A POSITION PAPER ON THE CURRENT SITUATION IN SOMALIA

[NASSIR]

A POSITION PAPER ON THE CURRENT SITUATION IN SOMALIA

A NATION UNDER SIEGE AND A GLIMMER OF HOPE – PART 2

THE TRANSITIONAL FEDERAL GOVERNMENT (TFG): THE ONLY VIABLE

TOOL TO MOVE US FORWARD

 

 

We, the Somali people, are at cross roads and must choose between anarchy and peace. We must choose as the options and the time are very limited. We must choose between having a country, nation, state and a tribal fiefdom at the mercy of other nations. We must choose between war/conflict and dialogue and peace. We must choose a better and a brighter future without forgetting the past.

 

Currently we have an institution called the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) which we agree is not the best institution but all the same, we must support this nascent institution as it is the only choice left for Somalia. We must support it for the simple reason that it is a conscious choice between a glimmer of hope and a total chaos and anarchy, considering that since the onset of the civil war, all of our fundamental institutions collapsed; institutions such as the central government, regional institutions, municipal institutions, health, education, legal and commercial institutions. The TFG represents an institutional memory bank that can be built upon for a future reconstitution of the Somali state, not to mention all other contingent institutions thereof. For this, we believe, that in a spirit of good will, the TFG must be supported by the Somali public. Instead of expending energy and resources in the weakening and destruction of this weak institution, it is better to engage in building and correcting it so that we can have a better system of governance for a better tomorrow.

 

But the proponents of anarchy and lawlessness, in collaboration with the Nairobi based International NGO’s (Lords of Poverty) have been disseminating all kinds of fraudulent arguments in order to derail the agendas of the TFG and its on-going Reconciliation Conference. The proponents of anarchy include opportunists and business groups who prospered in the chaos and lawlessness, Islamists with extremist and discriminatory agenda, politicians who lost their political power and the renegade former members of the Parliament who are currently based in Eritrea. The latter group has miserably failed to propose any practical conflict resolution model to bring peace to the nation. Because of their lack of vision and their politically bankrupt and simplistic platform, they are stuck with a pathologically mutated form of nationalism that adheres to the support of most radical forms of terrorism and the indiscriminate killing of innocent civilians under a dubious and phony pretext of defending the country from Ethiopia. Their brand of PSEUDO NATIONALISM is aimed at cavalierly destroying life, limp and property while ignoring Somalia’s common enemies of war, poverty, hunger, diseases, and illiteracy and all this in the name of tribe or personal interest.

 

All members of the international community and peace loving people in the world have expressed outrage at their tactics of hire-for-terror and violence in which they kill any leader in Mogadishu who stands up to help his/her people. Many young leaders have already died, NOT in the hands of foreign troops, but by the bullets, mortars and bombs of the merciless insurgents hired by Islamic Courts Union (ICU) and its foreign supporters. Such tactics of enforcing blindly a radical political Islam has exposed their motive of destruction and violence to the rest of the world, and will eventually reduce them to nothing more than a mere nuisance that incessantly disrupts the daily lives of Mogadishu’s residents and families. The scope and pith of their propaganda amounts to a handful fraudulent themes, repeated ad nauseam, and their key arguments stand to be exposed for the fraud they are.

 

ARGUMENT #1: THAT THE ICU WAS THE BEST CHOICE FOR SOMALIA

 

The Islamic courts came to prominence in June 2006. Prior to that, the only Islamic courts on the scene were a disparate collection of clan-specific courts more known for chopping the hands of the poor, minorities and the militarily unprotected civilians of Mogadishu and elsewhere in the south, than for any political agenda. Not only that, the progenitor institutions of the ICU were in cahoots with the business enterprises and anarchists of Mogadishu to the extent that when the TFG moved to Jowhar in the fall of 2005, you could spot in Balcad in a show of force, the majority of the notorious personalities of the as yet not formed ICU breaking bread with all Mogadishu warlords, including prominent business personalities. How far deep were the Islamic Courts in cahoots with the business enterprises with whom they co-existed in a cesspool of injustice, anarchy and mayhem for the past 16 years?

 

The infamous CIA funded war between the Islamic Courts and the so-called Anti-terrorism Alliance was not really a war of ideologies but rather a business/turf war that started between two business adversaries: The extremists wagered on one and the warlords bet on the other, and the winner was the one fronted, armed and spoken for by the extremists now constituted itself as the ICU. Yet the genesis of that war and the current belligerent resistance to the TFG’s relocation to Mogadishu were/are nothing but an attempt by the defenders of the status quo to preserve the monopolistic stranglehold they had on the public infrastructure such as ports, airports, highways, ocean lanes, and the illegal control of southern regions of Somalia and thus uphold the status quo; a status quo that dealt in unregulated legitimate as well illegitimate businesses while impoverishing millions of Somali citizens in Mogadishu, Lower Shabelle and Juba regions.

 

As soon as the ICU began lording over Mogadishu, it also began to believe that it was the governing party of the country, and embarked on promulgating primitive edicts that banned television, pictures, the mixing of genders and also started flogging the people in public places for such innocuous transgressions as not wearing a beard. All this in a country and culture that has never subscribed to this alien extreme political form of Islam that is long on symbolism but very short on substance. These clan-warlords-turned Islamists did bring briefly a semblance of relative peace in Mogadishu but it is fallacious to equate the whole of Somalia to Mogadishu. Yet it was obvious that they lacked any real national structured governance agenda other than to converge their various disjointed clan and Jihadist agendas. The ICU even failed to manage Mogadishu for a significant period of time; instead, because of the short-sightedness of its leaders, it stirred a lot of fear as it believed that it was a representative of Allah. The ICU did not stop there but began to believe that they were invincible and then recklessly invited foreign fighters in to the country and as a result sucked the country into the vortex of the international Global Jihadist movement by openly calling Jihad on bordering countries.

 

Their reckless and out of control behavior triggered the presence of Ethiopian troops in Mogadishu today. Why would anyone who is concerned of the suffering of the Somali people invite foreign fighters to Somalia and drag the country into a regional war? The answer is simply that the ICU leadership have always been and still are driven by individual and clan interests as their actions in Mogadishu, Lower Shabelle and Lower Jubba indicated.

 

ARGUMENT # 2: THAT ETHIOPIA IS AN ETERNAL ENEMY OF SOMALIA AND THAT IT HAS AN IMPERIAL AGENDA ON SOMALIA.

 

We must also put a STOP to the other big lie that Ethiopia and Somalia are eternal enemies. If we reflect on world history there is no such thing as an eternal enemy. Many countries that fought vicious wars in the past, today enjoy a healthy and friendly political relationship; France and Germany, Japan, Russia and USA, just to name few examples. Somalia and Ethiopia have never gone to war on their own accord, but that as two poor African and third world countries, they have been forced to become pawns in imperial wars that were fought over world economic and hegemonic interests by imperialists. In 1977, the Somali/Ethiopian war was one among many theatres of the cold war, the other theatres being Vietnam, Cambodia, Angola, and Mozambique. We were pawns, plain and simple and our two poor countries were militarily set up against each other by the cold warriors, a sad episode that can only explain the vast stockpiles of weapons left in the backyards of many African countries at the end of the cold war.

 

 

It is ludicrous to entertain the thought that, at the dawn of the 21st Century when almost all Africans completed the re-claimation of their independence and statehood from Western colonial powers; that an African country, in this case Ethiopia, will embark on imperial designs on another African country, unless; of course, its leadership is hallucinating. That might explain why, for the past 16 years, without a central government and in the midst of chaos, Ethiopia with its state and military apparatus intact did not invade and permanently occupy our country. It only came in when the ICU threatened to conduct its next prayer rituals in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital.

 

Another factor negating the likelihood that Ethiopia has imperial designs on our country is the fact that the two countries share a long unprotected border in one of the most dangerous international Ghettos (or ‘Hood if you like) ever. Ethiopia is a nation state comprised of about 70 or odd ethnic communities speaking 70 different languages and also nursing 70 or more different grievances. The likelihood of settling scores will have a far more dangerous effect on Ethiopia than any other country in the Horn of Africa. It is in the interest of Ethiopia to have a good, peaceful and principled neighbor in the ‘Hood, a neighbor that is organized as a state, nation or country and not along clan lines. Moreover, Ethiopia cannot have a realistic imperial agenda per se. It simply does not meet all the necessary conditions relevant to a nation with an imperial agenda: It is a very poor African country that itself is a victim to the vagaries of the dominant imperial/colonial and economic powers of the past and present; it is busting at the seams with a young population that it cannot feed, house, educate, nor provide for its basic health; it is an impoverished nation that depends on foreign aid for its crucial economic and social development. For all these reasons, unless the Ethiopian leadership is deluded, Ethiopia can not have an imperial ambition because it does not meet the conditions necessary for imperial aspirations. More importantly, Ethiopia is a fragile and unstable nation and cannot sustain an imperial agenda as this would be costly to it in many ways.

 

All of this should explain why there is nay a word from the international community, nor from the EU, nor from the UN, nor from the AU about the Ethiopian presence representing a latter day imperial adventure. As a matter of fact, all the communiqués and policy pronouncements from these regional and international bodies nuance their statements with a proviso that unless a replacement contingent either from the AU or the UN can be deployed, Ethiopia must not withdraw from Somalia lest such action creates a vacuum.

 

This is not to suggest that Ethiopia should stay in our country to prop up the TFG indefinitely. Granted that there are precedents for the principle that African problems demand African solutions in the case of Nigeria taming the West African nations of Liberia and Sierra Leone in its ‘Hood, it is our opinion that Ethiopia should ultimately withdraw out of Somalia under optimal political conditions, one of which condition is the deployment of replacement peacekeeping contingent preferably and predominantly African in constitution.

 

However, it seems such rational proposal does not sit well with the anti-TFG contingent. In a recent statement from Asmara, Sheriff Ahmed, a key Leader of the ICU, stated defiantly that even if the Ethiopians withdrew and were replaced by other African peacekeepers the ICU and their international Jihadist allies will continue their insurgency. Such statements graphically expose the hypocrisy and the lies propagated by ICU and their Somali Diaspora cheerleaders and apologists who always, with a shrill voice, proclaim that the Ethiopian presence is an obstacle to reconciliation.

 

ARGUMENT #3: THAT THE NATIONAL RECONCILIATION CONFERENCE IS A SHAM AND THAT THE TFG LEADERSHIP DOES NOT HAVE THE SUPPORT OF THE SOMALI PUBLIC

 

The TFG leadership has delivered its promise of holding a broad based reconciliation conference inside Somali soil, and it did so despite all the odds against it, given the bad deck of cards it had been dealt under the circumstances.

 

For the first time in 17 years, a relatively broad based national reconciliation conference has been in session in Mogadishu since July 15, 2007, and based on the proceedings of the conference, it is going on as well as might have been imagined or expected. Clan elders, religious leaders, intellectuals and representatives of different Somali communities were given a fair and a level-playing field to choose their own delegates independently and with no influence from manipulating foreign hands. The overwhelming participation and the willingness of these brave delegates to come and listen to each other’s concern have already signaled success and registered the legitimacy of the conference and inclusiveness of the process through which the delegates were selected. To his credit, the Chairman of the Reconciliation Conference, Mr. Ali Mahdi Mohamed, in his spirited and moving inaugural speech of the conference, set both the tone and tenor of the conference by emphasizing forgiveness and tolerance. Following suit, representative clan elders are daily voicing their communities’ narratives of pain and victimization and other elders from other clans are listening with empathy. Nothing of this sort could have been imagined a year ago when many leaders were expressing their anger and pain with gun fire, killings and vengeance.

 

Those opposed to the conference, despite having been invited publicly and privately, disingenuously base their opposition to the conference on several bad arguments. For example, they insist that that the conference should have a political reconciliation thematic format, instead of the current topic of community reconciliation, conveniently forgetting that the TFG and its charter came into fruition as a result of the Embgathi political reconciliation conference of 2002-2004. They also discount the fact that there has been a 17 year civil war that had a communal and tribal dimension to it and which unfortunately pitted clan against clan with some ugly consequences, not to mention the mistrust index that it has considerably raised. As the majority of the political antagonists of the past 17 years are under the TFG tent, it was imperative to have a national reconciliation conference that brings all the traditional leaders with moral authority and also to hear/listen and share diverse narratives of pain, suffering and victimization so that the Somali public can visually and psychically place these feelings in a human context.

 

As it is, the conference has already produced significant results and is moving forward, to the chagrin of the opposition supporters, who are circulating lies around the world. The ******, and ****** clans have already admitted committing unjust and blatant atrocities against their fellow brothers and sisters, and clans victimized by the civil war had the fortitude and sagacity to forgive their victimizers. Yes, this conference was about reconciliation among clans and sub-clans and it is working so far. They have also agreed to strike out the derogatory misnomer “OTHERS”, an Arta creation, from the Somali clan identification system and discard it in the dustbin of history. It is a step in the right direction that could lead to a genuine reconciliation process to move the community forward. Needless to say this conference wouldn’t have materialized without the support of foreign troops, including Ethiopian and Ugandan troops, protecting and guaranteeing the safety of the conference at any cause.

 

The opponents of the conference/TFG also posit that the conference should not have been held in Mogadishu but in a neutral venue because Mogadishu is a city controlled by the Transitional Federal Government troops. It is impossible to find a more neutral place to hold a national reconciliation meeting for Somalia. Let us for a moment reflect on the last 14 reconciliation conferences; they were all held outside of Somalia and yet many critics, rightly or wrongly, blamed the host countries for lack of neutrality and held them responsible for the collapse of the respective conferences. Mogadishu is the symbol of Somali unity and there is no suitable place other than Mogadishu to be the venue of a conference of this magnitude if the ownership of the conference outcome has to have a Somali imprint.

 

This is the first reconciliation conference that is held inside Somalia and ordinary Somalis have been given the opportunities to express their opinion and feelings. It might not be perfect, but it is the first face-to-face meeting in which the representatives of the victimizers and the victims are participating on a relatively equal capacity. Contrary to the previous ones, there will be no individuals, tribes, foreign countries, or international NGO and UN officials who will be manipulating the agenda as well as the outcome of the conference. Additionally, the organizing committee, conscious of the fact that it had initially been handpicked by the government, skillfully pre-empted the critics and sought legitimacy from the conference participants at the outset. After the inaugural celebration, Mr. Ali Mahdi Mohamed and his committee asked the participants to choose independent organizing members so that the TFG will have no influence on the conference outcome, or that there will not be even any appearance of influence. The participants reciprocated this goodwill gesture by unanimously re-confirming Mr. Mahdi and his committee members to lead the conference. This was a move to demonstrate the seriousness of the meeting and defy the critics who have labeled Mr. Mahdi and his panel in the organizing committee for not being independent.

 

The opponents of peace also argue that Mogadishu is not safe, but the question is who is behind all the Mayhem and the indiscriminate killings? Is it TFG, or Ethiopians or Ugandan troops? The irony here is that Ethiopians and Ugandan troops are doing everything in their capacity to keep safe while the pseudo-nationalists are orchestrating attacks against innocent Somalis to generate fear and desperations. It is our considerate opinion that at a minimum about 80 to 85% of the Somali public supports the TFG institution because they feel that it is an institution that can be corrected and strengthened over time. Within the Somali Diaspora, support for the TFG and the national reconciliation conference has grown, especially after the recent visit of the Prime Minister to the United States as well as the tour in North America of the Deputy Speaker of the TFG Parliament, Hon. Prof. Mohamed Omar Dalha, who time and again eloquently and convincingly reminded his audiences in many cities that the road to peace lies on dialogue and mutual understanding and on the support of the only institution we have, the TFG.

 

We hope the conference to address the major conflicts of Somalia and we pray for its success. We believe that any conflict should and must be resolved through dialogue. We also believe that a stable and strong Somalia is an asset to all ethnic Somalis in the Horn and will also contribute to regional security. We finally urge the peace loving Somali public to support the on-going reconciliation conference and the efforts of the TFG towards a comprehensive settlement of the Somali crisis. By doing so, we will usher together a glimmer of hope and reject anarchy, violence, instability and chaos.

 

We have no other choice today but to support, empower, and hold accountable the only viable tool for change, the Transitional Federal Government.

 

 

LIST OF SIGNATORIES

 

1. Dr. Ali Said Faqi, (Ph.D), MI (USA)

2. Avv. Abdurahman Hosh Jibril, ON (Canada)

3. Dr. Ali Bahar (Ph.D), Texas (USA)

4. Ahmed Jama Hamud, (P.Eng), ON (Canada)

5. Jamal Hassan, Ottawa, ON (Canada)

6. Sagal Ali Jama, ON (Canada)

7. Abdulhakim Mohamud Faqi, VA (USA)

8. Eng. Abdulkadir Ali Abdi (Xuurka), Columbus, Ohio (USA)

9. Dr. Abdiweli M. Ali (Ph.D), NY (USA)

10. SheikhNur Abukar Qasim, MN (USA)

11. Eng. Abdulkadir Khalif, MN (USA)

12. Avv. Yusuf Said Samatar (Bardacad), Boston, (USA)

13. Yasin Maah, Stockholm, (Sweden)

14. Abdi Hashi Seed, ON (Canada)

15. Nasir Abdi Baale, Toronto, ON (Canada)

16. Eng. Mohamed Ahmed Gilao (Tennis), ON (Canada)

17. Abdalla Hirad, NY (USA)

18. Abdi Goud, Connecticut, (USA)

19. Avv. Nurto Hagi Hasan, ON (Canada)

20. Eng Mohamud Dhafuuje, ON (Canada)

21. Prof. Mohamud Siad Togane, Poet, QC (Canada)

Suldaan Abdulkadir Galbeyte (Ex), ON (Canada)

Prof. Abdihamid H. Mohamed – Nederland

Prof. Abdulqadir Ismail- Manchester, (UK)

Eng. Jeilani Sheikh Hussein, OH (USA)

Eng. Rashid Guleed, IL (USA)

Asha Abukar Qasim , MN (USA)

Said Ahmed Salah, VA, (USA)

Abdisalaam Haji Mohamud Dheere, London, (UK)

Aden Abokar, Columbus, Ohio (USA)

Prof. Dahabo Farah Hassan, Toronto, ON (Canada)

Caaqil Mohamoud Ali Jimale (Koogaar) AZ (USA)

Haji Mohamoud Ghedi Aw Hilowle MN(USA)

Abdifatah Maroyare, Toronto, ON (Canada)

Mohamud Jama Hamud , MN (USA)

Ismail Gaafow, ON(Canada)

Prof. Mohamed Siad Togane, ON (Canada)

Avv. Hareedo Ibrahim Boolis,

Saido Awad Muse, VA (USA)

Col. Mohamud Qaali Gacamey, MN (USA)

Sarman Ramses, VA (USA)

Ahmed Sharif Ahmed, VA (USA)

Muse Kulow, ON (Canada)

Bashi Hosh Jibril, ON (Canada)

Osman Ali Omar Sheegow, Seattle, WA (USA)

Suldan Said Faqi, Columbus- Ohio (USA)

Abdullahi Mohamed Sheikh, NC (USA)

Muse Ahmed Abdirahman, ON (Canada)

Yasin Mahamud Yusuf (Karani), Stockholm, Sweden

Dr. Liiban Abdullahi Farah (Medical Doctor), L.A. California (USA)

Jeilani Ahmed Adda Munye, GA (USA)

Safia Giama Cagmadhige, Cairo, (Egypt)

Omar Warfa, Toronto, ON (Canada)

Naima Xayle, Toronto, ON (Canada)

Eng. Cabdulqadir Mohamed Abow, ON (USA)

Prince Osman Fatah, San Diego, California (USA)

Abdiaziz Abukar Baafo, MI (USA)

Malaq Mukhtar, MI (USA)

Mohamed Haji Dhagax, San Diego, California

Omer Jamal, Minneapolis , MN

Mohamed Abdi Gacmocadde, Virginia-(USA)

Ali Alio Mohamed, Columbus- Ohio (USA)

Bashir Gardaad, Montreal, Quebec (Canada)

Mohamed Omar Faqi, Columbus, Ohio (USA)

Mahdi Shakiib, Atlanta, GA (USA)

Sheekh Shabaab Sheekh Mumin, Minneapolis, MN (USA)

Ahmed Mohamed (Ahmadey), San Diego, (California)

Jeilani Mayow- Rochester, MN (USA)

Hassan Shire Sheikh, Kampala, (Uganda)

Yusuf Mumin Maio’- London, (UK)

Col. Abdi Daad, Ontario (Canada)

Col. Abdirahamn Ahmed Yare (Maan), Toronto, ON (USA)

Liban Hassan Abdi, Phoenix, AZ (USA)

Halima Farah, Denmark

Hussein SH. Abdulqadir, NC (USA)

Hassan Yusuf, VA (USA)

Amin Abu Hadi, Ohio (USA)

Safi Abdi, Dubai, (UAE)

Prof Mohamed Jibril (USA/Minnesota)

Haji Hussein Jimale MN (USA)

Abdulle Hassan Nuurow , MN (USA)

Dr. Ibrahim Mao Osman (Ghandi) California (USA)

Osman Mohamed Sheikh, MN (USA)

Sheikh Ali Hussein Jaras, MN (USA)

Abdirizaq Jamac Janagale, Alberta, (Canada)

Adan Abdulle Howle, Alberta, (Canada)

Abraham Koshin, Alberta, (Canada)

Hassan Siad Togane, MN (USA)

Sheikh Hassan Ali Alassow, MN (USA)

Haji Abdi Mouse Maahaay,MN (USA)

Mas’uud Sheikh Amir, MN (USA)

Ahmed Mohamed Afrah (Shutul), MN (USA)

Caydiid Ali Hassan, MN (USA)

Dayib Sheikh Ahmed, VA (USA)

Ali Isse Ahmed, MN (USA)

Abdirahman Mussa (timadheere), Toronto, ON (Canada)

Eng. Osman Ali Ahmed (Dheere), Toronto, ON (Canada)

Mukhtar Mohamed Ahmed (Katiitow), MN (USA)

Abdulqadir Omar Ahmed, MN (USA)

Architect Abukar Yusuf Hassan, Columbus, Ohio (USA)

Adan Abdi, Islamabad, (Pakistan)

Shukri Tohow Mohamed, MN (USA)

Madina Hussein Jeyte, MN (USA)

Hawo Mohamed Abdulle, MN (USA)

Macallim Ahmed Halane, MN (USA)

Abdiaziz Omar Hussein, VA (USA)

Abdiaziz Osman Sheikh, VA (USA)

Abbas Abdi Maxaad-Isse, VA (USA)

Shukri Giama Cagmadhige, Bosasso, (Somalia)

Falhad Ahmed Mohamoud, VA (USA)

Mohamoud Mudey Hassan, MN (USA)

Ali Muhudin Mohamed, MN (USA)

Jibril Mohamoud Jilao, NE (USA)

Gargaar Mohamed Hassan, Economist, Columbus, Ohio (USA)

Abdulkadir Abdullahi Jama, Agriculturist, Columbus, Ohio (USA)

Dr. Abdifatah Khalif .H. Farah, Oral Surgeon, Columbus, Ohio (USA

Ali Yusuf Dirie, Agriculturist, Columbus, Ohio (USA)

Eng. Mohamoud Mohamed Ali, Columbus, Ohio (USA).

Ali Maollim Mouse, TN (USA)

Faantoy Omar (Faanka), VA (USA)

Shamso Nur, MN (USA)

Mohamed Omar Karani, MN (USA)

Yasin Abdi jire ( Wiilwaal), (Sweden)

Abdikhalaq Mohamoud, (Nederland)

Fuad Ibrahim (Fuju) , (Nederland)

Hilal Muse Nero, (UK)

Jama Warsame, London (UK)

Adam Moblen, Naples (Italy)

Abdinur Bashir, Naples (Italy)

Abdiqani Mohamoud, (Italy)

Yasin Mahi Moalim, Nederland

Jani Dheere, Stocholm- (Sweden)

Abdirashid Issa Ugas, ON, (Canada)

Asli Jama Badwi, ON, (Canada)

Khali Mahdi Abdi, ON (Canada)

Abdikarim abdulle (Garweyne) London, (UK)

Abdullahi Farah (Dihal) IL, (USA)

Abas Mohamed, VA (USA)

Abdirashid Hassan Hirsi, ON (Canada)

Mubarak Dhiidhaco, ON (Canada)

Mohamed Abdullahi, London, (UK)

Samatar Abdullahi, WA, (USA)

Ibrahim Ahmed Ali (Shaash), Bonn, (Germany)

Dayib Mohamud Sheikh, DC (USA)

Eedaad Hassan Mire, MN (USA)

Saciid Abdi Cali Baradho, Nairobi, (Kenya)

Waris Mohamed Wilad, ON, (Canada)

Shaafici Xassan Maxamed, Gotenburg, (Sweden)

Eng. Abubakar Maxamed ******, (UK)

Abdirizak Mohamud, ON, (Canada)

Mohamed Jama Jibrel, MN/USA

Abdirizak Bihi, MN (USA)

Mohamed Abdi Hassan Qaac, MN (USA)

Mohamed Osman (Majino), MN (USA)

Saeed Fahiya, MN (USA)

Ali Igal, MN (USA)

Faduma Dubbad, MN (USA)Eng. Ibrahim Sheikh Jama, OH (USA)

Khadra Cadaawe, ON, (Canada)

Mohamed Abdirizak, VA (USA)

Aden Sheegow, ON (Canada)

Hodon Siiqe, ON (Canada)

Abdirizak Galoof (Mulikiyuul), ON (Canada)

Muna Mohamud,Hovedstaden, Denmark

Hassan Mohamed Mudey, ON (Canada)

Ahmed Musse Nero, London, (UK)

Suad Awad, ON (Canada)

Jibril Mohamed Said, ON (Canada)

Shuceyb Osman Mohamed, ON (Canada)

Faduma Jama Dirie, ON, (Canada)

Rabiica Barre, ON (Canada)

Hodon Ahmed, ON (Canada)

Hassan Jama Ali, Piemonte (Italy)

Avv. Fadumo Jawaanle, ON (Canada)

Abdirizak M. Ahmed (Caanogeel), ON (Canada)

Omer Mohamed Dufle, ON (Canada)

Abdinur Mohamed Aden, ON (Canada)

Faysal Jama (Jabdhurwaa), AB, Canada

Cumar Gaab, ON (Canada)

Farah Aw-Osman, ON (Canada)

Jibril A. Hassan, GA (USA)

Ahmed Nur Basey, ON (Canada)

Ahmed Shire Dirie, ON (Canada)

Abdiqani Farah Musse, MN (USA)

Ibrahim Koshin Barre, AB (Canada)

Fadumo Abdullahi Barre, MN (USA)

Ilyas Ali, MN (USA)

Mohamed Ali Maamow, (Norwey)

187. Cabdulahi Mohamud Faytaan, (Norwey)

 

Somali Intellectuals Without Borders

 

E-Mail:somaliintellectuals@yahoo.com

 

 

Source: Wardheernews.com