Kidnapping and handing over of a Soomaali citizen

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

This is one sad tragic episode among of many thousands of Soomaali citizens being kidnapped, sent and handed to Xabashis, all in order to please their Xabashi masters. In this case, it was facilitated by not one, but two subservient and lackey maamuls of Xabashada in Soomaaliya.

 

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

This is the news report - published in mid 2007 - the young halyeey is talking about by the New York Times reporter Jeffrey Gettleman:

In Ethiopia, Fear and Cries of Army Brutality

IN THE OGADEN DESERT — The rebels march 300 strong across the crunchy earth, young men with dreadlocks and AK-47s slung over their shoulders.

Often when they pass through a village, the entire village lines up, one sunken cheekbone to the next, to squint at them.

“May God bring you victory,” one woman whispered.

This is the Ogaden, a spindle-legged corner of Ethiopia that the urbane officials in Addis Ababa, the capital, would rather outsiders never see. It is the epicenter of a separatist war pitting impoverished nomads against one of the biggest armies in Africa.

What goes on here seems to be starkly different from the carefully constructed up-and-coming image that Ethiopia — a country that the United States increasingly relies on to fight militant Islam in the Horn of Africa — tries to project.

In village after village, people said they had been brutalized by government troops. They described a widespread and longstanding reign of terror, with Ethiopian soldiers gang-raping women, burning down huts and killing civilians at will.

It is the same military that the American government helps train and equip — and provides with prized intelligence. The two nations have been allies for years, but recently they have grown especially close, teaming up last winter to oust an Islamic movement that controlled much of Somalia and rid the region of a potential terrorist threat.

The Bush administration, particularly the military, considers Ethiopia its best bet in the volatile Horn — which, with Sudan, Somalia and Eritrea, is fast becoming intensely violent, virulently anti-American and an incubator for terrorism.

But an emerging concern for American officials is the way that the Ethiopian military operates inside its own borders, especially in war zones like the Ogaden.

Anab, a 40-year-old camel herder who was too frightened, like many others, to give her last name, said soldiers took her to a police station, put her in a cell and twisted her nipples with pliers. She said government security forces routinely rounded up young women under the pretext that they were rebel supporters so they could bring them to jail and rape them.

“Me, I am old,” she said, “but they raped me, too.”

Moualin, a rheumy-eyed elder, said Ethiopian troops stormed his village, Sasabene, in January looking for rebels and burned much of it down. “They hit us in the face with the hardest part of their guns,” he said.

The villagers said the abuses had intensified since April, when the rebels attacked a Chinese-run oil field, killing nine Chinese workers and more than 60 Ethiopian soldiers and employees. The Ethiopian government has vowed to crush the rebels but rejects all claims that it abuses civilians.

“Our soldiers are not allowed to do these kinds of things,” said Nur Abdi Mohammed, a government spokesman. “This is only propaganda and cannot be justified. If a government soldier did this type of thing they would be brought before the courts.”

Even so, the State Department, the European Parliament and many human rights groups, mostly outside Ethiopia, have cited thousands of cases of torture, arbitrary detention and extrajudicial killings — enough to raise questions in Congress about American support of the Ethiopian government.

“This is a country that is abusing its own people and has no respect for democracy,” said Representative Donald M. Payne, Democrat of New Jersey and chairman of the House Foreign Affairs subcommittee on Africa and global health.

“We’ve not only looked the other way but we’ve pushed them to intrude in other sovereign nations,” he added, referring to the satellite images and other strategic help the American military gave Ethiopia in December, when thousands of Ethiopian troops poured into Somalia and overthrew the Islamist leadership.

According to Georgette Gagnon, deputy director for the Africa division of Human Rights Watch, Ethiopia is one of the most repressive countries in Africa.

“What the Ethiopian security forces are doing,” she said, “may amount to crimes against humanity.”

Human Rights Watch issued a report in 2005 that documented a rampage by government troops against members of the Anuak, a minority tribe in western Ethiopia, in which soldiers ransacked homes, beat villagers to death with iron bars and in one case, according to a witness, tied up a prisoner and ran over him with a military truck.

After the report came out, the researcher who wrote it was banned by the Ethiopian government from returning to the country. Similarly, three New York Times journalists who visited the Ogaden to cover this story were imprisoned for five days and had all their equipment confiscated before being released without charges.

Ethiopia’s Tiananmen Square

In many ways, Ethiopia has a lot going for it these days: new buildings, new roads, low crime and a booming trade in cut flowers and coffee. It is the second most populous country in sub-Saharan Africa, behind Nigeria, with 77 million people.

Its leaders, many whom were once rebels themselves, from a neglected patch of northern Ethiopia, are widely known as some of the savviest officials on the continent. They had promised to let some air into a very stultified political system during the national elections of 2005, which were billed as a milestone on the road to democracy.

Instead, they turned into Ethiopia’s version of Tiananmen Square. With the opposition poised to win a record number of seats in Parliament, the government cracked down brutally, opening fire on demonstrators, rounding up tens of thousands of opposition supporters and students and leveling charges of treason and even attempted to kill top opposition leaders, including the man elected mayor of Addis Ababa.

Many opposition members are now in jail or in exile. The rest seem demoralized.

“There are no real steps toward democracy,” said Merera Gudina, vice president of the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces, a leading opposition party. “No real steps toward opening up space, no real steps toward ending repression.”

Ethiopian officials have routinely dismissed such complaints, accusing political protesters of stoking civil unrest and poking their finger into a well-known sore spot. Ethiopia has always had an authoritarian streak. This is a country, after all, where until the 1970s rulers claimed to be direct descendants of King Solomon. It is big, poor, famine-stricken, about half-Christian and half-Muslim, surrounded by hostile enemies and full of heavily armed separatist factions. As one high-ranking Ethiopian official put it, “This country has never been easy to rule.”

That has certainly been true for the Ogaden desert, a huge, dagger-shaped chunk of territory between the highlands of Ethiopia and the border of Somalia. The people here are mostly ethnic Somalis, and they have been chafing against Ethiopian rule since 1897, when the British ceded their claims to the area.

The colonial officials did not think the Ogaden was worth much. They saw thorny hills and thirsty people. Even today, it is still like that. What passes for a town is a huddle of bubble-shaped huts, the movable homes of camel-thwacking nomads who somehow survive out here. For roads, picture Tonka truck tracks running through a sandbox. The primary elements in this world are skin and bone and sun and rock. And guns. Loads of them.

Camel herders carry rifles to protect their animals. Young women carry pistols to protect their bodies. And then there is the Ogaden National Liberation Front, the machine-gun-toting rebels fighting for control of this desiccated wasteland.

Rebels Live Off the Land

Lion. Radio. Fearless. Peacock. Most of the men have nicknames that conceal their real identities. Peacock, who spoke some English, served as a guide. He shared the bitter little plums the soldiers pick from thorn bushes — “Ogaden chocolate,” he called them. He showed the way to gently skim water from the top of a mud puddle to minimize the amount of dirt that ends up in your stomach — even in the rainy season this is all there is to drink.

He pointed out the anthills, the coming storm clouds, the especially ruthless thorn trees and even a graveyard that stood incongruously in the middle of the desert. The graves — crude pyramids of stones — were from the war in 1977-78, when Somalia tried, disastrously, to pry the Ogaden out of Ethiopia’s hands and lost thousands of men. “It’s up to us now,” Peacock said.

Peacock was typical of the rebels. He was driven by anger. He said Ethiopian soldiers hanged his mother, raped his sister and beat his father. “I know, it’s hard to believe,” he said. “But it’s true.”

He had the hunch of a broken man and a voice that seemed far too tired for his 28 years. “It’s not that I like living in the bush,” he said. “But I have nowhere else to go.”

The armed resistance began in 1994, after the Ogaden National Liberation Front, then a political organization, broached the idea of splitting off from Ethiopia. The central government responded by imprisoning Ogadeni leaders, and according to academics and human rights groups, assassinating others. The Ogaden is part of the Somali National Regional State, one of nine ethnic-based states within Ethiopia’s unusual ethnic-based federal system. On paper, all states have the right to secede, if they follow the proper procedures. But it seemed that the government feared that if the Somalis broke away, so too would the Oromos, the Afar and many other ethnic groups pining for a country of their own.

The Ethiopian government calls the Ogaden rebels terrorists and says they are armed and trained by Eritrea, Ethiopia’s neighbor and bitter enemy. One of the reasons Ethiopia decided to invade Somalia was to prevent the rebels from using it as a base.

The government blames them for a string of recent bombings and assassinations and says they often single out rival clan members. Ethiopian officials have been pressuring the State Department to add the Ogaden National Liberation Front to its list of designated foreign terrorist organizations. Until recently, American officials refused, saying the rebels had not threatened civilians or American interests.

“But after the oil field attack in April,” said one American official who spoke on the condition of anonymity, “we are reassessing that.”

American policy toward Ethiopia seems to be in flux. Administration officials are trying to increase the amount of nonhumanitarian aid to Ethiopia to $481 million next year, from $284 million this year. But key Democrats in Congress, including Mr. Payne, are questioning this, saying that because of Ethiopia’s human rights record, it is time to stop writing the country a blank check.

In April, European Commission officials began investigating Ethiopia for war crimes in connection to hundreds of Somali civilians killed by Ethiopian troops during heavy fighting in Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital.

Women Are Suffering the Most

In the Ogaden, it is not clear how many people are dying. The vast area is essentially a no-go zone for most human rights workers and journalists and where the Ethiopian military, by its own admission, is waging an intense counterinsurgency campaign.

The violence has been particularly acute against women, villagers said, and many have recently fled.

Asma, 19, who now lives in neighboring Somaliland, said she was stuck in an underground cell for more than six months last year, raped and tortured. “They beat me on the feet and breasts,” she said. She was freed only after her father paid the soldiers ransom, she said, though she did not know how much.

Ambaro, 25, now living in Addis Ababa, said she was gang-raped by five Ethiopian soldiers in January near the town of Fik. She said troops came to her village every night to pluck another young woman.

“I’m in pain now, all over my body,” she said. “ I’m worried that I’ll become crazy because of what happened.”

Many Ogaden villagers said that when they tried to bring up abuses with clan chiefs or local authorities, they were told it was better to keep quiet.

The rebels said thats was precisely why they attacked the Chinese oil field: to get publicity for their cause and the plight of their region (and to discourage foreign companies from exploiting local resources). According to them, they strike freely in the Ogaden all the time, ambushing military convoys and raiding police stations.

Mr. Mohammed, the government spokesman, denied that, saying the rebels “will not confront Ethiopian military forces because they are not well trained.”

Expert or not, they are determined. They march for hours powered by a few handfuls of rice. They travel extremely light, carrying only their guns, two clips of bullets, a grenade and a tarp. They brag about how many Ethiopians they have killed, and every piece of their camouflage, they say, is pulled off dead soldiers. They joke about slaughtering Ethiopian troops the same way they slaughter goats.

Their morale seems high, especially for men who sleep in the dirt every night. Their throats are constantly dry, but they like to sing.

“A camel is delivering a baby today and the milk of the camel is coming,” goes one campfire song. “Who is the owner of this land?”

 

[Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar]

Here is a video that accompanied the lengthy news report. Rabi u raxmado inta naftooda u hurtay xoreynta Soomaali Galbeed oo ay ka mid yihiin halyeeydaan cajalka ka muuqdo.

 

[Dalmar1]

Somaliland and Puntand have a long history of working for the foreigners interest especially the Xabashi interest,unlike Somaliland that doesn't hide this but Puntland does, its good to know that this statements is out there to expose Puntland's hypocrisies in handing over Somali citizens.

[Tallaabo]

I feel sad about what happened to our brothers and sisters in the Ogaden region and Somaliland's contribution to their suffering is very regrettable. However, Somaliland was pushed to a corner and forced to collaborate with the Tigrey regime not only by koonfuria but also by the Ogadenis themselves. Under the given circumstances, Somaliland was just looking after its vital national interests and will continue doing so in the future. Had the Somali politicians in koonfuria and also those in Ogadenia recognised Somaliland's sovereignty and enabled it to take its rightful seat at the United Nations, the brutalised victims of the Tigrey dictatorship in Ethiopia would have had a capable ally on their side. In an internationally recognised Somaliland, no Somali man or woman from any region would have been allowed to be handed over to their enemies. But as long as Somaliland remains unrecognised, its citizens will look the other way whatsoever our government does regarding other Somalis. 

[Che -Guevara]

1 hour ago, Tallaabo said:

I feel sad about what happened to our brothers and sisters in the Ogaden region and Somaliland's contribution to their suffering is very regrettable. However, Somaliland was pushed to a corner and forced to collaborate with the Tigrey regime not only by koonfuria but also by the Ogadenis themselves. Under the given circumstances, Somaliland was just looking after its vital national interests and will continue doing so in the future. Had the Somali politicians in koonfuria and also those in Ogadenia recognised Somaliland's sovereignty and enabled it to take its rightful seat at the United Nations, the brutalised victims of the Tigrey dictatorship in Ethiopia would have had a capable ally on their side. In an internationally recognised Somaliland, no Somali man or woman from any region would have been allowed to be handed over to their enemies. But as long as Somaliland remains unrecognised, its citizens will look the other way whatsoever our government does regarding other Somalis. 

You are one principled man

Recognized or not, they would still handed them over and likes of you would still manufacture an excuse.

 

[Che -Guevara]

10 minutes ago, Oodweyne said:

Actually, there is no excuse in here in which Somaliland need from anyone, even if that may surprise you. For we believe in that "old concept" of "raison d'être". And in that sense we are in one with Lord Palmerston, when he said it:

".......Nations have no permanent friends or allies, they only have permanent interests. We have no eternal allies, and we have no perpetual enemies. Our interests are eternal and perpetual, and these interests it is our duty to follow......."

Hence, from that "deeper philosophical encapsulation" of what "political State" does it for its interest, see if you could understand as to why the same folks who were in the ONLF in not so long ago are now free to travel from Jigiga to Hargeisa, and back again, without hindrance being put along the way before them, on both sides. 

If that's the case, spare us your lectures about Garowe and Villa Somalia, nothing worse than hypocrite.

[maakhiri1]

6 hours ago, Tallaabo said:

I feel sad about what happened to our brothers and sisters in the Ogaden region and Somaliland's contribution to their suffering is very regrettable. However, Somaliland was pushed to a corner and forced to collaborate with the Tigrey regime not only by koonfuria but also by the Ogadenis themselves. Under the given circumstances, Somaliland was just looking after its vital national interests and will continue doing so in the future. Had the Somali politicians in koonfuria and also those in Ogadenia recognised Somaliland's sovereignty and enabled it to take its rightful seat at the United Nations, the brutalised victims of the Tigrey dictatorship in Ethiopia would have had a capable ally on their side. In an internationally recognised Somaliland, no Somali man or woman from any region would have been allowed to be handed over to their enemies. But as long as Somaliland remains unrecognised, its citizens will look the other way whatsoever our government does regarding other Somalis. 

Does the end justify the means?Waa baahantahay Bakhti looma cuno.

Somaliland and Puntland were collabrations , working for Ethiopia, and committed big crimes.

[Suldaanka]

One can never accuse Somaliland of Munaafaqnimo. It applied its policy clearly. Break it at your own risk. 

But the Munaafaqadda in South Somalia is on another level. Here you have their shameless politicians crying for "Somalinimo", "Midnimo" and what have you. Yet, doing this. 

I am sure, the ONLF members appreciate and respect the honesty and clear policy that Somaliland has, in comparison to the dishonest, insincere and cowardly backstabbing from South Somalia. 

This youngman's story is also a testimony that Somaliland had no witch-hunt policy towards ONLF. It is open secret that a lot of low ranking members lived in Somaliland without any issues. 

 

A sidenote, what SOL's janitor failed to tell the gallery is that, the ONLF would never go to Baydhabo. In fact, it is safer to go to Jigjiga than to Baydhaba. At least in Jigjiga you can hide in the safety in numbers. In Baydhaba, they do not handover, the Habashis rule the place and the locals there have no say who the Habashes kill, jail or do whatever. Nin naagtiisi lagu hor faraxumeeya muxu ka hadli karaa? 

[Che -Guevara]

At least you're honest your treachery. 

Who knew handing over men and women to Woyanes torturers can be called a polcy.

[Suldaanka]

Treachery implies that there was trust in the first place. Which can't be said with regards to ONLF. In fact, ONLF is lucky that we didn't declare war on them like they done during Afwayne era when they fashioned themsevles like Omar Al-Bashir's Janjaweed melitia. 

[gooni]

Qalbi-dhagax yaan soo dhawaynay anagoo isku duuban oo gardaro cadaw loogu gacan galiyay

Gabdho yar yar iyo musaafur daawo doonayana anagaa jir dilnay intaanan tigreega ku wareejin sababtoo ah tigreegu waa walaalkeen  noo aqoonsanaa inaan nahay qarran cilaaqaad fog ka dhaxeeyo, waa munaafaqad god lala galo mida ugu xun

Wax  cusub ma'ahan in puntland iyo snm shaqaalo tigree waligoodba ahaayeen koonfurtana asagaaba jooga shaqaale ugama baahnayn.

[Old_Observer]

Who is being hypocrite here?

Was ONLF not the best ally for TPLF in setting up today's Ethiopia?

Was not ONLF competing with the other 3 Somali parties as to who is closer?

For Djibouti, Somaliland and Puntland and SW as well the ONLF problem was the same. Eritrea, ICU, Mugadishu. Eritrea has never had friendship with Djibouti, Somaliland, Puntland and SW be it in peace or in war, never.

Sudan, Kenya and even Uganda, Brundi all had same policy and action with Tigray Ethiopia. They all allowed Ethiopian agents to roam freely in their countries and even kidnap persons of interest in including from their capital cities.

 

2006/7 what was role of ONLF? Who did they ally with in Somalia, in Ethiopia, Kenya....

You have to have good footing yourself before you can help your brother. Your brother should not put you in situation where both of you could loose knowingly.

I like even better the Djibouti one. You can come and live here, but not do any work against Ethiopia from here.

I am sure practically that is what all the regions did as well.

 

[Xaaji Xunjuf]

ONLF is today in Ethiopia  what's the difference between  The tigre  led govt  and the galla led  govt.. EPRDF is still woyane unless somtbing has changed. I think the ONLF  bandit group  burned allot of goods that goes into Ethiopia. As retaliton. And later  in they joined   in their thousands liyuu forces.

[Old_Observer]

2 minutes ago, Xaaji Xunjuf said:

ONLF is today in Ethiopia  what's the difference between  The tigre  led govt  and the galla led  govt.. EPRDF is still woyane unless somtbing has changed. I think the ONLF  bandit group  burned allot of goods that goes into Ethiopia. As retaliton. And later  in they joined   in their thousands liyuu forces.

ONLF and OLF are exactly the same. That is probably why they never agree and never work together even temporary united front they never had.

Their declared objective, independence and their organization mostly clannish does not match. Iley was more ONLF than ONLF in Eritrea.

Now ONLF has to compete with 3 different forces in Somali Region. It cannot even play now any role in Somalia, since ONLF will be allied aginst those supported by Eritrea, which is not possible so now is neutralized. Taken out of play everywhere.