Actually he is now at Widhwidh; a district between Buhoodle and LA.

Cade is off to Buhoodle; he will be arriving Widhwidh in the next couple hours.

If this is moderated then the moderators should take a drastic action against those who transgressed the rules of SOL. It is unfortunate that we have these guiding rules (as a civilised adults, we should be guided by our faith and common sense); but it would be a travesty if allow the continual disregard of our agreed regulations. Admin and moderates should not seem to waver under these vile and insulting comments. They must remain firm and enforce their authority over those who are committing cyber immorality. Walaweyn is a derogatory term employed against a large group of Somalis so as the term Qaldaan . Such primitive behaviour should not be tolerated in a progressive, intelligent and cohesive forum. This medium should not cater for the vile minded, depraved and the politically immoral. There are forums that cater for such bunch and will happily accommodate their ill-thoughts. Our SOL should remain a beacon of hope in the midst of engulfing helpless in our cyber world. It has thus far continued to resist the rogue elements in our cyber community. Now is not the time to weaken its position. Nabad

Caleemo-saarkii Garaadka Axmed F. Cali “Idaajaa†Hordhac: “Qaab-dhismeedka bulshada Soomaalidu, markii qoyska laga yimaado, wuxuu ku salaysan yahay tolka oo isna u sii qaybsama jilibbo iyo lafo. Kolkii uu qaab-dhismeedkaasi qun isu taageyna, waxa uu tol waliba yeeshay nin u madax ah oo wax u guddoomiya, guud ahaanna maamulka arrimihiisa looga dambeeyo. Ma jirto cid, dhab ahaan, u sheegi karta sidii ay ku abuurmeen madaxdii ugu horraysey ee tolalka Soomaaliyeed. Oo weli su’aasha aan jawaabta loo hayni waxay tahay: Ma inta, maalin maalmaha ka mid ah, la shiray ayaa nin la wada oggol yahay farta lagu wada fiiqay, markaasna madaxnimadii loo shuumay? Mase inta la diriray oo la kala adkaaday ayaa, ugu dambaystii, waxaa taladii sandulle kula wareegey dagaalyahan ka tirsan lafaha tolka middood? Waa arrin baaris-cilmiyeed ka sugeysa aqoonyahannada kasmooyinka bulshada iyo buuniyada ku foogan barashada hababka kala-dambaynta ee sinjiyada aadanaha. Si kastaba ha ku abuurmee, Soomaalidu waxay leedahay hannaan madaxtooyo oo ay u badan tahay inuu jiritaankeeda la da’ yahay. Taasina waa wax aan iyada keliya ku koobnayne, ay kala mid tahay dadyowga kale ee dunida ku dhaqan, maxaa yeelay goor hore ayay bulshooyinka aadanuhu dareemeen inay noloshoodu sii wacnaan karayso, haddii ay tu’ waliba yeelato madax agaasinkeeda ay ku aamminto, iyadana kala hagta. Siday u badan yihiin, tolalka waaweyn ee Soomaalida waxa uu mid waliba iskiis u leeyahay nin u madax ah; kaas oo ku abtirsada jilibka ama lafta tolkaas isaga ah ugu curadsan. Waa hannaan, sida boqortooyooyinka lagu yaqaan, dhaxaltooyo ku salaysan oo, geeri ka dib, inanka curadka ahi uu aabbihiis uga haro. Kolkol aad dhif u ah ayay dhacdaa inanka curadka ah in jagadii uu aabbihiis banneeyey, si ku-meel-gaar ah ama weligeedba, loo weydaarsho; iyada oo sabab looga dhigaayo da’diisa oo yar, fayoobidarro xagga maanka ah, cudur, oogo ahaan, u halakeeyey, iwm. Inanka oo da’ yar haddii odayga dhalay oo madaxda ahi uu geeriyoodo, waxaa badanaa duubka boqortooyo loogu dhiibaa adeerkiis run ah ama, haddii aan adeer jirin, ciddii markaas ugu sokaysa. Dabadeed, kolkii uu qaangaar noqdo, loona filo inuu xilka ku fillaan karo ayaa madal loo dhan yahay lagu shuumaa, guddoonkuna uu uga soo noqdaa, intii uu yaraa, ciddii u haysey. Madax-dhaqameedyada Soomaalidu waxay kala sitaan magacyo kala duwan oo, in door ah oo ka mid ah, macnaha iyo halka ay ka soo jeedaan aan la qeexi karin, kolka loo eego af-soomaaliga oo ah tolalka ay madaxdaasi u taliyaani afka ay ku wada hadlaan. Waxaa ka mid ah Ugaas, Malaakh, Garaad, Boqor, Wabar, Islaan iyo qaar kale. Tol waliba wuxuu leeyahay madax-dhaqameedkiisa u gaarka ah; kaas oo huwan magac magacyadaas ka mid ah. Ma kala sarreeyaan oo haddii ay goob keliya ku wada kulmaan fadhiga iyo hadalkaba way u siman yihiin. Dhinaca kale, ma laha ku-xigeenno hawlaha guddoonka la qaybsada, in kastoo ku’ walba agihiisa lagu arko dhaxlsuge loo malaynaayo inuu isagu talada uga hari doono maalintii uu geeriyoodoâ€. London, 3dii Mey, 2006 Arrimahaas ayaan ka fekaraayey intii aan fadhiyey kuraasta socotada loogu talo-galay ee gegida dayuuradaha ee London/Gatwick. Isla iyaga quhooda ayay maskaxdaydu ku hawllanayd markii aan sii tafaayey jaranjarada dayuuraddii ii duulinaysey Afrikada Bari. Runtiina, waxaa la igu oran karaa: halkii aan ku sugnaa iyo arrimahaas maankayga ku wareegaayey way kala fogaayeen, ha yeeshee ma sabab la’ayn. Waxaan u socdaa waqooyiga Soomaaliya, gaar ahaan magaalada Laascaanood. Martiqaad degdeg igu soo gaarey, degdegna aan u yeelay ayaan haystaa. Garaad cusub (*********** ) ayaa loo ballansan yahay in dhowaan magaaladaas lagu caleemo-saaro, looguna dabbaaldego. Markaas bay qabanqaabiyeyaashu, iyaga oo ku mahadsan, waxay garteen in la igu daro ergooyinka madashaas goobjoogga ka noqon doona. Wuxuu ahaa martiqaad aan u bogey, ina farax-geliyey. Dadkuse waa kala maan. Waa tii la yiri: hal nin la toosani nin la tuur lehe, garoonka London/Gatwick intii aanan ka ambo-bixin ayaan wacay nin aannu wadey nahay oo ka mid ah Soomaalida Waqooyiga Yurub ku nool. Waxa aan u sheegay ulajeeddada sodcaalkayga iyo meesha aan u socdo. Markaas buu inta qoslay igu yiri: “Saaxiibow, maxaa shaqo la’aan kaa badatay? Ma intaas oo dhul ah ayaad u jaraysaa oday la caleemo-saarayo dartiis?!â€. Aamus baan kaga jawaabey, maxaa yeelay waxaa aad u kala fogaa arrintu sidii ay saaxiibkay ugu muuqatey iyo sidii aan anigu u arkaayey. Xaggayga, waa madal uu joogitaankeedu abdo ii yeelan doonto, maxaa yeelay: marka koowaad, waxaa suuraggal ii noqon doonta in aan, kolkii iigu horraysey, ka qayb-galo madax-dhaqameed Soomaaliyeed oo xilka hoggaaminta qoladiisa loo shuumaayo. Marka labaad, waxaan arki doonaa qayb ka mid ah hiddihii hore ee Soomaalida oo hortayda laga dhaqan-gelinaayo. Marka saddexaad, taariikhda suugaanta Soomaalida sidaan ka dhex-helay, waxaa jirey maalintaas oo kale siyaabo ay Soomaalidu u weyneyn jirtey. Taas qudheeda waxaa ii suuraggeli doonta inaan wax ka ogaado bal wixii ay waayuhu hiddahaas ka beddaleen iyo wixii ay ku kordhiyeen. Haddaba, saaxiibow, intaasi miyay tahay wax la fududaysan karo? Jawaabtu waa ‘maya’ siday ila tahay. * * * Garoonka intaan joogey, sheekooyinka hareerahayga ka socdey sida iiga dhadhantay, dadka dayuuradda ila raaci doona waxaa ka mid ah Soomaali Ingiriiska qaxootinnimo ku soo gashay, haddase ‘British’ ah; waraaqo ahaan. Waxaa ka dhex-muuqda odayo waayeelay iyo islaamo gaboobey oo uu socodkuba dirqi ku yahay. In kastoo ay guyaal door ah Yurub ku noolaayeen, haddana weli cimilada qaaradda ma qabatimin. Weli waxay ka eed-sheeganayaan qabowga oo bisha Mey aan sidaasba u sii ridneyn. Waayeelkaasi waxay u hilawsan yihiin inay mar kale soo arkaan dhulkii qorraxda lahaa ee ay yiqiinneen, haddii ay toodii ku gashana ay ku dhintaan. Waxaa iyaguna socotada ka mid ah haween dhallin yar oo qaarna uu raggoodii la socdo, qaarka kalena ay keligood yihiin. Intooda badani waxay gacnaha haystaan carruur ugu dhalatay London iyo magaalooyinka kale ee Boqortooyada Midowdey (UK); kuwaas oo ay u wadaan fasax gaaban oo qaraabo-salaan iyo faanfaanba isugu jira! * * * Paris, 3dii Mey 2006 Hawada sare markii ay dayuuraddii ku xasishay ayaan iska furay suunkii bedbaadada. Waxaan dherarayaa inaan barto Jaamac Garaad Cali oo, maalmo ka dib, tolka *********** inta loo caleemo-saaro Garaad Jaamac loogu yeeri doono. Awel horeba waan u war-hayey, isaga oo Maraykan ka yimid, inaan ku kulmi doonno duullimaadkan aan aniguba ku jiro, mase ahayn, magac guud mooyee, nin aannu isgaranayney. Toyasho gaaban ka dib, waxaan ogaadey inuu fadhiyo kuraasta dayuuradda kuwa ugu dambeeya; halkaas oo intaan ugu tegey aan isku gacan-qaadnay. Waa nin da’ yar oo aan soddonkii wax weyni u dheerayn. Kolkaan ka soo noqdayna, waxaan dareensanaa inuu yahay nin culus oo aan fudaydkii dhallinyarnnimadu ka muuqan, ka dib markaan sii bartayna waxaa ii caddaatay malahaygaasu inuu run ahaa. * * * Kursigii aan fadhiyey markaan ku dangiigsadey ayaan dib ugu noqday taariikh-bulshadeedka Soomaalida, gaar ahaanna madax-dhaqameedyadii hore ee tolalku kaalintii ay ku lahaayeen iyo wixii ay hawshoodu ahayd. Waxaa ii soo baxday inay ahaayeen rag warkooda la maqlo, taladoodana la raaco. Siday u badnaayeen, waxay ahaayeen rag qoor-iyo-xero leh. Rag aan damiirkooda cid kale amaahin oo afkooda iyo uurkoodu aanay kala tagganayn. Rag ay bulshadoodu ku maamuusi jirtey tilmaamihii wanwanaagsanaa ee lagu bartay; kuwaas oo runta iyo dhiirranaantu ay ugu waaweynaayeen. Maantii shiranka la yahay, iyaga ayaa afkooda la dhawri jirey oo talo la mahadiyona keeni jirey, wixii geedka lagu gooyona tolka u guddoomin jirey. Waxay ahayeen rag dadka ay u taliyaan daacad u ah oo meel-marinta danahooda aan waxba dhaafsan. Rag aan sandareerto lagu sabin, maalintii ay xiniinyo-taabad joogtona aan ‘shisheeyaha’ u debcin. Waxaa madax-dhaqameedka Soomaaliyeed laga fili jirey wixii xaq ah oo dadkiisa tolalka kale kaga maqan inuu, si uu yeeloba, ka soo dhiciyo, wixii lagu sheeganayana uu ka daafaco. Haddii ay lagama-maarmaan noqoto, isaga ayaa go’aanka colaad-qaadashada ku dhawaaqi jirey, ciidanku inta aanu dhaqaaqinna u nabaaddiino-xiri jirey oo inuu Eebbe soo guuleeyo ugu ducayn jirey! Ugaaska, Garaadka, Suldaanka iyo madax-dhaqameedyadii kale ee la midka ahayd ma ay lahayn ciidammo iyaga u qoran oo ay guddoonkooda ku fuliyaan. Haddaba, su’aashu waxay tahay: sidee bay taladoodu ku meel-mari jirtey? Marka koowaad, inta aanay wax guddoomin waxay kala soo tashan jireen odayada kale ee tolka. Sidaas darteed, waxay u badnayd inay madasha keenaan wax la isku soo raacay, kagana dhawaaqaan. Marka labaad waxaa lagaga dambeeyey haybad gaar ah oo markii la caleemo-saaraba ka soo if-bixi jirtey; taas oo fududayn jirtey in warkooda dhegaha loo raariciyo. Marka saddexaadna waxaa, wadar ahaan, loo rumaysnaa inay leeyihiin karaamo ay ku waxyeellayn karaan kooxdii ama ninkii kolba ku gacan-sayra amaba aflagaaddo u geysta. Waxaa, hidde ahaan, lagu tiriyaa dhawr kooxood oo bulshada Soomaalida ka tilmaaman; kuwaas oo habaarkooda iyo dhaawashadoodaba laga baqi jirey sida waalidka, wadaadka, ilmiriglaha (nin col baqday lagala haray), Yibirka, daan-ku-qalinlaha (ardayga Quraanka barta) iyo qaar kale. * * * Hiddaha Soomaalidii hore sidii aan ugu maqnaa ayaan ku baraarugey dayuuraddii oo cago-dhiganaysa gegida ku magacaaban Charles De Gaulle ee ku taal duleeddada Caasimadda Ilayska; Baariis (Paris). Waa magaalo qurux badan oo magaceeda lala xusuusto ilbaxnimo, falsafadaha casriga ah, suugaan, hababka dhar-xirashada wacan, fanka kariska cuntada macaan, cadar-samaynta iyo wax walba oo ay nafta aadanuhu u beer-raqdo. Maxayse iigu taallaa haddii aanu danjirihii joogin? Muxuu milicsigeedu i tarayaa, haddii iilka la dhigay Maxamad Siciid Samatar; diblomaasigii aan sannadaha badan ugu iman jirey ee qaybaheeda taariikhiga ah i kala baray? Sow inaan dhex-mushaaxaa iima beelin haddii aanu ‘Gacaliye’ igu sugeyn rugta tareennada ee Gare de Lyon? Isaga oo i xifaalaynaya haddii aanu i daawisiineyn Tour Eiffel, Quarter Latin (Xaafadda Laatiinka), waddada Champs-Elysees iyo makhaayadaha yaryar ee dhinacyadeeda sariiran, Boulevard de la Bastille, kaniisadda Notre Dame, Arc de Triomphe (Qaansada Guusha), Chateau de Versailles, daamaha webiga Seine iyo goobaha kale ee wax-ka-soo-qaadka leh, dalxiiseyaashuna ay magaalada ku jecel yihiin?! * * * Waxba yaanan nin-doorkii tegey garwaaqsane, aan ku noqdo sodcaalkaygii oo aan iraahdo : Mar labaad ayay dayuuraddii hawada nala gashay ; iyada oo afka saartay Afrikada Bari iyo halkii ay awelba u rarnayd. Waxaa nagu soo kordhay uun askar Faransiis ah oo, markuu fasaxii u dhammaaday, ku noqonaysa Jabbuuti iyo xeryaha ay, mindhaa, ku leeyihiin. Markii iigu horraysey ayaan isweyddiiyey : Oo, tolow, dayuuraddan yaa iska leh ? Tigidkayga iyo wixii ku dhignaa ayaan dib u fiiriyey. Waxa uu Mukhtaar ka soo gooyey shirkadda Daalo (ma aqaan sababta ay Daallo ugu qoraane?), ha yeeshee, sida la ii sheegay, iyadu dayuurado ma laha. Waa shirkad ay samaysteen saamiileyaal Soomaaliyeed ; ka dib markay meesha ka baxday shirkaddii Somali Arilines oo dawladdii Soomaaliyeed ee burburtay ay lahayd. Daalo dalka gudihiisa iyo dibeddiisaba way ka hawl-gashaa. Waxay Yurub ka uruurisaa Soomaalida dalkooda dib ugu dhoofaysa, markaas bay shirkadaha dunida ka jira dayuurado ka kireysataa ; halkaas oo ay faa’iido ka soo gasho. Markaan eegay qoraallada xayeysiinta ah ee gudaha dayuuradda ku xardhan ayaan ogaadey inay leedahay shirkad aan dhab loo aqoon oo la yiraahdo Astraeus, dalka Ingiriiskana laga leeyahay. Cid kastaa ha soo kireysato, cid kastaase ha lahaatee, waxaan ka mashiiqsannay cashadii weelasha balaastigga ah ku jirtey ee, cabbaar ka dib, ay shaqaalaha dayuuraddu noo qaybiyeen. Ilaahay maraggii, tiro iyo tayoba, waxay ahayd hafaryo. Waxaa loo kala bayri waayey inay ahayd casho aan sina ugu dhigmi karin dhererka saacadaha sodcaalka (8 saacadood !); casho la wada qawadey oo, gaajo iyo oon toona, aan waxba nooga tarin! Dhaqdhaqaaqii shaqaalaha dayuuradduu kolkuu yaraaday ee ay ururiyeen maacuuntii ay cashada ku qaybiyeen ayuu qof waliba isku deyey inuu halkiisa seexdo amaba ku nasto. Anigase, muddo aan hal saac ka yarayn, ayay taasi suuraggal ii noqon weydey. Waxaan damcay badhankii loogu talo-galay inta aan hoos u riixo in aan kursigayga gadaal u fidsado, si aan hurdo isaga doondoono. Waxaase tallaabadaas iska kay hortaagey nin socotada ka mid ahaa oo fadhiyey kursigii kayga ka dambeeyey. Wuxuu, isaga oo dhirifsan, iga codsaday inaan kursigayga qun ugu fadhiyo, si uu isagu ugu seexdo kii uu xaqa u lahaa iyo mid bannaan oo xigey, sidii sariireedna uu isugu kala bixiyey! Waxaan ku iri : «Saaxiibow, aniga iyo adiguba, innaga oo labadeenna kursi isticmaalaynna ayaynu seexan karaynaa». Hadalkaygii isaga oo aan garowsanayn ayuu yiri: «Haddii aad kursigaaga soo fidisid meesha ayaa ciriiri igu noqonaysa, sidaas darteed sidii uu ahaa ku celi ». Waxaan isku deyey inaan sheekada kaftan u rogo, markaas baan ku iri : «Ninyahow, waad iga gardaran tahay, waxaana muuqata in aadan wax badan dayuurado raacin! Kuraasta dayuuraddu sariiro ma aha, waxaana loo farsameeyey sida ay yihiin inuu qof waliba ugu nasto.». Waaba ka daray! Intuu fariistay ayuu isku deyey, si xoog ah, inuu kursigaygii u soo toosiyo, taas oo u suuraggeli weydey. Mar saddexaad ayuu i abhiyey, anna waan ka diidey. Kolkii dambe ayaan ku iri : « Ninyahow, aniga iyo adigu, kolka, ismari weynaye, maxaynu yeelnaa?». Wuxuu yiri : « Hablaha dayuuradda ka shaqaynaya inoogu wac ». Waxaan iri: «Habluhu inay yimaadaan mooyee, annagu ma heshiin karayno miyaa ? ». Markaas buu ku jawaabey: «Maya, maxaa yeelay sida iiga kaa muuqata waxaad tahay nin madax adag!». Waxaan iri:«Waa tahaye, garta sidii ay kolba habluhu ku gooyaan ma ku go’daa?». Wuxuu yiri : «Haa». Iyada oo ay iga go’an tahay in aan taladiisa yeelo ayaan, haddana, eray kaftan ah ku tuuray. Waxaan ku iri: «Ninyahow, sida aan dareensanahay, adiga oo aan Xamar soo marin ayaad, burburkii ka dib, Yurub soo gashay! Lillaahi, runtay ma tahay ?!». Si kale kuma garatide intuu umlay ayuu karay! Wuxuu dibedda soo dhigay indho cascas oo aan u filay inay dhiig qabaan! Dabadeedna intuu hagaag ii soo dhawray ayuu yiri: «War Xamar oo dhan qaadee, kursiga ma iga durkinaysaa, mase maya!». Inta aan wax xil lihi dhicin, sow inaan arrinta soo af-jaro talo iilama ekaan? Badhan korkayga ku yaal oo shaqaalaha dayuuradda loogu wacdo ayaan riixay. Wax yar ka dibna waxaa i soo dul-joogsatey haweeney da’-dhexad ah. Waxaan u sheegay aniga iyo ninka iga dambeeyaa waxa aannu isku hayno. Markaas bay si degdeg ah waxay isagii ugu sheegtay inaan xaq u leeyahay kursigyga inaan gadaal u fidsado, kuna nasto. Iyo inuu isaguna sidaas xaq u leeyahay. Hadal kama dambeyn, gartiina aniga ayaa helay. Sheekadaasi halkaas ayay ku dhammaatay, waxaase habeenkii oo dhan maankayga ku wareegaysey su’aasha ah: Khilaafkeedu heerkii uu doonaba ha joogee, si ay uga heshiiso, Soomaalidu ma waxay ku qasban tahay inuu shisheeye soo dhex-galo? Haddii ay jawaabtu ‘haa’ tahay, waa nasiibdarro iyo hoog iyo ba’! Jabbuuti, 4tii-7dii Mey, 2006 Sidii noo qorshaysnayd, aroornimada 4tii Mey, 2006da ayaannu Jabbuuti tagnay. Waxaan filaayey dhismaha gegida dayuuradaha inta aan joogo inaan ololi doono; kulaylka iyo hawada qoyan aawadood. Mase dhicin oo, sidii aan ku ogaa, meeshu way ka beddalan tahay. Hadda waa qabow, waxaana, sida la ii sheegay, ugu wacan shirkad Carbeed oo Dabey laga leeyahay, indhowaalena iyadu gacanta ku haysey maamulka dekedda magaalada iyo gegida dayuuradaha labadaba. Maalmihii dhawrka ahaa ee aannu Jabbuuti wada joogney ayaa waxaa ii suuraggashay inaan Garaadka dhallinta yar la sheekaysto. Wuxuu ka mid ahaa, qaranjabka ka dib, Soomaalidii Waqooyiga Ameerika u qaxday. Intii uu dhulkaas ku maqnaana, wuxuu ku foognaa dhismaha shakhsigiisa iyo danaha qoyskiisa. Siduu ii sheegay, waxa uu xoogga saaray waxbarashada, taas baana geyeysiisey inuu ka fogaado magaalooyinka iyo gobollada ay Soomaalidu ku badan tahay. Meel gooyo ah intuu degey ayuu u jeestey inuu wax raandhiis leh ku hawshoodo. Wuxuu iigu muuqday nin xishood badan oo qofka uu la sheekaysanayo indhaha ka dadba. Intii aan la joogey marna ma aan arag ruux salaan ugu yimid oo uu fadhiga ku gacan-qaadayo. Kol walba wuxuu ila ahaa nin diyaar u ah inuu dhegeysto dadka ka da’da weyn, waxna uu ka barto. Xilkan culus ee uu dhowaanta dusha u ridan doono waa nin durbaba aad u dareensan, wejigiisana laga akhrisan karo. Berrito yeelkeede, maantaas waxaa foolkiisa ku dhignayd inuu yahay nin caleemo-saarkan loogu yeeray dhab uga walaacsan. Aniguna sidii aan is-iri, waxay arrintuba ka joogtey: ‘Ma car baa dhamis leh, ma caanaa qubis leh!’. Dhawrkaas cisho ee aannu meesha wada degganayn ayaan isla soo qaadnay, inta la xusuusan yahay, heerarkii afarta ahaa ee madax-dhaqameedyada Soomaalidu ay soo mareen: 1. Heerka koowaadi wuxuu ahaa ka hor Gumeysigii Reer-Yurub iyo kan Xabashiduba intii aanay dalka soo gelin. Wuxuu ahaa xilligii ay madax-dhaqameedyadu ugu awoodda badnaayeen, guddoonkooduna uu si dhab ah geyiga uga hirgeli jirey. Taasna waxaa ugu wacnaa iyada oo aysan jirin awood kale oo talada tolka kula tartamaysey. 2. Heerka labaadi wuxuu bilawday markii uu shisheeyuhu dalka wada qabsaday, markaas oo awooddii madaxda dhaqanku ay aad hoos ugu dhacday. Xilkooda ugu weyn waxa uu Gumeystuhu ka dhigay inay dadweynaha ka xigsadaan, si hawsha maamulka dalku ay isaga ugu fududaato. Waxaa loo diri jirey tolka ay u duuban yihiin inay ka soo uruuriyaan kolba magtii lagu sheego, ganaaxii la saarana ay khasnadda dawladda ku soo hubsadaaan. In badan oo ka mid ah ayaa waxaa lagu qasbi jirey qorshaha Gumeysiga inay wax ka fuliyaan, dadka ay u taliyaanna ka dhaadhiciyaan dantooda iyo midda maamulka shisheeyuhu inay mid yihiin! Dabadeed, intii sidaas oggolaatay waxa ay ka dhacday indhihii dadkooda, waxayna weydey maamuuskii ay bulshada dhexdeeda ku lahayd! Ha yeeshee, giddi madax-dhaqameedyadu sidaas ma wada ahayn. Qorshihii shisheeyaha hawraarsan lama wada oran. Taariikhdu sida ay ina barayso, waxaa jirey rag hoos-u-dhigidda awooddooda ka madax-adaygay, sidaasna qoodhoodii iyo xeradoodii ku xagsadey. Xataa, waxaa la xusuusan yahay kuwo diidey saraakiishii Gumeysiga ka-fool-ka-fool inay ula kulmaan sida Suldaan Cabdillaahi Suldaan Diiriye (Garxajis, Ciidaggale), Ugaas Cabdille Cali-xaabbuun (Marreexaan, Reer-Diini), Garaad Jaamac Garaad Cali (*********** , Bah-Ararsame) iyo kuwo kale oo xusuustayda hadda ka maqan. Si, haddaba, uu raggaas uga aarsado, awooddoodana uu u wiiqo, waxa uu Gumeysigii ka garab-abuuray qaar kale oo uu caaqillo ku magacaabay, mushaarna uu u qoray. Siday u badnaayeen, waxay ahaayeen rag aan laaluushka ka siqoon, gartana siiya labada wax isku haysata kolba kii lacagta ugu badan jeebabka ugu shuba!; 3. Heerka saddexaad wxuu la bilawdey xilligii ay Soomaalidu gobannimadeeda heshay ee ay dawladda noqotay, kaas oo laba qaybood laga dhigi karo. Qaybta hore (1960-1969) waxaa dalka ka soo taliyey xukuumado rayad ah oo ay hoggaanka u hayeen raggii xukunka Gumeysigii Reer-Yurub kala wareegey. Qaybtan iyada ah waxba ku dheeraan mayno, maxaa yeelay sidii ay madax-dhaqameedyada ula dhaqm jireeni wax sidaas ah kama ay duwanayn sidii uu Gumeysigu ula dhaqmi jirey. Waxa aynu, kolka, iftiinka ku daaraynaa xilligan qaybtiisa labaad (1969-1991) oo ah markii dhaawicii ugu cuslaa uu madax-dhaqameedka Soomaalida la soo gudboonaadey. Waa xilligii saraakiisha Ciidammadii Qaranku ay maamulkii dalka xoogga ku qabsadeen, jamhuuriyaddiina u rogeen dawlad Kacaan ah oo, beryihii hore, qorshaheeda gacan bir ah ku fulin jirtey. Haddiiba markii ay taladii dalku gacmahooda ku xasishay ayay ku dhawaaqeen inay dhisayaan dawlad casri ah oo cilmi iyo ilbxnimo ku salaysan, sidaas darteedna aan loo baahnayn dhaqammada gaboobey ee aan qorshahaas la saan-qaadi karayn. Dhaqammadaas ay saraakiishu weerarka ba’an ku qaadeen waxaa ugu horreeyey qabyaaladda oo lagu macneeyey iyada iyo dawladnimo in aanay meel wada geli karin, wadana noolaan karin. Sidaas darteed, waxaa la qaaday ol’olihii la-dagaallanka qabyaaladda; iyada oo lagu xoojiyey sharciyo ka soo hor-jeeda ku-dhaqankeeda iyo dhiirri-gelinteeda. Markii ay ugu darrayd waxay ahayd 1970kii markii la soo saaray xeer lagu baabbi’inaayo hawlihii madax-dhaqameedyadu ay tolka dhexdiisa ka qaban jireen. Doodda dawladdu waxay ku salaysnayd, marba haddii ay dawlad waddani ahi dalka ka jirto, in aan loo baahnayn iyada iyo muwaaddinka inay cid saddexaadi u dhexayso. Dabadeedna, waxaaba dembi ciqaab lagu muto laga dhigay in carrabka la soo mariyo madaxdii hore ee Soomaalidu magacyadii ay, maamuus ahaanta, u lahaayeen sida Ugaas, Malaakh, Garaad, Islaan, iwm!. Qiyaasta muddo aan 10 sano ka yarayn (1970-1980) ayay madax-dhaqameedydii Soomaalidu ay gacan-ku-gabbad ahaayeen, sidii loogu taliyeyna ay sandulle ku oggolaadeen. Waxa uu mid waliba la awood noqday xubnaha tolkii uu beri u talin jirey ilaa la soo gaarey sannadihii ka dambeeyey dagaalkii ay Soomaalidu ku jabtay ee iyada iyo Itoobiya dhex-maray (1977-’78). Jabkaas ayaa xoogaa aqoonsi ah waxa uu u sidey odayadii duubka madaxtinnimo dhulka laga dhigay. Sababtu maxay ahayd? Waa sheeko kale oo aan halkani qaadi karin. 4. Heerka afraadi waa xilligan qaran-jabka oo bilawday 1991kii, welina aynu ku jirno. Tiirarkii dawladnimo oo idil waa tii jirdaha loo siibey, markii jabhado qabiil-qabiil ku dhisani ay dhinaca Itoobiya dalka kaga soo duuleen, dabadeedna ay burburiyeen. Degaanka Benaadir waa tii uu ka qarxay dagaal silloon oo mid ‘sokeeye’ lagu sheegay, hase yeeshee ay sokeeyennimadu ku yarayd, ujeeddo la’aanta iyo anshax-xumaduna ay ku badnaayeen! Booliskii iyo Ciidankii Ummaddu waa tii ay kala firdheen. Waa tii la hooshay hantidii Qaranka iyo tii gaar ahaaneed labadaba. Waa tii ay kala-dambayntii luntay. Hay’adihii bedbaadada muwaaddinku waa tii ay, si degdeg ah, meeshii uga baxeen, waxaana mar qura Soomaaliya lagu arkay bulsho, haba yaraatee, aan inna wax hoggaan ah lahayn! Hannaankii dawladnimo kolkii la waayey ayaa hoggaanka keliya ee Soomaaliya ku soo haray waxa uu noqday madax-dhaqameedyada tolalka. Meel la joogoba, iyagii ayaa la wada eegay. Waxaa loogu yeeray inay la soo noqdaan awooddii, awel hore, laga xayuubiyey; iyada oo laga filaayo inay joojiyaan colaadaha lagu wada hoobtay, guud ahaanna ay u maareeyaan guuldarrada dalka la soo gudboonaatay. Taasna, in kastoo odayaashu ay isku dayeen, haddana waxba kama naaso-caddaan. Waxaa iska hor-taagey kooxo hubkii dawladda inta gacanta ku dhigay bulshada inteedii kale ku muquuniyey. Sida la og yahay, waxaa gobol kasta ka soo if-baxay dagaal-ooge magac qabiil huwan oo sheeganaya inuu daafacayo qolada uu u dhashay. Dagaal-ooge aan oggolayn talada reerka inay cid kale la wadaagto oo madax-dhaqameedyada haybta la sheeganaya, ha yeeshee aan wax awood ah u aqoonsanayn. Meel kastaba dalka ha ka joogee, waxa uu dagaal-ooge waliba gacanta ku dhigay ilihii dhaqaalaha ee ka jirey halka ay qoladiisu degto, markaas baa waxaa u suuraggashay deeq ama dil, kolba tii u sahlanaata, inay qorshahooda ku meel-marsadaan! Madaxdii dhaqanku candhuuf bay dib u liqeen. Dhallinyaro iyo waayeelba, waxaa laga doortay qabqableyaashii dhiigga dhallinyarada Soomaalida ka tanaaday. Kaalintii ay bulshada ku lahaayeen ayaa waxaa la geeyey halkii ugu hoosaysey ee ay weligeed tagto. Waxaa la oggolaysiiyey arrimaha maamulka dalka inay faraha kala baxaan, una daayaan hooggaamiyeyaasha siyaasadda oo loola jeedo ragga hubaysan. Markaas bay ka badin waayeen qorshe kasta oo dagaal-ooguhu u soo jeediyo inay ku duceeyaan. Si kale kuma garatide, waxay qaayibeen inay noqdaan tiinbare ay ku dhufsadaan kolba xaashidii ay soo qortaan! Jabbuuti, 8dii Mey, 2006 Abbaaraha 8:30kii subaxnimo mar ay ahayd ayaan ka soo degtey qolkii aan ku lahaa Hoteel Caaliya oo ah Garaadka iyo anigu halkii aannu degganayn. Waxaan u socdaa meesha quraacda martida loogu talo-galay oo ku taal dabaqa dhismaha ugu hooseeya. Haddiiba kulaylkii baa foodda iga leefay, waase filaayey oo meeshu waa Jabbuuti. Intii aanan ku leexan halkii aan u socdey ayaan milicsaday rag sheekaysanaya oo ku dangiiga kuraas la dhigay meel u dhow halka hoteelka lga soo galo. Haddii aan xaggooda u soo dhowaadeyba waxaan ka gartay Dr Cali Khaliif Galaydh oo markaan gacanta u soo taagey isna magacayga iigu yeeray. Waan ogaa inuu imaanayo oo Jabbuuti aannu ku kulmi doonno, iskana raaci doonno; isaga oo Garaadka Laascaanood u gelbinaya. Isla maalintaas ayaan ogaadey inuu yahay qabanqaabiyaha koowaad ee hawlaha caleemo-saarka. In aan anigu Cali gartaa layaab ma lahayn. Laga soo bilaabo sannadkii 2000 waxa uu ku jirey warbaahinta Soomaalida iyo midda adduunweynaha labadaba; taas baana ugu wacnayd xusuusta wejigiisu inay si fudud maankayga ugu soo noqoto. Waxaase layaab lahayd inuu isagu i garto, maxaa yeelay waxaa isugu kaaya dambaysey bartamihii 1900 iyo siddeetannadii; habeen aan Rooma ku wada cashaynnay, ka dibna wax xiriir ah ma aannu yeelan; toos iyo telefoon toona. Muddo 3 sano ku-dhowaad ah ayuu Cali wuxuu ahaa ra’iisulwasaaraha Soomaaliya. Haddii dhinac la iska dhigo siyaasadihiisii gudaha dalka oo aanan wax kala socon, waxa uu sameeyey laba arrimood oo aan anigu aad ugu bogey, malahaygana taariikhda si wacan ugu geli doona: Arrinta hore waxay ahayd inuu inoo soo celiyey qab-wadareedkii ummadda oo qaran-jabkeennii ka dib, si degdeg ah, la inooga baduugay, lagana samirsanaa inuu dib inoogu soo noqdo. Waxaan u soo joogney ciidammada Itoobiya oo dalka gudihiisa ka faltamaya, cid hey-hey oran kartaana aanay jirin. Waxaan aragnay dagaal-oogeyaashii Soomaalida oo haddii ay Xabashidu boqollaal disho iyagu dafiraya, inta aanay iyadu dafirin! Waxaa la qaayibey labadii ‘hoggaamiye’ oo isqabtaaba inay Addis Ababa u kala hormaraan, mid walibana uu saraakiishooda nabadsugidda midka kale ku dacweeyo. Waxaa la inaga dhaadhiciyey labadii gobol, labadii qabiil ama labadii kooxood oo colaadi dhex-marto kolba dhinaca ay Itoobiya la jirtaa inuu gar leeyahay! Isku soo wada duub oo, sidii aynu Jamhuuriyad u ahayn ayaynu is-aragnay innaga oo Itoobiya la inooga taliyo. Kaftan-dhable dadweynaha dhexdiisa ka hirgalay ayaa wuxuu ahaa: ‘haddii Soomaali-Galbeed ay noqotay kililka 5d, Soomaaliya oo idilna kililka 6d ayay ku dambaysey!’ Innaga oo caynkaas ay niyaddu inooga dhimatay, wixii waxgarad ahaana ay ceeb la hagoogan yihiin ayuu Cali ra’iisulwasaare noqday. Madaxeennii ayuu durbaba kor u qaaday, kolkii uu af buuxa Itoobiya ku xusuusiyey iyada iyo Soomaaliya inay yihiin laba dal oo deris ah, loona baahan yahay inay sidaas u dhaqanto. Isla markii uu xilka qabtayba, si aanay dagaal-oogeyaashu malayn karayn ayuu Addis Ababa ugu sheegay inay ciidammadeeda kala baxdo gudaha dalka, gaar ahaanna 3da degmo oo Gobolka Gedo ka tirsan, si toos ahna ay iyagu uga hawl-geli jireen. Taasina waxay noqoty tallaabo uu ku guuleystey; markii Reer Buulo-xaawo ay subax soo tooseen oo ay arkeen xeradii askarta Amxaarada oo inta ay xalay ka guureen haawaneysa! Waayadaas ka dib, in kastoo ay faro-gelintii Xabashidu xoog u soo korodhay, haddana waxay ahayd, guud ahaan, tallaabo Soomaali badani ay qabkeedii lumay ku soo ceshatey. Mar labaad waxay noqotay, ilaa maanta, tallaabo Reer-Gedoodku ay Cali ugu abaal-hayaan. Mar saddexaadna waxay ahayd tallaabo muujisay, aadba xoog yaraatide, waxa ay isku-kalsoonidu qaban karayso! Arrinta labaad ee xilligii uu ra’iisulwasaaraha ahaa aan Cali ugu bogey waxay ahayd habkii uu jagada kaga tegey. Sida la xusuusan yahay, ismaandhaaf muddoba socdey ayaa dhex-maray madaxweyne Cabdi-qaasin iyo isaga; kaas oo, garashadayda, ay Baarlamaanku si xun uga gar-naqeen. Yeelkeede, Cali oo hawlo qaran dibedaha ugu maqan ayaa waxaa isu bahaystay madaxweynaha iyo af-hayeenkii Baarlamaanka; kuwaas oo, sida la leeyahay, jeebabka u buuxiyey qaar badan oo hay’adda sharci-dejinta xubno ka ahaa, Xamarna isaga tabaalaysnaa! Isaga oo sidii aan soo sheegay Muqdisho ka maqan oo aan isdaafici karayn ayaa jagadii uu hayey waxaa lagu weysiiyey cod Baarlamaanku qaaday oo natiijadiisa la filaayey. Sidii ay nagu soo gaadhey si la too ah ayay Calina arrintu ku soo gaadhey, saas oo ay ahaydna wuxuu goostay inuu xil-ka-qaadista yeelo. Waxaa, haddana, geesinnimo ahayd inuu Xamar yimaado, dabadeedna wareejiyo galalkii tirada yaraa ee muddadii gaabnayd ee uu ra’iisul-wasaaraha ahaa gacanta maamulkiisa ku ururay. Waxaan isweyddiiyaa: ‘tolow, galalkaasi hadda meel ay ku dambeeyeen ma la yaqaan?! U malayn mayo. Si doontaba ha ahaatee, in kastoo si khashiinnimo ah jagadii uu hayey looga qaaday, haddana isagu si ilbaxnimo ku dhan tahay ayuu ku wareejiyey. Taas ayaana muujinaysa inuu nin-dawladeed (statesman) ahaan lahaa, haddii ay kasmo jirto oo ay Soomaalidu deysan lahayd. Laascaanood, 9kii-21kii Mey, 2006 ‘Ballan fiid jarmaado arooryo ayuu leeyahay’ waa tii la yiriye, goor hore ayaannu ka hilhilannay hoteelkii. Annaga oo 8 ama 9 qof ah ayaannu ku dhacnay dayuurad yar oo garoonka caalamiga ah ee Jabbuuti diyaar noogu ahayd. 10kii barqannimo ayay noola haaddey Waqooyiga Soomaaliya, gaar ahaanna Laascaanood oo ah halkii aannu u soconney, dabbaaldegga caleemo-saarkuna uu ka dhici doono. 12kii duhurnimo oo wax yar dhimman hadday ahayd ayaannu ku degney Laascaanood; halkaas oo ilaa saaka aroortii magaalada inteedii badnayd ay ku dhammayd. Waxaa dayuuraddii hareeraha ka soo joogsadey fardo dhawr ah oo soo-dhoweynta Garaadka loogu talo-galay, qaar ka mid ah dhallinyarada degaankuna ay ku joogto. Madax-dhaqameedyadii iyo maamulka Gobolka Sool ayaa iyaguna dayuuraddii hoosteeda isa soo tubay, iyaga oo, si kalgacal leh, u gacan-qaadaya Garaadka, Cali Khaliif iyo intayadii la socotey. Isla markaasna waxa ay ishayadu qabanaysey dadweyne aan boqollaal ku qiyaasay oo sugi la’aa inay Garaadka cusub arkaan, haddii ay u suurowdana ay salaamaan. Meel walba waxaa tubnaa baabuur faro badan oo aanan u malaynayn, tiro intaas le’egi, inay Laascaanood joogi karto. Dhawr ‘Landcruiser’ oo loogu talo-galay inay wafdiga Garaadka qaadaan ayaa, isla markiiba, dayuuraddii la ag-keenay. Markaas bay iyagii iyo fardihii isdhex-galeen, isuna midab-ekaadeen. Waxay ahaayeen laba gaadiid oo laba xilli ku kala abtirsada, ha yeeshee ay waayuhu isku soo simeen! Intii ay salaanta iyo soo-dhoweyntu socotey ayaan u tegey duuliyihii dayuuradda iyo kaaliyihiisii oo meel gees ah taagan, waxa dhacayana fiirsanaya. Nin Reer-Jabbuuti ah oo shaqaalaha Daalo ka mid ahaa ayaan mar hore dayuuradda gudaheeda waxaan ku weyddiiyey nimanka na wadaa cidda ay yihiin. Markaas buu igu yiri: Waa Ruushan. Waan soo ag-joogsadey, aniga oo ku tashan inaan istijaabiyo oo aan ogaado bal inay wax iiga hareen afkii Ruushanka ee bartamihii 1900 iyo toddobaatannadii aan Moosko ka soo bartay. Markiiba waxaan ogaadey in aan nimanku Ruushan ahayne, ay u dhasheen Armenia oo ah dal ka tirsanaa Jamhuuriyadihii Federaalka ahaa ee loo yiqiin Midowga Soofiyeeti, 1991kiina kala daatay. Labadooda kii duuliyaha ahaa oo, malaha, la ashqaraaray sida layaabka leh ee ay soo-dhoweyntu garoonka uga socoto ayaa waxa uu i weyddiiyey: “Raggii aannu wadney ma waxaa ku jira madaxweynihii Soomaaliya?!†Markaas baan ugu jawaabey: “Maya ee waa Garaadkii…gobolkan aynu hadda nimid Garaadkoodii weeyeâ€. Waan hubaa in aan jawaabtaydu waxba ku kordhin, ha yeeshee, madaxa ayuu ruxay, sidii nin ay wax ku kordhisey! In kastoo hogadii kaliisha la soo dhaafay, laba-saddex jeerna ay roobabkii gugu da’een, haddana maantaas hawadu kulayl bay ahayd oo, sida ay Soomaalidu tiraahdo, cirka weli kicin baa ku jirey. Dadku saaka aroortii ayuu garoonka yimid. Sidaas darteed, waa la daallanaa, lana harraaddanaa. Dhididka ayaa la sayrayaa. Suudigii la taagnaa ayaa lagu gubtey. Markaas baa waxaa lagu dhawaaqay in wafdiga Garaadka xagga magaalada loo gelbiyo. Dabadeedna, daqiiqad gudaheed ayaa waxaa ku burburay, ilaa saaka lixdii, nidaamkii la ilaalinaayey. Waxaan iskula hadlay: ‘Malaha Soomaalidu dulqaad uma laha wixii lagu ballamo in ay muddo dheer ilaaliso!’. Baabuurtii goobta la keenay ayaa lagu yaacay. Waa la kala halabsaday. Waa lagu garabootamay. Kolkaas bay talo faro ka haaddey. Nin waliba gaarigii u dhowaa ayuu ‘dalaq’ yiri amaba uu dhinaca qabsaday. Wiilal aad u dhallin yar oo aan cidina soo barin ayaa ku’ walba shukaanta u fadhiya. Eebbe ka sokow, iyaga ayaa magan loo yahay. Waddadii baa cagta la saaray. Booliis wax kala hagaa ma muuqdo. Loo meel-deyi maayo inta kiiloomitir oo babuurka lagu wado, waddada dhinaca uu ka maraayo, sida uu midka dambe u dhaafayo midka ka horreeya, laba waliba inta ay isu jirsanayaan iyo dhammaan xeerarka waddo-marinta gaadiidka ee dunida laga yaqaan. Allow sahal! Si kastaba ha ahaatee, sidii aan is-iri, karaamadii Garaadka ayaa loo aayey. Isma lahayn xawligii waddada lagu maraayey iyo dhibaatadii ka dhalatay. Baabuur qura ayaa shil galay, waxaana ku dhaawacmay nin maalmihiiba Jabbuuti loola cararay, dabadeedna ku geeriyoodey. * * * Halkii nala dejin lahaa ayaa naloo wadaa. Waa Laascaanood oo aad u ballaaratay. Waxaa iigu horreysey 1973kii; iyada oo aad u kooban, waxaana iigu dambaysey 2001dii; iyada oo fidday, hase ahaatee inta ay hadda le’eg tahay si aad ah uga darfo gaaban. Guryo cusub oo, qaran-jabka ka dib, si casri ah loo dhisay ayaa dhinac walba ka muuqanaya. Kuwaas ayaa kordhiyey bilicda iyo baaxadda magaalada, in kastoo intooda badan aan la degganayn. Markiibase waxaa kaaga muuqanaya maqnaanshaha adeegyadii ay xukuumad dhexe ku qaybi lahayd, gaar ahaanna waddo la’aanta. Taasina waa goldaloolo la garan karo oo ay garawshiinyo inooga heli karayso. Maxaa yeelay waxay kala mid tahay magaalooyinka Soomaalida ee wixii burburka ka dambeeyey dib loogu soo noqday, dabadeedna inta sidii la doono loo degey u wada fiday si qaab daran oo aad uga fog habka magaalo-qorshaynta casriga ah (modern town planning). Waxa ay magaaladu ka abuurantay dhawr buurood dhexdood, xagga galbeedka meel ka xigta oo aan waxba ka fogeynna waxaa ku taal buurta Xargaga loo yaqaan oo ah sheeko-xariirada Soomaalida meel caan ku ah, ayna ku noolaan jirtey dadqalato Dhegdheer! Markii ugu horraysey waxaa unuggeeda lahaa, si joogto ahna u degey ciidammadii gobannimo-u-dirirka ahaa ee Sayid Maxamad Cabdille Xasan. Sidaas darteed, waxay ku tirsan tahay dhawr-iyo-afartan meelood oo ay Daraawiishi asaastay, dabadeedna magaaloobey. Meelahaas oo waayadaas ilaa maantadan la deggan yahay waxaa ugu magacyo dheer Qardho, Beledweyne, Garoowe, Wardheer, Ayl, Qorraxey, Gallaaddi iyo degaammo kale oo dalweynaha Soomaaliyeed ku baahsan, gaar ahaanna inta u dhexaysa webiga Shabeelle, Badweynta Hindiya, Maakhir-koos iyo Soomaali-Galbeed. * * * Maalintii aannu nimid maalintii xigteyba shaqo culus ayaa bilaabatay. Dhaqdhaqaaq xoog leh ayaa magaalada oo idil laga dareemay. Qabanqaabadii caleemo-saarka ayaa aad loo gudo-galay. Waxaa halhaleel loo magacaabay guddiyo dhawr ah oo ka kooban odayada iyo dhallinyarada degaanka sida Guddiga Dejinta martida, Guddiga Dhaqaalaha, Guddiga Qoraallada iyo kuwo la mase ah oo loo filay inay lagama-maarmaan u yihiin meelmarinta hawlihii meesha loo fadhiyey. Shirarku habeenkii iyo dharaartiiba kalaggo’ ma lahayn. Ma anigaa? Dhaqan ahaan, ma ahayn in aniga la igu daro guddiyadaas iyaga ah, sababtuna waa mid uu waayeelku wada garan karo. Soomaalida weli hiddaheedii kama wada lumin. Tolka oo shiran ah haddii uu nin marti ahi soo dul-joogsado, geedka lama fariisiyo. Hadalka la haysto inta la hakiyo ayaa la gudbiyaa. Gabbaad iyo geed kale ayaa la geeyaa oo lagu sooryeeyaa ilaa uu ka ambabbaxayo. Xataa haddii loo oggolaado inuu shirka fariisto, arrimaha laga shirayo sooma dhex-galo, isaguna iskuma dayo inuu talo ka bixiyo. Sidaas darteed, waxaan go’aansaday, inta laga gaarayo maalinta caleemo-saarka, inaan hawlo kale qabsado. Barqadii markay noqoto, ka dib markaan quraacda Saafi Khaliif calafsado, ayaan bartamaha magaalada u baxaa, iyadoo ay qorraxdu si naxariis daran ay foolka iiga garaacayso. Waxaan fariistaa makhaayadaha yaryar ee shaaha lagu gado, halkaas oo aan kula sheekaysto, waayeel iyo dhallinyaraba, dadka magaalada deggan amaba koytada ku ah. Waa dad og taariikhda ugu weyn ee ay Soomaalidu ku faani karaysaa inay gobolkooda ka soo if-baxday, dhaqdhaqaaqii Daraawiisheedna ay iyagu cudud iyo gabbaadba u ahaayeen. Waxay ku wada dhaataan inay wax isu galeen duubcaddii gobannimada jeclayd ee guutooyinkii Ingiriiska goomanka u qoyn jirey; mujaahidiintii Sayid Maxamad hoggaamin jirey ee Soomaalida iyo magaceedaba adduunka baray. In kastoo cid xilligaas tabargal ahaydi aysan maanta Hawd iyo Nugaalba ku noolayn, haddana dhacdooyinkii Jahaadku xusuus-wadareedda bulshada waa ka buuxaan. Sidoo kale, waa degaan uu qof waliba suugaanta jecel yahay. Iyaga oo aan cidina u dhigin, dugsiyana aan u gelin ayay in door ah waxay ka og yihiin waayaha maansada Soomaalida iyo heerarkii ay soo martay. Ruuxa ay dhab u dhegeystaani ma aha siyaasiga, mana aha aqoonyahanka. Halkii la isugu yimaadoba waxa ay si wacan ugu wada dheg-taagayaan kolba ninkii yaqaan maansada raggii hore, goleyaashana ka marin kara. Waxaad maqlaysaa iyaga oo isugu warramaya, ‘hebel wuxuu hayaa gabayadii Sayidka, hebelna kuwii Cali-dhuux, hebel kalena kuwii Ismaaciil Mire’. Taasina waa tilmaan wanaagsan oo ragga gabayadaas hayaa ay dadweynaha kale dheer yihiin, maamuus gaar ahna ay uga helaan. * * * Aniga oo degaanka iyo dadkiisaba sidaas u aqaan ayaan, sidaan soo sheegay, maalinba makhaayad fariistaa. Markaas baa la igu soo xoomaa isla goortii la ogaado inaan ahay hebelkii ay muddada dheer magaciisa maqli jireen. Ilyarta ayaa isqabata, dadka intiisa badanna inta kuraasta laga buuxiyo ayay sarejoogga wax ku dhegeysanayeen. Mar walbaba odayada ayaan doocdoociyaa, bal inaan ka helo tix gabay ah oo raggii hore iiga maqan, dhacdo taariikheed oo aan i soo gaarin ama sheeko xiiso leh oo berri-ka-maalin aan Soomaalida u tebiyo; iyada oo qoraal ah. Ilaa xilliga harimada la gaarayo ayay gabayada iyo sheekooyinku ay fagaarahaas ka socdaan. Inta aan wax doocdoocinayo, anigana waa la i doocdoocinaayey. Wax baa la i weyddiinaayey. Wax baa la ii toosinaayey, waxna waa la igu hanbalyaynaayey. Waxay ahaayeen dad aad ula socda hawlihii suugaaneed ee tan iyo ‘70kii aan ku soo jirey, hadday qoraal tahay iyo hadday barnaamij idaacadeed tahayba. Isku soo wada duub oo, dhalliil iyo ammaaniba ma yarayn. Waxayse iigu darrayd nin makhaayadda fadhiyey markii uu igu eedeeyey Cali-dhuux iyo maansadiisaba inaan gacan-bidixeeyo, halka Sayidka, Qamaan iyo Ismaaciil Mirena aan ka koolkooliyo! Waxaan u qaatay eed igu culus iyo maag aan geed loogu soo gabban. Anna intaan ka dhiidhiyey ayaan cod la wada maqlayo ku iri: “Ninyahow, run sheegi maysid! Cali-dhuux oo ka mid ah tiirarka waaweyn ee maansada Soomaalida, sidee baan u gacan-bidixeeyaa? Maxaase in aan hagrado i geyeysiin kara?â€. Ninkii i maagay markuu arkay inuu meel xun iga taabtay ayuu igu maslaxay: “Horta Ilaah baa ina lehe, Cali-dhuux waxaa aasay Kacaankii; iyada oo loo arkay inuu kacaan-diid ahaa, maxaa yeelay Ina-Cabdille Xasan ayuu ka soo hor-jeestey. Sidaynu og nahayna, xukuumaddii Kacaanku kacaan-diidka ma jeclayn, haddii xataa uu xilligii Daraawiishta noolaa sida Cali-dhuux!â€. Qosol baa lala daatay, aniguna mar hadday eeddii iga wareegtey diyaar uma ahayn cid kale iyo nidaam tegey toona inaan daafaco. Odayadii aan Laascaanood kula kulmay waxaa iigu waxtar roonaa Cali Cabdi Maxamad Weyd oo dadka degaanku ay ‘Cali Qamar’ ku garan og yihiin. Waa nin aad u haya gabayadii ay tirin jireen raggii hore ee maansada Soomaalida magaca weyn ku lahaa sida Sayid Maxamad, Cali-dhuux, Qamaan Bulxan, Ismaaciil Mire, Axmed-Busur, Samatar Baxnaan, Xaaji Cismaan sharma’arke iyo hal’abuurradii la ayniga ahaa ee ay isku xilliga noolaayeen. Sidoo kale, wuxuu si wacan wax uga garanayaa taariikh-bulshadeedka degaannada Mudug, Hawd, Nugaal, dhulka Galbeedka ah ee ay Xabashidu gumeysato, Bari iyo Togdheer. Maanso iyo sheekaba waa nin sheegi yaqaan, isaga oo maad iyo minqaxba ku daraya. Sida ay Soomaalidu u badan tahay, waa nin aad ugu kalsoon waxa uu sheegayaa inay 100% hagaagsan yihiin. Sidaaas daraaddeed, ma uu jeclaysanayn inay cid kale qalin-daarto amaba ay wax u toosiso marka gabayada raggii tegey iyo sheekooyinkooda uu marinaayo! Dhawr cisho ayaannu isku keliyeysanney, markii aan London ku laabtayna waxaan sitey cajalad 90 daqiiqo ah oo maansadii hore uu Cali Qamar iiga buuxiyey, taas oo uu Cali-dhuux u badnaa. * * * Weli hawshii caleemo-saarka oo mugga gebaggebo ah ayaa lagu jiraa. Ergooyinkii la marti-qaaday ayaa iska soo dabo-dhacaya oo magaalada soo buuxiyey. In yar mooyee, madax-dhaqameedyadii Soomaalida ayaa Gobolka Sool caawa ku wada urursan. Waxay u qaybsanaayeen qaar dayuurado lagaga soo qaaday gobollada fogfog sida Jubbada Hoose, Bay, Bakool iyo Benaaddir iyo qaar ka soo galay gobollada Nugaal, Bari, Togdheer iyo Waqooyi-galbeed oo iyagu baabuur ku yimid. Madax-dhaqameed waliba wuxuu wataa ergo dhawr qof ka kooban oo hareeraha ka socota. Hoteelladii ayaa buux-dhaafay. Aqalladii loo banneeyey ayaa ku yaraaday. Sidoo kale, waxaa iyaguna magaalada soo gaarey ergooyin ka kala socda maamullada Garoowe iyo Hargeysa oo aan jacayl badani dhex-ool! Sida la og yahay, muddo aan sidaas u sii fogeyn ayaa labadaas maamul waxay u dagaallameen lahaanshaha Gobolka Sool iyo xaruntiisa Laascaanood. Dagaalkaas isaga ahi ma noqon mid lagu kala adkaaday, in kastoo ciidammadii Reer Hargeysa ay weli fadhiyaan tuulada Adhi-caddeeye oo xagga galbeedka magaalada kaga toosan, qiyaastiina u jirta wax aan 30 kiiloomitir dhammayn. Dhinaca kale, madax-dhaqameedyada Nugaal iyo Bari ka sokow, waxaa intii saddex aqoolood ah magaalada ku sugnaa ergo ‘rasmi’ ah oo ka socotey maamulka Garoowe; kaas oo isu haysta in madasha iyo degaankaba isaga marti loogu yahay. Iyagana waxaa hoggaaminaayey maamulkaas isaga ah madaxda ugu sarraysa, kuwaas oo watey baabuurta dagaalka ee loo yaqaan ‘teknikada’ iyo ilaalo aad u hubaysan. Dr Cali Khaliif iyo waxgaradkii kale ee qabanqaabada caleemo-saarka aanada u ahaa waxay ku taamayeen hawsha oo idili inay hab-dhaqameed ku dhammaato. Waxay ku dedaalayeen inay xasil iyo xasarad la’aan ku bilaabato, kuna idlaato. Iyaga oo u dhuun-daloola khilaafka siyaasadeed ee degaanka ka aloosan ayay mar walba waxay dadka xusuusinayeen, inta ay hawshani socoto, inaan bawdo-qaawin iyo xiniinyo-taabad toona loo baahnayn. Ma ay doonayn inay noqoto madal murammada maamullada ka dhex-taagani ay ka soo if-baxaan; taas oo, haddii ay dhacdo, magac-xumo ku noqon karta tolka iyo maqalladiisa. Sababahaas dartood, shalay iyo maanta oo bisha Mey ay 21 tahay, walaacu ma yarayn. Salaad walba dabadeeda, ducada ayaa la dareerinayaa. Waxaa Eebbe laga baryayaa inay noqoto munaasabad, iyada oo la wada nabdoon yahay, berri lagu soo kala dareero. Runtii, wadnaha ayaa farta lagu wada hayaa, maxaa yeelay waxaa laga wada dheregsan yahay nidaam li’ida Soomaaliya ka jirta iyo waxa ay dhali karto. Maanta iyo dhulka Soomaalida markii loo fiirsado, ammaanku ma aha wax lagu tashan karo. Waxaa dhici karta qorshe hagaagsan oo hal sano iyo ka badan uu waayeelku soo wadey in, maalintii laga miro-dhalin lahaa, wiil yar oo iska talo-xumooday uu ka dhigo hal bacad lagu lisay! Allow sahal. Laascaanood, 22kii Mey, 2006 Waa 22kii Mey. Intayadii iska war-haysey, nabad baannu xalay ku seexannay, saakana dhaaddanaan baannu la soo toosnay. Waa san ayuu Eebbe noo beriiyey. Waa maalintii loo ballansanaa. Cid waliba goortii ay toosi jirtey ka hor ayay gogoshii ka jafjafatay. Ninkii goobta dabbaaldegga hawl ku lahaa wuu kallahay. Kii marti ahaana wuxuu la soo baxay hu’gii uu ku talo-galay inuu ku shir-tago. Wuxuu sugayaa cid guddiyada qabanqaabada ka tirsan oo xalayto loo ballamiyey, madashana u kaxayn doonta. Siyaasadda gobolkuba ha u badnaatee, runtii way jiraan waxyaabo dadka degaanku ay isku khilaafsan yihiin, tanise waa arrin la wada oggol yahay oo inay wanaag ku dhammaato uu qof waliba doonaayo. Waa munaasabad, si kal iyo laab ah, ay u soo wada dhoweynayaan oo, siday Ciiddii Arrafo tahay, ay dadweynuhu isugu hanbalyaynayaan! Hadda waa 9:00kii iyo hodhodho’. Waxaan u xirxiran nahay togga Geedo-qarsey oo ku yaal dhinaca bari ee magaalada, ahna goobta saaka Garaadka lagu caleemo-saari doono. Waxaan isku lug nahay koox Jabbuuti iska soo raacday oo Garaadka iyo Cali Khaliif ay hormuud u ahaayeen, markii dambena isu aqoonsatay inay tahay ergo ergooyinka kale iska xigta! Aniga iyo kooxdaydiiba waxaa nalagu sharfay baabuurkii uu Garaadku saarnaa in nalagu qaado, barxadda caleemo-saarkana nalagu geeyo. Cabbaar yar haddii uu gaarigii socdeyba waxaa naga dabo-yimid tobaneeyo faras oo dhallinyaro taaggood fuuli taqaani ay ku joogto. Iyaga oo kadlaynaya ayay hareeraha naga galeen. Waxay gelbinayaan Garaadka; taasina waa wax dhaqankii hore ee Soomaalida ka soo jeeda, gaar ahaan markaynu joogno Nugaal oo weligeedba ahayd geyi fardaha wanaagsan lagu kuunyi jirey. Nasiibdarro, neefafka fardaha ah iyo dhallinyarada ku joogtaaba ma dhaqaalaysna. Labaduba ma dhaaddana. Intaan muraayaddii daaqadda iska dejiyey ayaan wiilashii midkood sheeko la furay. Dulucdu waxay ahayd in aan u ogaado, fuullaanka ha joogtee, hiddihii hore ee fardaha bal wax ay ka hayaan. Waxaan ku iri: “Adeer, faraskaaga magacii?â€. Wuxuu yiri: “Magac ma leh!â€. Waan yaabay, maxaa yeelay taariikhda laguma sheegin faras ama geenyo Soomaaliyeed oo aan magac lahayn. Sidii geela, lo’da iyo arigaba ay magacyo gaar ah ugu bixin jireeen ayay fardahana magacyo ugu bixin jireen, weliba aan koolkoolini ka maqnayn. Waxaan weyddiiyey su’aal labaad oo ahayd: “Ma taqaan sengaha aad fuushan tahay geenyadii iyo faraskii iska dhalay?â€. Isaga oo aad mooddo inay su’aashu la gurracan tahay ayuu inta muusooday iigu jawaabey: “Garan maayo, adeer! Oo maxaa i baray?â€. Kama harine, kol saddexaad ayaan ku iri: “ Marmar intaad wan u qasho, faraska ma ka subag-siisaa?â€. Markanna intuu dhab u qoslay ayuu yiri: “Adeer neefka anigu ma lihi!â€. Dabadeedna intuu faraskii cagta u rogey ayuu naga hormaray, si sheekada iyo su’aaluhuba ay u soo af-jarmaan! Maanta oo kale waxay ahaan jirtey fardaha dushooda in laga geeraaro; iyada oo la ammaanayo Garaadka, loona muujinaayo sida daacadda loogu yahay ee taladiisa loo okobban yahay. Waxay ahaan jirtey fardaha inta la soo kiciyo in la hojiyo goobta uu fadhiyo, dabadeedna, iyada oo busku cirka isku shareeray in fardooleyda oo idili ay iskummar ku dhawaaqaan: ‘Garaad mood! Jir oo joog!’. Waxaase ii soo baxday maanta in aanay shalay ahayn, fardaha iyo wiilasha ku joogaana aanay ehel isu ahayn! * * * Cabbaar haddaan ku maqnaa fardaha iyo Soomaalidii hore ayaan mar keliya waxaan ku war-helay baabuurkii oo joogsadey iyo Garaadkii oo inta hareeraha laga galay ay rag loo qaybiyey u wadaan halkii loogu talo-galay. Buuq iyo isriixriix ayaa xoog u bilawday. Labadii wada timidba way kala habawday. Waxaannu dhexda u galnay mawjado dad ah oo kadinkii madasha laga geli lahaa isku wada kakabinaya. Waxaa foodda isla galay waardiyihii ammaanka madaxda loo saantay iyo raggii ku dedaalaayey inay xoog kaga gudbaan, si ay u helaan kursi meel hoos leh yaal. Tan iyo waabberigii nidaamkii la ilaalinaayey ayaa hal mar ah burburay. Taasina, sidaan isleeyahay, waxay salka ku haysaa Soomaalida oo ku tilmaaman ummad dulqaadkeedu kooban yahay, wax lagu ballamayna aan muddo dheer ilaalin karin. Yeelkeede, sidaan soo sheegay, goobtu waa tii saaka lagu ballansanaa. Waa bartamaha togga Geedo-qarsey oo geedaha darayga ahi ay si hagar la’aan ah uga baxeen. Cagta dadka iyo shaagga baabuurta midkoodna habaas yar kicin maayo. Waa goob deggan oo toddobaadkii na dhaafay inta roob helay uu ciiddii aad u nabay. Teendhooyin la isku xirxiray ayaa si wacan la isugu dhisay, kuwaas oo ay goor hore soo buuxiyeen Reer-Laascaanood oo soo kallahay iyo martidii timid oo aan qudheedu tiro yarayn. Dhallinyarada darayda fuushan, ragga iyo dumarka taagtaagan iyo madaxda sare mooyee, inta soo hadhay waxay ku fadhidaa kuraasta, badanaa, cadcad ee caagga laga sameeyo, markii Galbeedka dunida la joogona qoysaska fasaxyada u baxaa ay xeebaha u qaataan, fudaydkooda awgiis. Wax badani kama soo wareegin hawshii la isugu yimid kolkii la gudo-galay. Maanta oo kale halkii wax laga bilaabi jirey ayaa laga bilaabay. Garaadkii ayaa lagu shubay caanihii geela oo ah Soomaalida raacatada ahi wax ay jidiinka mariso waxa ay ugu jeceshahay. Waa astaanta barwaaqada iyo hodontooyada, aroos walba marka la hooyona waxay ugu ducayn jireen wiil iyo caano. Waa tadcaar, dhan ay joogaanba, ay tolalka Soomaalidu ka siman yihiin, rajaduna waxay tahay in xilliga madax-dhaqameedka cusubi uu noqdo xilli uu tolkiis wada mahadiyo, taladiisana ay ku wada liibaanaan. Caanihii kolkii lagu shubay, sacabka iyo orkuna ay toggii gilgileen ayaa waxaa Garaadkii loo kaxeeyey aqal-Soomaali goobta horay looga dhisay, si uu dharka caanaha leh isaga soo beddalo. Waxaa la ii sheegay aqalkaba in loo dhisay ujeeddadaas oo keliya! Wax yar ka dibna halkii loogu talo-galay ayuu ku soo noqday, isaga oo qaba dhar hidde oo cusub, kii saaka uu ku soo shirayna aan ahayn. Haddana waxaa, isaga oo dharkii hiddaha xiran, isna dhinaciisa fariistay Cali Khaliif oo, in kastoo ay ka horba caddayd, ay maantaasna sii caddaatay inuu boqor-tiirshe yahay. Dabadeed, waxaa bilawday qaar ka mid ah madax-dhaqameedyada kale ee tolka martida loo yahay khudbadihii ay ku soo dhoweynayeen Garaadka cusub. Sidoo kale, ergooyinkii la casuumay raggii hoggaaminaayey ayaa iyagana loogu yeeray inay goobta erayo ka jeediyaan. Taana way yeeleen; iyaga oo marna Garaadka u hanbalyaynaya, marna talooyin siinaaya. Haddiiba madashii ayaa waxay xasishay markii ay khudbaduhu bilawdeen, qof walibana waxa uu u dheg-taagayey hebel oo reer-hebel ka socdaayi waxa uu oran doono. * * * Ugu dambaystii, waxaa mikrafoonka lagu soo dhoweeyey Garaad Jaamac Garaad Cali oo daqiiqado ka hor la caleemo-saaray. Waa madax-dhaqameed Soomaaliyeed oo la boqro kii u dambeeyey, malahaygana waa kii ugu da’ yaraa. Waa 34-jir! Wuxuu yeelay aabbihiis iyo awowgiis wax aanay yeelin waagii la caleemo-saarayey: waraaq dheer oo wixii uu oran lahaa ay ugu qoran yihiin ayuu jeebka kala soo baxay! Sidii madaxweyne la dhaariyey oo siyaasadihiisa mustaqbalka qeexaya ayuu daaha ka qaaday waxa uu ka damacsan yahay maamulka tolka boqraday, sida ay la tahay in tolalka ay deriska yihiin loola dhaqmo, xoojinta nabadda iyo, guud ahaan, arrimaha horumarka bulshadiisa ku saabsan. Dhinaca kale, wuxuu si tiiraanyo ka muuqato kaga hadlay siyaasadda murugsan ee Soomaaliyeed. Ballan ayuu ku qaaday, intii karaankiis ah, inuu ku dedaali doono sidii ay Jamhuuriyaddu uga soo kaban lahayd qaran-jabka ku dhacay iyo sidii ay midnimadeedii ku soo ceshan lahayd. Sacab aan kala-joogsi lahayn ayaa u dhacay markii uu sheegay in, timaaddada, uu magaalada Laascaanood ku shirin doono dhammaan madax-dhaqameedyada Soomaalida. Wuxuu ahaa go’aan loogu wada bogey iyo tallaabo ragga dhiggiis ahi aanay weligood ku dhaqaaqin, kuna fekerin. Garaadka cusubi ma uu illoobin inuu madax u noqday, siyaasad ahaan, degaan iyo dad kala qaybsan. Iskama uu dhego-tirin in loo shuumay gobol ay laba maamul isku haystaan oo mid waliba sheeganaayo inuu isaga ka mid yahay. Taas isaga oo dareensan, ogna in mawqifkiisa la male’awaalayo ayuu af buuxa ku sheegay Gobolka Sool iyo Buuhoodle inay qayb ka yihiin maamulka ay Garoowe xarunta u tahay ee ‘Puntland' loo yaqaan. Waxaa hubaal ah inuu hadalkaasi farax-geliyey jeneraalka maamulkaas madaxda ka ah iyo ergadii xoogganayd ee dabbaaldegga iyo caleemo-saarka kala soo qayb-gashay. Sidoo kale, waxaa iyaduna hubaal ah inuu kaga caraysiiyey rag iyaguna maantaas togga wax ka joogey oo isla Sool iyo Hawd u dhashay, ha yeeshee u xagliya dhinaca Hargeysa ama maamulka ka jira hay’adihiisa ka tirsan. Gebaggabadii khudbaddiisa wuxuu Garaadku si la wada jeclaystay uga soo dhalaalay hawlihii loo caleemo-saaray middood. Wuu duceeyey. ‘Aammiinta’ ayaa isu baxday markii uu u duceeyey tolka boqraday iyo markii uu Soomaalida dhammaanba u rajeeyey inay degdeg u yeelato dawlad midaysa oo cadawga ka rawda, danaheedana u kacda. Iyada oo isaga loo wada ducaynayo ayaa barqo dambe toggii laga dareeray, qof walibana uu ku noqday halkii uu magaalada ka degganaa. * * * Duhurkii mar ay tahay oo qado munaasabadda loogu talo-galay la sugaayo ayaa nin i garab-fadhiyey wuxuu igala sheekaystay habkii ay saaka wax u dhaceen. Sidii baaxadda lahayd ee looga soo qayb-galay ayaannu la yaabnay. Waxaannu isla helnay tan oo kale in aan weli loo soo joogin, taariikhda Soomaalidana aan lagu werin intaas oo dad ahi madax-dhaqameed ay caleemo-saarkiisa u soo sodcaashay. Sidoo kale, waxaan isku raacnay inay ahayd xaflad si qurux badan loo soo abaabuley, Ugu dambaystiina, Eebbe ayaannu uga mahad-naqnay shil la’aantii ay ku dhammaatay. Annaga oo markaas qadadii ka faro-xalannay ayuu ninkii wuxuu mar kale igu soo celiyey togga Geedo-qarsey wixii saaka ka dhacay. Mooggan waxaannu faallaynay khudbadihii ay madaxda ergooyinku soo jeediyeen, annaga oo hebello u bogeyna, hebello kalena aan darraabayno. In yar haddaannu kala aamusnayn ayuu igu soo tuuray su’aal ahayd: “See kula ahayd khudbaddii Garaadku?â€. Aniga oo aan meel fogba ka doonin ayaan ugu jawaabey: “Aad bay iila wacnaydâ€. Markaas buu yiri: “Anigaba, guud ahaan, way ila fiicnayd, waxaase la rabey arrimaha siyaasadda inaanu soo qaadin, kana fogaado!â€. Waxaan iri: “Oo sababtuna maxay tahay?â€. Wuxuu yiri: “Marba haddii uu Garaad yahay, dadka uu u arrimiyaana ay kala qaybsan yihiin, waxaa habboon intuu siyaasadda faraha ka qaado inuu ku ekaado arrimaha dhaqankaâ€. “Maxaad u diri lahayd?†ayaan weyddiiyey. “Wixii guurtida iyo odayaasha tolku ay soo gooyaan inuu u guddoomiyo, kuna duceeyo†ayuu si fudud ugu jawaabey! Halkaas bay sheekadaasi nooga go’day, waxaase daymo u baahan waayadan dambe sababta hawsha madax-dhaqameedyada loogu koobay inay ku duceeyaan uun go’aanno hortii hore aanay wax ka ogeyn, odayo kalena ay soo gooyeen. Ninkii aannu qadada ku sheekaysannay iyo inta la da’da ahiba waa gartood. Waxay ku indho-dillaacsadeen madax-dhaqameedyadii Soomaaliya oo si tartiib-tartiib ah awoodihii ay lahaayeen looga xayuubinaayo. Waxay soo arkeen xukuumadihii dalka soo maray oo madax-dhaqameedkii tolka aan wax maamuus ah u haynin, iyaga iyo dadkii ay u talin jireenna la simay. Waxay ku barbaareen magacyadii ahaa Garaad, Boqor, Suldaan, Imaam iyo kuwii la midka ahaa iyada oo buugga dawladda laga tirtiray, odayada intoodii laga xishoodayna nabaddoonno loo bixiyey! Sidoo kale, ninkaas iyo inta la da’da ahiba waxay u soo joogeen xilligan qaran-jabka dagaal-oogeyaasha soo baxay oo madax-dhaqameedkii si foolxun awooddii ugala wareegey, waxbana aan u hanbayn, welibana si xil leh u xurmo-tiray. Intaas oo idili in kastoo ay run tahay, haddana gar ka dhigi mayso madax-dhaqameedyada Soomaalidu inay sidaas ku ahaadan! Kaalintii ay lahaan jireen ee laga duudsiyey ayaa maanta dhab ugu bannaan. Weliba xilligan waxay u badan yihiin rag dhallinyaro ah oo, sida Garaad Jaamac, dugsiyo sare ama jaamacado ka soo aflaxay. Waa rag, iyaga oo da’ yar, odayadii dhalay xilkoodii dhaxlay, aqoontooduna ay ka gun weyn tahay wax-ka-qabashada arrimaha tolka oo keliya. Si fiican ayay ugu dhug leeyihiin waxa dunida ka jira, gaar ahaanna qaran-jabka dawladdoodii ku dhacay iyo damaca dhuleed ee Itoobiya ay Soomaaliya ka leedahay. Waxa ay wax u og yihiin siyaasi-u-yaallada muddaba la inagu qasbaayey iyo dagaal-oogaha Soomaaliyeed si aanay wax u ogeyn. Sidaas darteed, waxay si wacan u garan karaan, wadajir in wax loo wada qabsado mooyee, Soomaalida tol waliba inaanu keligiis danihiisa u maarayn karin. Haddaba, mar haddii siyaasigii daacadda ahaa uu gabaabsi inagu noqday, mar haddii gabbalkii dagaal-ooguhu uu haatan dam yahay, lagana aammin-baxay, mar haddii haadaan dheer ay dalkii iyo dadkii ku sii hoobanayaan; maxaa madax-dhaqameedyada ka hor-taagan iyaga oo wadajira inay ummadda bedbaadiyaan? Maxaa u diidaya inay, si buuxda, siyaasadda u soo dhex-galaan, dabadeedna intay qarannimadii soo celiyaan ay wax ka dhisaan dawlad tolalka oo idili ay hooskeeda harsadaan, intii uu tol waliba keligiis dhinac ugu bixi lahaa?! Bal, waa yaabe, yaa xilkaas uga toobboon? Jawaabtaydu waa cidna. Waaba dhallinyaree, maxaa kartida iyo aqoonta ay leeyihiin loogu gaaggixinayaa? Hawshooda maxaa loogu koobayaa maaraynta arrimaha qolyaha ay u boqran yihiin iyo shirarkooda inay ka duceeyaan oo keliya? * * * Midda kale, sidee loogu dhiirradaa in Garaad Jaamac oo kale loo sheego inuu siyaasadda ka fogaado? Bal dheeho taariikhda qoyskooda oo kooban: Garaad Cali oo ahaa awoowgiisii labaadi sow siyaasi ma ahayn, siyaasad awgeedna uma dhiman, ka dib dabayaaqadii qarnigii 19d markii ay arrimaha degaanka Sayid Maxamad isku maan-dhaafeen, sidaasna lagu xujeeyey? Awowgiis Garaad Jaamac sow siyaasad awgeed, horraankii qarnigii 20d, muddo dheer Bari qaxooti kuma joogin? Gadaalkii markii uu Nugaal ku soo noqdayna, sow siyasad ma ahayn wixii uu u diidey inuu la kulmo madaxdii maamulka Ingiriiska ee degaankiisa xoogga ku qabsaday, jabkii Daraawiisheed ka dib? Aabbihiis Garaad Cali, isaga oo Garaad ah, sow siyaasina ma ahayn? Sow baarlamaankii hore ee Soomaaliya xubin iyo xildhibaanba kama soo noqon? Sow xukuumadihii lixdannadiina wasiir kama soo ahaan jirin? Mar kalena sow siyaasad ma ahayn siddeetannadii qarnigii 20d wixii geyeysiiyey meelo Yurub ka tirsan iyo dalalka Carabtaba inuu dhawr sano qaxooti ku ahaado? Ugu dambaystii, Garaad Jaamac Garaad Cali aan mar kale qoraalkan ugu hanbalyeeyo, kuna tirtirsiiyo inuu ka dhabeeyo ballan-qaadkiisii ahaa inuu shirin doono madax-dhaqameedyada Soomaaliyeed; taas oo laga yaabo inay innaga baajiso kala-fogaansho hor leh iyo burbur laxaw badan oo midkan aynu ku sugan nahay ka qoob culus, xilliga uu dhammaan karona Eebbe keliyihi uu suurayn karo! Juun, 2006 Birmingham, England

Slaams bro Nur, Can you site the sources brother. Of the above "facts" I am only aware of one-- this does not mean that my ignorance significies that the above mentions zalaat aren't in existence.

"but few aqeedah issue remained unreseolved that are different than the mainstream, yet, he was one of the most valuable scholars of Islam! Bro Nur, may you kindly mention which tenets of Ahlu Sunna Aqeedah he did not give credence to. Thanks.

Does she have a Somali blood?

Shaleemo with your girl? Are you sure you are in Mogadishu?

Salamu Alaikum, May I first thank your for your service to enlighten our brothers and sisters. I can't read the above text; I am using bloomberg terminal and everything is hazy, however, I know that having read most of his books (mind you under the supervision of strict Salafiyiin)he was indeed Ahlu Sunnah Waljamaca. May be my memory fails me. Albani was much influenced by Shawkani-- the contemporary infavour of Madhab was consilidated by Shawkani.

Imam Shawkaani, was not a Zaydi by Aqeedah; his family was.

Hablihii 300 ee geela laga bixin jirey ma sidan ayaa udanbeysey?

I a met yesterday a heavyweight within the Somali political arena. This chap has just returned from Mogadishu. What he has reported in terms of the mix of Qabiils within the Islamic forces is at odds with Samatar's observation. Yes there are certain clans are prominant, but most of the commanders of the forces don't hail from Mogadishu and it's environs. Another poin altogether diff, is that this chap made the observation that WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE DILEMA was present within the hearts and minds of the leadership. These are interesting times, if the ICU gets the direction it desperately needs (although some elements within it might forcefully resist any change; these are those who don't give credence to that famouse adage "politics is the art of the possible") then they will have undeniable influence in the shaping of our collective destiny.

Modesty! point well made walaashiis.

WHY SOMALIA IS NO TERRITORY FOR ISLAMIC TERRORISTS By: Prof. Said S. Samatar Rutgers University August 16, 2006 The recent dramatic rout of the U.S backed warlords in the Somali capital of Mogadishu by militias loyal to the so-called Islamic Courts Union(ICU) and the latter’s rapid ensuing expansion into much of southern Somalia has caught the world by surprise. Thus, the Islamists’ sudden rise as a force in the land to reckon with has prompted U.S. “concerns†that, as President Bush declared, Somalia might become “a haven for terrorists.†This is highly unlikely. In fact I’d defy Murphy’s Law to argue that Somalia will never be a breeding ground for Islamic terrorism. Here is why: the Somali polity is shaped, to an extraordinary degree, by a central principle that overrides all others, namely the phenomenon that social anthropologists refer to as the “segmentary lineage system.†Stripped of the scientific razzle-dazzle with which it is often presented, segmentation, to paraphrase an Arab Bedouin saying, may be expressed thus: “my uterine brother and I against my half brother, my brother and I against my father, my father’s household against my uncle’s household, our two households(my father’s and uncle’s) against the rest of the immediate kin, the immediate kin against non-immediate members of my clan, my clan against others and, finally, my nation and I against the world." Segmentation, that is, is a chaotic non-system that divides Somali society into unstable warring segments and that pits practically all levels of the Somali body politic, including the religious level, against one another, thereby enshrining institutional instability as a norm. Thus, segmentation stands as the root cause of the reason the Somalis have repeatedly failed to form a centralized national government for over fifteen years now, despite much strenuous trying, principally because the underlying social fabric of the Somalis militates against centralization but, ineluctably, predisposes them into being extremely individualistic, anarchic and egalitarian with a marked tendency to endless schisms. Furthermore, the recent political history of Somalia has shown that among Somalis ethnic loyalty easily trumps loyalty to Islam, making it all but impossible for a Somali religious figure to command the absolute allegiance of his followers—if indeed he manages to muster any followers at all—or to rise to the level of reputed piety and spiritual sanctity as to make his word a law unto others, as is the case with al-Qaeda and other Islamic jihadists elsewhere. Consider, for example, the structure of the ICU: it is a rickety amalgam of kinship factions rather a single unified Islamic organization, composed of at least eleven separate squabbling groups, nearly each of which represents a different ethnic entity. Hence Sheikh Shariff Ahmed, until recently the figurehead chairman of the ICU, is alleged to represent an ****** sub-lineage court. Similarly, Sheikh Hassan Daahir Aways, an ex-army officer, known for his exploits in the now defunct Somali military, is said to be the real power behind the movement because his ‘Ayr sub-lineage constitutes the bulk of the fighting force of the ICU. Now that he has been officially elected as the boss of the Shuura, or Majlis (ICU’s council of notables), he is manifestly more equal than the rest. Further, the ‘Ayr lineage controls the greater part of southern Somalia from Mogadishu to Merka to Baraawe to Kismayu, practically all the way to the Kenya border. Which explains the strong suspicion among Somalis that Abdiqaasim Salad, president of the last failed Transitional National Government(TNG) before the present one, who is an ‘Ayr, is the Godfather of the ICU. (Here at the risk of committing a breach of scholastic etiquette, it may do to interject a personal note. The BBC World News TV recently did--at the kind suggestion of my good friend, Emeritus Professor I. M. Lewis of the London School of Economics and Political Science [LSE]--a couple of interviews with me on the Somali muddle. In the first, possibly because I was so complimentary of the ICU, I was featured in a prominent spot in the aired segment; in the second, I offered rather unfavorable opinions of the ICU, whence I was duly zapped out of the segment! Gossip later reported to me that a very influential Somali at the BBC, especially where Somalia news is concerned, took exception to my second-round critical remarks. If this is true, it is a remarkable circumstance that the BBC, ostensibly the most prestigious news organization in the world, because of its world famous reputation for objective reporting and unbiased news analysis even under fire; the BBC that Winston Churchill once denounced as the “enemy within,†because of its steady unprejudiced news coverage as between Britain--its own country struggling for its very survival--and the German enemy—this very BBC succumbed, unwittingly, to censoring me on account of a Somali influence. Hurray! Two cheers for us Somalis; in our own perverse way, we have once again shown ourselves to be a race of born Machiavellians, having pulled off the virtuoso feat of seducing the reputedly un-seducible BBC, and thus succeeding brilliantly where the great Churchill failed!) More than this, the open secret among Somalis has it that in addition to the ****** and ‘Ayr courts, there is a Murursade court, a Shiikhaal (Shiikhaas) court, a Hawaadle court and, potentially even a ******** court, in view of the fact that, in the fiendishly murky Somali clan politics, where the Hawaadle go, so do the ********. In short, the Islamic courts Union is neither truly Islamic, nor courts, nor a union but a fragile coalition of clans wrapping themselves in an Islamic flag in order to make themselves appear respectable to the international community. And of course to give the U.S. a fright! That they won so easily against the warlords is less indicative of the greatness of their strength and more the lack of support in the Somali populace for the hated warlord thugs. Curiously, the segmentary law makes success lethal to any Somali group that rises to power and prominence because it works in both centripetal and centrifugal ways. The segments, that is, unify as easily against an interfering foreign force as they splinter when left alone. This is the lesson that recent Somali experience teaches. When the U.S. and other forces of the international community intervened to save Somalia in Operation Restore Hope in the early 1990s, the U.S. appeared to Somalis to be the new Big Boy on the block. Predictably, the segments banded together behind the late Gen. M. F. Aydiid against America. The result was the disastrous U.S. military reversal on bloody Sunday, October 3, 1993. And when Aydiid in his turn appeared to be the next Big Boy, warlords Muuse Suudi Yalahaw, Muhammad F. Qanyare and others banded together against him. He was duly fatally wounded. Then when in January, 2000, Mr. Abdiqaasim Salad became president of the TNG (Transitional National Government) before the current TFG (Transitional Federal Government) in the ‘Arta process in Djibouti, Yalahaw, Qanyare and others brought him down. And now the president of the current TFG, Mr. Abdullahi Yusuf, is two years into his term trying to placate opposing factions of his own government. His decrepit outfit becomes, even as I write this, more and more weakened by the day through wholesale desertions and resignations. Would-be foreign force deployed to Somalia in future, take note. Accordingly, as the strength and influence of the ICU expand, the segmentary law is certain to sabotage them by inspiring a counter-coalition of clans to form against them. Conversely, any intrusion, for the time being, of a foreign force into Somalia against the ICU would only serve to legitimize them as a nationalist movement and thus galvanize patriotic fervor of support for them from the Somali mass. On this point, the alleged massing of Ethiopian troops on the Ethio-Somali border to bolster the beleaguered Mr. Yusuf’s TFG in the temporary capital of Baidoa would particularly be tragically counter-productive; for such an Ethiopian move would surely strengthen the hand of the ICU and possibly unleash a general conflagration in the region. On the other hand absent a foreign intervention, the ICU despite its current success, is in the long run likely to turn out to be a Somali version of “an old wine in a new bottle.†Meantime, a piece of unbidden advice to the U.S.: “Don’t worry, Be happy;†you have nothing to fear from the plague of Islamic terrorism from Somali quarters; for you have a formidable ally in Somali lineage segmentation working for you more effectively than any amount of money that CIA screwball personalities can squander on useless warlords. By:Prof. Said S. Samatar Rutgers University We welcome the submission

WATCHING LEBANON Washington’s interests in Israel’s war. by SEYMOUR M. HERSH Issue of 2006-08-21 Posted 2006-08-14 In the days after Hezbollah crossed from Lebanon into Israel, on July 12th, to kidnap two soldiers, triggering an Israeli air attack on Lebanon and a full-scale war, the Bush Administration seemed strangely passive. “It’s a moment of clarification,†President George W. Bush said at the G-8 summit, in St. Petersburg, on July 16th. “It’s now become clear why we don’t have peace in the Middle East.†He described the relationship between Hezbollah and its supporters in Iran and Syria as one of the “root causes of instability,†and subsequently said that it was up to those countries to end the crisis. Two days later, despite calls from several governments for the United States to take the lead in negotiations to end the fighting, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said that a ceasefire should be put off until “the conditions are conducive.†The Bush Administration, however, was closely involved in the planning of Israel’s retaliatory attacks. President Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney were convinced, current and former intelligence and diplomatic officials told me, that a successful Israeli Air Force bombing campaign against Hezbollah’s heavily fortified underground-missile and command-and-control complexes in Lebanon could ease Israel’s security concerns and also serve as a prelude to a potential American preëmptive attack to destroy Iran’s nuclear installations, some of which are also buried deep underground. Israeli military and intelligence experts I spoke to emphasized that the country’s immediate security issues were reason enough to confront Hezbollah, regardless of what the Bush Administration wanted. Shabtai Shavit, a national-security adviser to the Knesset who headed the Mossad, Israel’s foreign-intelligence service, from 1989 to 1996, told me, “We do what we think is best for us, and if it happens to meet America’s requirements, that’s just part of a relationship between two friends. Hezbollah is armed to the teeth and trained in the most advanced technology of guerrilla warfare. It was just a matter of time. We had to address it.†Hezbollah is seen by Israelis as a profound threat—a terrorist organization, operating on their border, with a military arsenal that, with help from Iran and Syria, has grown stronger since the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon ended, in 2000. Hezbollah’s leader, Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah, has said he does not believe that Israel is a “legal state.†Israeli intelligence estimated at the outset of the air war that Hezbollah had roughly five hundred medium-range Fajr-3 and Fajr-5 rockets and a few dozen long-range Zelzal rockets; the Zelzals, with a range of about two hundred kilometres, could reach Tel Aviv. (One rocket hit Haifa the day after the kidnappings.) It also has more than twelve thousand shorter-range rockets. Since the conflict began, more than three thousand of these have been fired at Israel. According to a Middle East expert with knowledge of the current thinking of both the Israeli and the U.S. governments, Israel had devised a plan for attacking Hezbollah—and shared it with Bush Administration officials—well before the July 12th kidnappings. “It’s not that the Israelis had a trap that Hezbollah walked into,†he said, “but there was a strong feeling in the White House that sooner or later the Israelis were going to do it.†The Middle East expert said that the Administration had several reasons for supporting the Israeli bombing campaign. Within the State Department, it was seen as a way to strengthen the Lebanese government so that it could assert its authority over the south of the country, much of which is controlled by Hezbollah. He went on, “The White House was more focussed on stripping Hezbollah of its missiles, because, if there was to be a military option against Iran’s nuclear facilities, it had to get rid of the weapons that Hezbollah could use in a potential retaliation at Israel. Bush wanted both. Bush was going after Iran, as part of the Axis of Evil, and its nuclear sites, and he was interested in going after Hezbollah as part of his interest in democratization, with Lebanon as one of the crown jewels of Middle East democracy.†Administration officials denied that they knew of Israel’s plan for the air war. The White House did not respond to a detailed list of questions. In response to a separate request, a National Security Council spokesman said, “Prior to Hezbollah’s attack on Israel, the Israeli government gave no official in Washington any reason to believe that Israel was planning to attack. Even after the July 12th attack, we did not know what the Israeli plans were.†A Pentagon spokesman said, “The United States government remains committed to a diplomatic solution to the problem of Iran’s clandestine nuclear weapons program,†and denied the story, as did a State Department spokesman. The United States and Israel have shared intelligence and enjoyed close military coöperation for decades, but early this spring, according to a former senior intelligence official, high-level planners from the U.S. Air Force—under pressure from the White House to develop a war plan for a decisive strike against Iran’s nuclear facilities—began consulting with their counterparts in the Israeli Air Force. “The big question for our Air Force was how to hit a series of hard targets in Iran successfully,†the former senior intelligence official said. “Who is the closest ally of the U.S. Air Force in its planning? It’s not Congo—it’s Israel. Everybody knows that Iranian engineers have been advising Hezbollah on tunnels and underground gun emplacements. And so the Air Force went to the Israelis with some new tactics and said to them, ‘Let’s concentrate on the bombing and share what we have on Iran and what you have on Lebanon.’ †The discussions reached the Joint Chiefs of Staff and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, he said. “The Israelis told us it would be a cheap war with many benefits,†a U.S. government consultant with close ties to Israel said. “Why oppose it? We’ll be able to hunt down and bomb missiles, tunnels, and bunkers from the air. It would be a demo for Iran.†A Pentagon consultant said that the Bush White House “has been agitating for some time to find a reason for a preëmptive blow against Hezbollah.†He added, “It was our intent to have Hezbollah diminished, and now we have someone else doing it.†(As this article went to press, the United Nations Security Council passed a ceasefire resolution, although it was unclear if it would change the situation on the ground.) According to Richard Armitage, who served as Deputy Secretary of State in Bush’s first term—and who, in 2002, said that Hezbollah “may be the A team of terroristsâ€â€”Israel’s campaign in Lebanon, which has faced unexpected difficulties and widespread criticism, may, in the end, serve as a warning to the White House about Iran. “If the most dominant military force in the region—the Israel Defense Forces—can’t pacify a country like Lebanon, with a population of four million, you should think carefully about taking that template to Iran, with strategic depth and a population of seventy million,†Armitage said. “The only thing that the bombing has achieved so far is to unite the population against the Israelis.†Several current and former officials involved in the Middle East told me that Israel viewed the soldiers’ kidnapping as the opportune moment to begin its planned military campaign against Hezbollah. “Hezbollah, like clockwork, was instigating something small every month or two,†the U.S. government consultant with ties to Israel said. Two weeks earlier, in late June, members of Hamas, the Palestinian group, had tunnelled under the barrier separating southern Gaza from Israel and captured an Israeli soldier. Hamas also had lobbed a series of rockets at Israeli towns near the border with Gaza. In response, Israel had initiated an extensive bombing campaign and reoccupied parts of Gaza. The Pentagon consultant noted that there had also been cross-border incidents involving Israel and Hezbollah, in both directions, for some time. “They’ve been sniping at each other,†he said. “Either side could have pointed to some incident and said ‘We have to go to war with these guys’—because they were already at war.†David Siegel, the spokesman at the Israeli Embassy in Washington, said that the Israeli Air Force had not been seeking a reason to attack Hezbollah. “We did not plan the campaign. That decision was forced on us.†There were ongoing alerts that Hezbollah “was pressing to go on the attack,†Siegel said. “Hezbollah attacks every two or three months,†but the kidnapping of the soldiers raised the stakes. In interviews, several Israeli academics, journalists, and retired military and intelligence officers all made one point: they believed that the Israeli leadership, and not Washington, had decided that it would go to war with Hezbollah. Opinion polls showed that a broad spectrum of Israelis supported that choice. “The neocons in Washington may be happy, but Israel did not need to be pushed, because Israel has been wanting to get rid of Hezbollah,†Yossi Melman, a journalist for the newspaper Ha’aretz, who has written several books about the Israeli intelligence community, said. “By provoking Israel, Hezbollah provided that opportunity.†“We were facing a dilemma,†an Israeli official said. Prime Minister Ehud Olmert “had to decide whether to go for a local response, which we always do, or for a comprehensive response—to really take on Hezbollah once and for all.†Olmert made his decision, the official said, only after a series of Israeli rescue efforts failed. The U.S. government consultant with close ties to Israel told me, however, that, from Israel’s perspective, the decision to take strong action had become inevitable weeks earlier, after the Israeli Army’s signals intelligence group, known as Unit 8200, picked up bellicose intercepts in late spring and early summer, involving Hamas, Hezbollah, and Khaled Meshal, the Hamas leader now living in Damascus. One intercept was of a meeting in late May of the Hamas political and military leadership, with Meshal participating by telephone. “Hamas believed the call from Damascus was scrambled, but Israel had broken the code,†the consultant said. For almost a year before its victory in the Palestinian elections in January, Hamas had curtailed its terrorist activities. In the late May intercepted conversation, the consultant told me, the Hamas leadership said that “they got no benefit from it, and were losing standing among the Palestinian population.†The conclusion, he said, was “ ‘Let’s go back into the terror business and then try and wrestle concessions from the Israeli government.’ †The consultant told me that the U.S. and Israel agreed that if the Hamas leadership did so, and if Nasrallah backed them up, there should be “a full-scale response.†In the next several weeks, when Hamas began digging the tunnel into Israel, the consultant said, Unit 8200 “picked up signals intelligence involving Hamas, Syria, and Hezbollah, saying, in essence, that they wanted Hezbollah to ‘warm up’ the north.†In one intercept, the consultant said, Nasrallah referred to Olmert and Defense Minister Amir Peretz “as seeming to be weak,†in comparison with the former Prime Ministers Ariel Sharon and Ehud Barak, who had extensive military experience, and said “he thought Israel would respond in a small-scale, local way, as they had in the past.†Earlier this summer, before the Hezbollah kidnappings, the U.S. government consultant said, several Israeli officials visited Washington, separately, “to get a green light for the bombing operation and to find out how much the United States would bear.†The consultant added, “Israel began with Cheney. It wanted to be sure that it had his support and the support of his office and the Middle East desk of the National Security Council.†After that, “persuading Bush was never a problem, and Condi Rice was on board,†the consultant said. The initial plan, as outlined by the Israelis, called for a major bombing campaign in response to the next Hezbollah provocation, according to the Middle East expert with knowledge of U.S. and Israeli thinking. Israel believed that, by targeting Lebanon’s infrastructure, including highways, fuel depots, and even the civilian runways at the main Beirut airport, it could persuade Lebanon’s large Christian and Sunni populations to turn against Hezbollah, according to the former senior intelligence official. The airport, highways, and bridges, among other things, have been hit in the bombing campaign. The Israeli Air Force had flown almost nine thousand missions as of last week. (David Siegel, the Israeli spokesman, said that Israel had targeted only sites connected to Hezbollah; the bombing of bridges and roads was meant to prevent the transport of weapons.) The Israeli plan, according to the former senior intelligence official, was “the mirror image of what the United States has been planning for Iran.†(The initial U.S. Air Force proposals for an air attack to destroy Iran’s nuclear capacity, which included the option of intense bombing of civilian infrastructure targets inside Iran, have been resisted by the top leadership of the Army, the Navy, and the Marine Corps, according to current and former officials. They argue that the Air Force plan will not work and will inevitably lead, as in the Israeli war with Hezbollah, to the insertion of troops on the ground.) Uzi Arad, who served for more than two decades in the Mossad, told me that to the best of his knowledge the contacts between the Israeli and U.S. governments were routine, and that, “in all my meetings and conversations with government officials, never once did I hear anyone refer to prior coördination with the United States.†He was troubled by one issue—the speed with which the Olmert government went to war. “For the life of me, I’ve never seen a decision to go to war taken so speedily,†he said. “We usually go through long analyses.†The key military planner was Lieutenant General Dan Halutz, the I.D.F. chief of staff, who, during a career in the Israeli Air Force, worked on contingency planning for an air war with Iran. Olmert, a former mayor of Jerusalem, and Peretz, a former labor leader, could not match his experience and expertise. In the early discussions with American officials, I was told by the Middle East expert and the government consultant, the Israelis repeatedly pointed to the war in Kosovo as an example of what Israel would try to achieve. The NATO forces commanded by U.S. Army General Wesley Clark methodically bombed and strafed not only military targets but tunnels, bridges, and roads, in Kosovo and elsewhere in Serbia, for seventy-eight days before forcing Serbian forces to withdraw from Kosovo. “Israel studied the Kosovo war as its role model,†the government consultant said. “The Israelis told Condi Rice, ‘You did it in about seventy days, but we need half of that—thirty-five days.’ †There are, of course, vast differences between Lebanon and Kosovo. Clark, who retired from the military in 2000 and unsuccessfully ran as a Democrat for the Presidency in 2004, took issue with the analogy: “If it’s true that the Israeli campaign is based on the American approach in Kosovo, then it missed the point. Ours was to use force to obtain a diplomatic objective—it was not about killing people.†Clark noted in a 2001 book, “Waging Modern War,†that it was the threat of a possible ground invasion as well as the bombing that forced the Serbs to end the war. He told me, “In my experience, air campaigns have to be backed, ultimately, by the will and capability to finish the job on the ground.†Kosovo has been cited publicly by Israeli officials and journalists since the war began. On August 6th, Prime Minister Olmert, responding to European condemnation of the deaths of Lebanese civilians, said, “Where do they get the right to preach to Israel? European countries attacked Kosovo and killed ten thousand civilians. Ten thousand! And none of these countries had to suffer before that from a single rocket. I’m not saying it was wrong to intervene in Kosovo. But please: don’t preach to us about the treatment of civilians.†(Human Rights Watch estimated the number of civilians killed in the NATO bombing to be five hundred; the Yugoslav government put the number between twelve hundred and five thousand.) Cheney’s office supported the Israeli plan, as did Elliott Abrams, a deputy national-security adviser, according to several former and current officials. (A spokesman for the N.S.C. denied that Abrams had done so.) They believed that Israel should move quickly in its air war against Hezbollah. A former intelligence officer said, “We told Israel, ‘Look, if you guys have to go, we’re behind you all the way. But we think it should be sooner rather than later—the longer you wait, the less time we have to evaluate and plan for Iran before Bush gets out of office.’ †Cheney’s point, the former senior intelligence official said, was “What if the Israelis execute their part of this first, and it’s really successful? It’d be great. We can learn what to do in Iran by watching what the Israelis do in Lebanon.†The Pentagon consultant told me that intelligence about Hezbollah and Iran is being mishandled by the White House the same way intelligence had been when, in 2002 and early 2003, the Administration was making the case that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. “The big complaint now in the intelligence community is that all of the important stuff is being sent directly to the top—at the insistence of the White House—and not being analyzed at all, or scarcely,†he said. “It’s an awful policy and violates all of the N.S.A.’s strictures, and if you complain about it you’re out,†he said. “Cheney had a strong hand in this.†The long-term Administration goal was to help set up a Sunni Arab coalition—including countries like Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Egypt—that would join the United States and Europe to pressure the ruling Shiite mullahs in Iran. “But the thought behind that plan was that Israel would defeat Hezbollah, not lose to it,†the consultant with close ties to Israel said. Some officials in Cheney’s office and at the N.S.C. had become convinced, on the basis of private talks, that those nations would moderate their public criticism of Israel and blame Hezbollah for creating the crisis that led to war. Although they did so at first, they shifted their position in the wake of public protests in their countries about the Israeli bombing. The White House was clearly disappointed when, late last month, Prince Saud al-Faisal, the Saudi foreign minister, came to Washington and, at a meeting with Bush, called for the President to intervene immediately to end the war. The Washington Post reported that Washington had hoped to enlist moderate Arab states “in an effort to pressure Syria and Iran to rein in Hezbollah, but the Saudi move . . . seemed to cloud that initiative.†The surprising strength of Hezbollah’s resistance, and its continuing ability to fire rockets into northern Israel in the face of the constant Israeli bombing, the Middle East expert told me, “is a massive setback for those in the White House who want to use force in Iran. And those who argue that the bombing will create internal dissent and revolt in Iran are also set back.†Nonetheless, some officers serving with the Joint Chiefs of Staff remain deeply concerned that the Administration will have a far more positive assessment of the air campaign than they should, the former senior intelligence official said. “There is no way that Rumsfeld and Cheney will draw the right conclusion about this,†he said. “When the smoke clears, they’ll say it was a success, and they’ll draw reinforcement for their plan to attack Iran.†In the White House, especially in the Vice-President’s office, many officials believe that the military campaign against Hezbollah is working and should be carried forward. At the same time, the government consultant said, some policymakers in the Administration have concluded that the cost of the bombing to Lebanese society is too high. “They are telling Israel that it’s time to wind down the attacks on infrastructure.†Similar divisions are emerging in Israel. David Siegel, the Israeli spokesman, said that his country’s leadership believed, as of early August, that the air war had been successful, and had destroyed more than seventy per cent of Hezbollah’s medium- and long-range-missile launching capacity. “The problem is short-range missiles, without launchers, that can be shot from civilian areas and homes,†Siegel told me. “The only way to resolve this is ground operations—which is why Israel would be forced to expand ground operations if the latest round of diplomacy doesn’t work.†Last week, however, there was evidence that the Israeli government was troubled by the progress of the war. In an unusual move, Major General Moshe Kaplinsky, Halutz’s deputy, was put in charge of the operation, supplanting Major General Udi Adam. The worry in Israel is that Nasrallah might escalate the crisis by firing missiles at Tel Aviv. “There is a big debate over how much damage Israel should inflict to prevent it,†the consultant said. “If Nasrallah hits Tel Aviv, what should Israel do? Its goal is to deter more attacks by telling Nasrallah that it will destroy his country if he doesn’t stop, and to remind the Arab world that Israel can set it back twenty years. We’re no longer playing by the same rules.†A European intelligence officer told me, “The Israelis have been caught in a psychological trap. In earlier years, they had the belief that they could solve their problems with toughness. But now, with Islamic martyrdom, things have changed, and they need different answers. How do you scare people who love martyrdom?†The problem with trying to eliminate Hezbollah, the intelligence officer said, is the group’s ties to the Shiite population in southern Lebanon, the Bekaa Valley, and Beirut’s southern suburbs, where it operates schools, hospitals, a radio station, and various charities. A high-level American military planner told me, “We have a lot of vulnerability in the region, and we’ve talked about some of the effects of an Iranian or Hezbollah attack on the Saudi regime and on the oil infrastructure.†There is special concern inside the Pentagon, he added, about the oil-producing nations north of the Strait of Hormuz. “We have to anticipate the unintended consequences,†he told me. “Will we be able to absorb a barrel of oil at one hundred dollars? There is this almost comical thinking that you can do it all from the air, even when you’re up against an irregular enemy with a dug-in capability. You’re not going to be successful unless you have a ground presence, but the political leadership never considers the worst case. These guys only want to hear the best case.†There is evidence that the Iranians were expecting the war against Hezbollah. Vali Nasr, an expert on Shiite Muslims and Iran, who is a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and also teaches at the Naval Postgraduate School, in Monterey, California, said, “Every negative American move against Hezbollah was seen by Iran as part of a larger campaign against it. And Iran began to prepare for the showdown by supplying more sophisticated weapons to Hezbollah—anti-ship and anti-tank missiles—and training its fighters in their use. And now Hezbollah is testing Iran’s new weapons. Iran sees the Bush Administration as trying to marginalize its regional role, so it fomented trouble.†Nasr, an Iranian-American who recently published a study of the Sunni-Shiite divide, entitled “The Shia Revival,†also said that the Iranian leadership believes that Washington’s ultimate political goal is to get some international force to act as a buffer—to physically separate Syria and Lebanon in an effort to isolate and disarm Hezbollah, whose main supply route is through Syria. “Military action cannot bring about the desired political result,†Nasr said. The popularity of Iran’s President, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, a virulent critic of Israel, is greatest in his own country. If the U.S. were to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities, Nasr said, “you may end up turning Ahmadinejad into another Nasrallah—the rock star of the Arab street.†Donald Rumsfeld, who is one of the Bush Administration’s most outspoken, and powerful, officials, has said very little publicly about the crisis in Lebanon. His relative quiet, compared to his aggressive visibility in the run-up to the Iraq war, has prompted a debate in Washington about where he stands on the issue. Some current and former intelligence officials who were interviewed for this article believe that Rumsfeld disagrees with Bush and Cheney about the American role in the war between Israel and Hezbollah. The U.S. government consultant with close ties to Israel said that “there was a feeling that Rumsfeld was jaded in his approach to the Israeli war.†He added, “Air power and the use of a few Special Forces had worked in Afghanistan, and he tried to do it again in Iraq. It was the same idea, but it didn’t work. He thought that Hezbollah was too dug in and the Israeli attack plan would not work, and the last thing he wanted was another war on his shift that would put the American forces in Iraq in greater jeopardy.†A Western diplomat said that he understood that Rumsfeld did not know all the intricacies of the war plan. “He is angry and worried about his troops†in Iraq, the diplomat said. Rumsfeld served in the White House during the last year of the war in Vietnam, from which American troops withdrew in 1975, “and he did not want to see something like this having an impact in Iraq.†Rumsfeld’s concern, the diplomat added, was that an expansion of the war into Iran could put the American troops in Iraq at greater risk of attacks by pro-Iranian Shiite militias. At a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on August 3rd, Rumsfeld was less than enthusiastic about the war’s implications for the American troops in Iraq. Asked whether the Administration was mindful of the war’s impact on Iraq, he testified that, in his meetings with Bush and Condoleezza Rice, “there is a sensitivity to the desire to not have our country or our interests or our forces put at greater risk as a result of what’s taking place between Israel and Hezbollah. . . . There are a variety of risks that we face in that region, and it’s a difficult and delicate situation.†The Pentagon consultant dismissed talk of a split at the top of the Administration, however, and said simply, “Rummy is on the team. He’d love to see Hezbollah degraded, but he also is a voice for less bombing and more innovative Israeli ground operations.†The former senior intelligence official similarly depicted Rumsfeld as being “delighted that Israel is our stalking horse.†There are also questions about the status of Condoleezza Rice. Her initial support for the Israeli air war against Hezbollah has reportedly been tempered by dismay at the effects of the attacks on Lebanon. The Pentagon consultant said that in early August she began privately “agitating†inside the Administration for permission to begin direct diplomatic talks with Syria—so far, without much success. Last week, the Times reported that Rice had directed an Embassy official in Damascus to meet with the Syrian foreign minister, though the meeting apparently yielded no results. The Times also reported that Rice viewed herself as “trying to be not only a peacemaker abroad but also a mediator among contending parties†within the Administration. The article pointed to a divide between career diplomats in the State Department and “conservatives in the government,†including Cheney and Abrams, “who were pushing for strong American support for Israel.†The Western diplomat told me his embassy believes that Abrams has emerged as a key policymaker on Iran, and on the current Hezbollah-Israeli crisis, and that Rice’s role has been relatively diminished. Rice did not want to make her most recent diplomatic trip to the Middle East, the diplomat said. “She only wanted to go if she thought there was a real chance to get a ceasefire.†Bush’s strongest supporter in Europe continues to be British Prime Minister Tony Blair, but many in Blair’s own Foreign Office, as a former diplomat said, believe that he has “gone out on a particular limb on thisâ€â€”especially by accepting Bush’s refusal to seek an immediate and total ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. “Blair stands alone on this,†the former diplomat said. “He knows he’s a lame duck who’s on the way out, but he buys itâ€â€”the Bush policy. “He drinks the White House Kool-Aid as much as anybody in Washington.†The crisis will really start at the end of August, the diplomat added, “when the Iraniansâ€â€”under a United Nations deadline to stop uranium enrichment—“will say no.†Even those who continue to support Israel’s war against Hezbollah agree that it is failing to achieve one of its main goals—to rally the Lebanese against Hezbollah. “Strategic bombing has been a failed military concept for ninety years, and yet air forces all over the world keep on doing it,†John Arquilla, a defense analyst at the Naval Postgraduate School, told me. Arquilla has been campaigning for more than a decade, with growing success, to change the way America fights terrorism. “The warfare of today is not mass on mass,†he said. “You have to hunt like a network to defeat a network. Israel focussed on bombing against Hezbollah, and, when that did not work, it became more aggressive on the ground. The definition of insanity is continuing to do the same thing and expecting a different result.â€

MC; sorry old boy. The baby is a she.

Waxaan farxad inoo ah inaan kusoo dhaweyno aduunka gabadha aan adeerka u ahay (godfather) oo u dhalatay walaalkey Duke. Mabruuk, congrats saaxiib. Waxaan Rabi ka baryeynaa inay inoo ahaato gabadhii dalkeeda, diinteeda iyo dadkeedaba anfacda. Congratulations once again for your first new born baby. Mabruuk fil Mia!

Choices, Choices and More Choices! Isn't a life a bugger.

Sheeko Xariir!

The habitual bromidic of your polemics seem to fail short miserably of its intended purpose, which is to bewitch by what ought to have been resplendently colourful language; but it finds itself in it’s natural habitat—that is in the midst of plebeian convolution. Pray tell dear boy, isn’t that nocuous to your high seat? Genuinely old chap, I mustn’t stoop to a level of ignominy otherwise I will be taking leave from the same wretched hymn sheet which you have become accustomed to of late. I bid you a good day. Sophist PS: Qaar kayo, soomaliya iyo afkaan qalaadba si fiican ayey ugu caano maali karaan. Waa alaah Mahadii.

War Kobtani waxay noqotey xero gaalo raac malaha?

Hiding behind long winded sentences that in reality are nothing but a classically doddering will not get us anywhere. Name calling is emblematic of puerile intellectuality. Thusly, for all our sakes, let us not be scatological about matters that are all important to us.Somali Politics (the idea of taking the helm of the state for one’s own interest) is a game that those who engage in it seldom understand it's complexies-- mainly because they allow their sentimental bull to take them for a long ride. The matter is even worst when those of us who know little about the realities of real politik try to make sense of the insane world this mad cow operates in. Walaalayaal, Alaah halaga cabsado. Qof walba waxa uu leeyahay Ma’laik ayaa qoreysa.

Insha Allah Justice will prevail.

We missed you on Monday at the House of Commons my good friend. i will call you after work this evening to fill you in.

I am on page 67; so far it is good. I like the way he dealt with the infamous Ayaan Hersi. Rageh is a good broadcaster.