. Therefore, this conference should seize the golden opportunity and demand democracy, human rights, freedom of the press and due process at minimum; not to demand these basic rights and cover up oppression is indeed riskier

 

Ali Gulaid,

San Jose, CA

 

 

 

September 18, 2005

 

[This is the text of Mr Ali Gulaid's Presentation at the SOPRI conference in Los Angeles on June 26, 2005]

 

To my knowledge this is the second time so many Somalilanders came from all over the world to meet outside the country and that makes it a golden opportunity, an opportunity not to waste. The first one was (of course) in London when the Somali National Movement (SNM) was founded about twenty years ago. The resolution to dislodge the Siyad regime from the country which the SNM adopted in London was bold, drastic and risky but the payoff was worth the risk. The two conferences have similarities and some differences but it isn't my intention to compare and contrast the two events but it is my intention to remind you that the struggle isn't over yet. Today, the dictator is gone and that should have been a cause for joy but this administration practices and perpetuates without shame the inhumane practices that bedeviled Siyad's regime and it is up to the participants of this conference to seize the moment and condemn the lack of rule that is prevalent in Somaliland .

 

In light of that it isn't the time to exchange few pleasantries nor is it the time for Somalilanders to soak themselves with unfounded self aggrandizement and denial. We are all here, I assume, to assist Somaliland transition from half-way house to a home. But to do so would first require SL meet the minimum acceptable standard and if the headlines from Amnesty International, Africa Right, and the State Department are any measure this administration is repressive and that is alarming but what is more alarming is the predominant sentiment among the diaspora of thou shall not speak of this administration's poor human rights record lest it jeopardizes recognition

 

To illustrate the magnitude of the problems beset on Somaliland, I would scratch the surface in this short analysis some of the reactionary practices, the dictatorial tendencies and the misallocation of scarce funds and would conclude since this administration has failed to restore democratic values and the basic human rights, the prospects of recognition are getting slimmer and only a resolution as bold and as risky as the London resolution could restore hope.

 

The Repressive Policies and practices

 

 

Dahir Rayaale Kaahin - President of Somaliland

To start with, Rayaale presides over a cabinet of sixty-five (65) including himself, the vice-president and fourteen (14) advisors. That makes the cabinet of sixty-five (65) larger than the cabinet of the most recent government in India - a nation of about one BILLION- which is mere sixty (60). On paper, Somaliland and Somalia are like day and night. Somaliland had local and Presidential elections; it has two Houses of Parliament, albeit unelected, a constitution that guarantees human rights, freedom of the press and separation of powers and other fundamental rights. On the other hand, Mogadishu has no constitution, has no central government, no functioning institutions and the recently crowned and foreign imposed government remains still in exile. With that profile, it is natural to deduce that Hargeysa is democratic but appearance is deceiving. One has unconstitutional Islamic Courts sanctioned by the Chief Justice, unconstitutional Security Courts sanctioned by the President and pays lip service to the independent media; it has banned public demonstrations, public debates, the right to peacefully assemble and private broadcasting all under the pretext of national security. Further, it constantly harasses journalists and activists and recently has busted the opposition party headquarter in a Watergate like style, and its ruling party militia mowed down the office of the same opposition party with machine gun. If you guessed that is Mogadishu you are wrong; that is the reality in Hargeysa.

 

The litany of lawlessness is too long but the following few examples are cited as representative just to prove a point. The Minister of information, Mr. Abdilahi Dualeh, has banned private broadcasting claiming that it is a threat to National security and President Rayaale has reiterated that policy recently in an interview he gave to the BBC. The editor of Jamhuuriya, daily newspaper, Mr. Hassan Saeed has been arrested 15 times within two years. The forum “Cawa Caqlikeen†which the civil society under the leadership of Dr. Hussein Bulhan have recently launched to debate the issues of the day was banned and its license revoked. On May 18, 2004 students who demonstrated peacefully were arrested and 156 of them were summarily sentenced by the illegal Court in less than five minutes to a maximum one year in jail, so were 11 students from Borama and so were the Gabiley students who complained to authorities about the lack of playing grounds and the list goes on but the one that baffled all was sentencing a 17 year old girl for five years for alleged espionage without due process. To add that the two recent episodes where the government cordoned off the House of the representatives and banned the Berbera local government council from convening a session to block the impending impeachment of the President and the Mayor of Berbera puts it in the same league with that of Siyad Barre. This tendency of abuse glaringly extends itself over the economic affairs as well.

 

The economic mismanagement

 

The road map to economic development of any nation is reflected on its budget, how it assesses and prioritizes its needs and how it ultimately allocates the available resources to its needs. If the adopted budget of this administration is a map to go by, it would exacerbate poverty and misery. Education, health, justice, agriculture, livestock, infrastructure and everything else shares forty-percent (40%) while the remaining 60% covers the salary of the President, the vice-president and the office of the presidency and security. To give you a flavor, the President and his vice-President earned $ 515, 916 and $186,200 respectively last year. That is more than twice what President Clinton and Al-Gore made in their final year in office. The entertainment budget of the Minister that coordinates the two Houses of parliament that are housed in the same building is $7,123 which is more than 30% of his whole budget. Over 10% of the total budget of about 22 million is for the salary of the president, the vice-President and the presidency.

 

To illustrate the bigger picture, the salary of the duo and the budget of the office of the presidency for the five year term of this administration would be $12,120,276. The President alone would earn a whopping $2,931,528 in his five-year term while a police officer would earn less than $2,000 for the same period and there is more heart ache. The Education $1,062,928 and health budget $650,890 combined are less than that of the office of the Presidency $1,703,927 and the budget of the prison guard is more than the budget of 15 Ministries combined. It is also almost twice the budget of health services and is almost equal to that of education. The negligence and the mismanagement of the economy doesn't stop there. The ban on livestock is still in effect and no appreciable effort was expended to lift the ban or find another market. The business people have migrated to Bossasso port due to bureaucracy; heavy handedness, high tariff and inefficiencies on Berbera Port and the diaspora have forgone the family summer visits because of harassment and unreasonably too high airport tax.

 

Somaliland prides herself to own a passport, currency and a flag and that is all true. But neither the currency nor the flag gained currency. While the flag and the currency are all confined to the capital, the passport is reserved for one Party. Over the Eastern part of the country starting from Burcao the Siyad Barre shilling is tendered while the Ethiopian Birr and the Djibouti Franc are the coveted ones in Awdal region. The hottest commodity in Somaliland today is the passport and like any other hot commodity it is closely controlled and used, as another tool to buy friends while holding it from those deemed anti-administration. Dejavu! If the passport is reserved for the governing party loyalist, the wildlife including some rare species are sold to the rich Arab Sheiks for a hefty sum. The trees has been killed for charcoal fuel export to the Middle East and the fragile flora has been destroyed by the constant fleets of high-powered vehicles that roam the grazing plateau hunting rare species without regard to conservation with the government blessing.

 

Territorially, since this administration was inaugurated, Somaliland has shrunk. On the Eastern front, Puntland has occupied Sool region and some parts of Sanaag since Riyaale ordered his administration to pull out of that region. That is known but what isn't so known is that on the Western side Djibouti authorities freely operate inside Somaliland borders with the supervision of this administration and moving the border outposts from Lyacado to as far interior as Seylac is said to be on the offing.

 

Hargeysa has many pressing matters, and I dare say MORE pressing than recognition. The lack of due process, arbitrary arrest, control of media, skyrocketing corruption, selective enforcement of the law, unlawful security courts, inability to expand the administration beyond the capital, misappropriation of funds are only few. By the way, recognition would not be a panacea. On the contrary many believe where there is neither transparency nor accountability and corruption is the order of the day, loans and financial aid would just fuel the unfettered looting and saddle the poorest Nation on earth with another unbearable burden.

 

Gabooye

 

Like few other cultures Somaliland has a cast society called “Gaboye†and many as of this day call them “Midgan†a derogatory term equivalent to Niger or untouchable but the plight of the Gaboye in SL is unpublicized and not to condemn such oppression in gatherings like this one is unacceptable. Isn't it ironic that SL wants to be recognized as a Nation equal to other Nations while she discriminates and tolerates that some of her own people are less equal than others. Rare platforms like this one should play a role in dispelling that ignorance.

 

Conclusion

 

In a region where the benchmark of a semblance of government is Mogadishu , Hargeysa is relatively Copenhagen . To the outsiders, Hargeysa remains a beacon of democracy “shan-karoon†as long as it doesn't sink as low as Mogadishu but to the internationally renown human rights activist, Ms. Rakiya Omaar and to Sultan Rabi whom she chronicled his ordeal and maltreatment in Hargeysa prison so vividly and to Zamam Ahmed, the 15 year girl sentenced for five years (5) without due process because of alleged espionage, and to the Gaboye (lower caste) community that is discriminated against, Hargeysa is a nightmare. If the SNM objective and the London resolution was to rid the Siyad regime from proper Somalia and the objective of the subsequent conferences in Burcao and Borama was only to withdraw from Somalia without structural changes, this administration has succeeded but if the objective was all along to restore the democratic principles and other inalienable rights, it has failed. To characterize this administration which has failed on democratic principles and the rule of law for four consecutive years as a shining star is far from the truth.

 

This administration is suffering from Siyad Barre's syndrome. The success or the failure of this administration should be measured against what is under her power to change such as the repressive policies not on matters that are beyond her power such as political recognition. Nor should the success or the failure of this administration be measured against one, two or even three elections. Elections in Sub-Saharan Africa are nothing but a back door to dictatorship and Somaliland is a case in point. Somaliland is held back not by the absence of political recognition as this administration would like us to believe but is held back by her own poor record on fundamental rights and corrupt practices. On my humble account, as well as the account of human rights activist and more importantly that of the US State Department Somaliland ranks the lowest in terms of rule of law, constitutional liberties, the freedom of the press and human rights. And that is unacceptable. SL had a tradition of carrying out justice under a tree for centuries; for it doesn't require much but equity, transparency, consistency and good faith effort. On matters of such importance, the level of tolerance should be zilch and records as bad as this administration be reprimanded.

 

The state of the State of Somaliland is in peril. Presently, disenchantment is in; euphoria is out and hope is fading. Chaos is looming and the thought of another furlough in a refuge camp is discomforting. The anticipated dividends of dislodging the brutal dictator, the subsequent painful separation of enjoined twins and the concerted colossal effort of long impassioned clan negotiations have being squandered. Many have hoped that Somaliland's painful past would help her avoid the fatal missteps that have caused the collapse of the defunct Somali Republic and would further motivate her work harder to earn enough marks for good behavior to graduate from a half-way house (unrecognized) to a nation that is FIRST democratic and SECOND politically recognized but as of today Somaliland has fooled no body but herself. Therefore, this conference should seize the golden opportunity and demand democracy, human rights, freedom of the press and due process at minimum; not to demand these basic rights and cover up oppression is indeed riskier

 

Ali Gulaid,

San Jose, CA