As much as I would like to opine my thoughts on this, it seems it would equate flocking a dead donkey- that would be a precious time wasted

I will opine on this Insha Allah when I have chance to listen Insha Allh.

Would her majesty's government peril her interest in the ME by recognising a dusty outpost in the horn? Does the America/Britain's interest in SL outweigh that of Egypt and Saudi Arabia? I think SL people are knocking the wrong doors here- they need to make their way to Cairo and Riyadh if they are serious about this goosasho! About the trip: According to well placed sources, Riyal's government was told that although her majestys government sympathises with the cause, it will not recognise this goosasho. Instead, her majesty's gov adviced the visitors to pursue two state federal system along the colonial boundaries!. Sophist

I was at the Chatam house. It was very entertaining qudbad!.

Islamic banks urged to show the way By John Aglionby in Jakarta Published: March 2 2009 18:35 | Last updated: March 2 2009 18:35 Muslim presidents, prime ministers and princes on Monday called on the world to adopt Islamic financial practices to overcome the global crisis and urged Islamic banks to undertake “missionary work” in the west to promote shariah banking. Almost every speaker at the opening of the fifth World Islamic Economic Forum (WIEF) in Jakarta lambasted the excesses of “irresponsible, unregulated western financial markets” for triggering the crisis, and touted shariah banking as a framework for a more stable global financial system. But while Islamic banking could play a useful role, it would not be a “silver bullet” for the crisis. Bankers at the conference said greater standardisation of structures, improved transparency and more innovative products were needed for the industry to develop. Islamic financial institutions do not pay interest and require transactions to be backed by real assets. Their assets comprise only a few per cent of the global banking industry but they have suffered less than their conventional counterparts because they did not deal in subprime mortgages or complex structured products. But some, particularly in the Gulf, are starting to struggle as values of their underlying assets, notably property, start to tumble and liquidity tightens. The politicians were extremely bullish in Jakarta. Musa Hitam, WIEF chairman said: “Our [conventional] gurus have failed us in theory and in practice. We need a new approach.” Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the Indonesian president, told the 1,550 delegates from 36 countries that Islamic banking “should now be able to take a leadership role”. “Islamic bankers should therefore do some missionary work in the western world to promote the concept of shariah banking, for which many in the west are more than ready now.” Mr Yudhoyono also proposed the creation of an Islamic World Expenditure Support Fund to help the many least developed Muslim-majority countries. Standard & Poor’s, the rating agency, said last week that while Islamic financial institutions had strong long-term prospects, the immediate future was uncertain. Mukhtar Hussain, global chief executive of HSBC Amanah, agreed that shariah banking had “an important role to play” and “should seek to become more mainstream”, but said growth was hampered by its immaturity and size. Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2009

Goodiroow, maqaalkan wuxuu ra'yigoodii badelay (atleast from hostility to wait and see possition) dad tiro badan; qaarkood anigaaba aqaan. Ahmed Cabdusamad waa nin ixtiraam weyn ku leh saxwada dhexdeeda.

Salamu Alaikum All, From today, Insha Allah, I will post an article or question relating to Islamic Finance. I hope you opine on matters discussed or questions posted my fellow nomads. Today's article deals Tawaruq or reverse Murabaha. The below article will give the definions and the author's opionion of the compliancy of this mode of financing. Your opinions are well appreciated. -- June 2007 Tawarruq is the mode through which some Islamic financial institutions (IFI) facilitate the supply of cash to their clients. The client buys X on deferred payment from the IFI and sells X for a cash amount less than the deferred price to a third party. Tawarruq also enables the IFI to guarantee a predetermined percentage rate of return to its term depositor, buying XX from him/her on deferred payment, then selling XX for cash, the deferred payment being larger than the cash price. Every Tawarruq transaction creates a debt. Furthermore, the debt a Tawarruq transaction creates is invariably larger than the cash it transfers to both the client and the IFI (mediated in both cases by another transaction). As it currently stands, both in the conventional and Islamic financial markets, debt documents, like those resulting from Tawarruq, are subject to repeat financial and speculative transactions. At their limit, these transactions sever all links with the real assets with which they could have been associated at the start (assuming that the cash so acquired resulted in the production of wealth). This process leads to an inverted pyramid of financial instruments with a small asset base. The process also moves the transaction of Tawarruq from that of the asset market to the money (debt) market, where the underlying signaling and equilibrating mechanisms are no longer linked to the real market. Vicious Circle The cash acquired through a debt can be put to uses that may or may not result in actual wealth creation. As a method of creating additional or new wealth, debt creation (or debt finance) is inefficient as well as inequitable. It is inefficient, as the finance so provided goes not for the most promising projects for wealth production but to the most credit-worthy borrower. It is inequitable, as it redistributes wealth in favor of suppliers of finance, irrespective of the actual productivity of the finance supplied. Debt instruments can easily change hands. The economic consequences of this are independent of the terms on which debts change hands. These terms have consequences. Debt instruments are substitutes for other forms of wealth, e.g. as securities, they can bring in some payment over and above their repayment. Insofar as they are substitutes for cash (generally, but not necessarily, at a discount), they can be characterized as near money. These uses of debt instruments create a demand for them that increases as the economy grows and the market expands. As in every market, speculation plays a role in debt markets as well. But the special nature of debt instruments enhances the role of speculation in this market to a degree unmatched by any other market. In short, it is better not to have a debt market. However, allowing Tawarruq leads to a debt market. Debt Disconnect The emergence of a market for trading in debts transforms the economy in a fundamental way. As compared to the situation in which all trade was focused on goods and services (or papers representing ownership rights over goods and services), this new economy has a new tier. This tier is a super economy focused on creation/production and trading/distribution of and benefiting from the consumption of debt instruments. The normal connect between the real and the financial market is a one-to-one correspondence between real and financial assets. Financial instruments representing ownership of real assets and deferred prices of real assets conform to this rule. However, a debt instrument does not represent any real asset. Tawarruq generates debts, adding to the gap between the real sector and the financial sector of the economy. This is at odds with the Islamic economy, which claims a distinct advantage over the conventional debt-based economy in effecting a closer integration between the real and the financial sectors. It is important to point out that the common assertion that Tawarruq does integrate real and financial assets, as it involves the sale and purchase of real assets, as opposed to lending and borrowing with no real asset sale and purchase in between, is not sustainable. As noted by almost all scholars, a single car enables dozens of Tawarruq deals without moving from its spot. Therefore, the financing facilitated by Tawarruq, like its counterpart, conventional lending, is unhinged from the real sector of the economy. Borrowing Trouble Borrowing is a serious business, as it adds to one's obligations. Excepting cases of dire (consumer) needs, it would be irrational to venture into indebtedness unless one is fairly sure of using the command over resources so obtained for producing added value (or of future income from other sources). But uncertainty of future values makes this surety less than perfect. It is in the interest of all concerned that indebtedness is incurred with due care so that failures causing pain and suffering are avoided. The social mechanisms developed over centuries to enforce due care include collateral, penalties upon failure to meet obligations and social ostracisation. In earlier days, the same applied to governments and foreign nations. But the past few decades of aggressive debt financing have moved away from these earlier norms, a movement further accentuated by the flood of liquidity resulting from the oil boom in recent times. Borrowing made easy has resulted in mountains of credit card debts and other consumer debts, government borrowing has skyrocketed and loans have been thrust upon Third World countries with little prospects of repayment. The Islamic prohibition of interest serves as an effective check on the above trend, as it shifts lending to the voluntary sector, as an act of charity rather than for business. The only exception is the traditional trade credit, whose economics are entirely different from bank lending. Tawarruq sabotages this unique feature of Islamic finance by introducing lending as a means of doing business. It makes it easy to borrow. It puts IFIs on par with conventional financial institutions, both under competitive compulsion to lend in order to make use of surplus liquidity. Making Money Money creation in a debt-based economy, as well as monetary policy - including monetary expansion - proceeds on the basis of debt. Money issued by the central bank as well as money created by the commercial banks is based on debt. As the money supply increases to meet the increasing demand due to increases in population and rising incomes, so does the volume of debts. The larger the volume of debt, the more the gambling-like speculation, leading to instability and inequity. It has been rightly argued that monetary management in an Islamic economy will be free of this defect. Monetary expansion will mainly proceed on the basis of investment. As regards the fiat money issued by the central monetary authority, a number of possibilities are being explored, but debt creation does not figure among these possibilities. Another common feature of all proposals about monetary management in an Islamic economy is to keep money supply linked to the needs of the real sector of the economy. This is seen as the most effective way of keeping inflation under control. The introduction of Tawarruq into the body of Islamic economy is sure to act like a virus destroying the immune system that would protect it from increasing indebtedness leading to speculation, monetary fluctuations, instability and inequity. Stopping the Virus The history of Tawarruq in Islamic finance has hardly completed its first decade. Yet its practice has been expanding due to its endorsement by a section of Shariah scholars. Juristic discussion has been focused primarily on the contractual aspects, and little attention has been paid to the Masalih-Mafasid (benefits-harms) calculus, which is so important in public policy and financial transactions. Even the recently issued AAOIFI "standards" are blissfully oblivious to this essential dimension of Islamic law. Hybrids of Tawarruq in sukuk and leasing instruments are becoming more popular every day. All efforts to block sale and purchase of debt have come to naught, as effective ways have been found to circumvent the prohibition. This is often through making debts a minority part of a large pack of assets. The market has enthusiastically welcomed this development, mainly because it takes us back to familiar grounds long trodden under conventional finance. As a result, several scholars who approved Tawarruq in the first instance are raising their voices against its indiscriminate, widespread use. But profit-maximizers have rarely been amenable to moral exhortations. The Islamic debt market in Malaysia is leading the way, with the Gulf following. The Shariah scholars in Malaysia have allowed sale of debt. Those in the Gulf area who disallowed it, permitted inclusion of amounts receivable as a minority component in a larger package of securities. The end result is no different: all debt obligations are now sellable. An effective check on the spreading virus requires treating Tawarruq as a matter of public policy, focusing on the harms associated with it and declaring it unsuitable for a modern Islamic economy. Doing the Math The calculus of Masalih and Mafasid has been an essential tool of Islamic jurisprudence since the earliest days. Behind that calculus stands the Islamic view on life, the purpose of honoring humankind by laying the resources of the universe at their disposal so that life is sustained for all, and the command from Allah that wealth be shared equitably. Measures that increase inequality in the distribution of wealth and lead to its concentration do not qualify in that framework. The same applies to the strategy of risk-shifting, i.e. debt finance, as compared to risk-sharing involved in other Islamic modes of finance. It will be useful at this stage briefly to recount the harmful effects of Tawarruq. It leads to creation of debt whose volume is likely to go on increasing. It results in exchange of money now for more money in the future, which is unfair in view of the risk and uncertainty involved. It leads, through debt proliferation, to gambling-like speculation. It leads, through debt finance, to greater instability in the economy. In a debt-based economy, the money supply is linked to debt, with a tendency towards inflationary expansion. It results in inequity in the distribution of income and wealth. It results, through debt finance, in inefficient allocation of resources. It contributes, by consolidating debt financing, to raising anxiety levels and destruction of the environment. It is worth noting that giving priority to public interest over individual interests has been an accepted principle in Islamic jurisprudence. The benefits of Tawarruq to individuals in certain circumstances must be overruled in view of the huge public benefits of not allowing it. It will, however, be necessary to make some social arrangements for taking care of the individual problems for which Tawarruq is sought as a solution. Closing the Door The Islamic economic movement was launched to usher in a financial system that would help remove the zulm and fasad, inequity and inefficiency, perpetrated by the currently dominant system based on debt. It is our duty not to endorse a process that could someday take us back to the same system. That this should happen at a time when globalization, financial innovation and the spread of information technology is generating a move towards greater reliance on equity participation and asset based financing at the world level is ironic indeed. An innovative recourse to sharing based modes and asset-based financing may get a boost from closing the door to Tawarruq. Dr. Mohammad Nejatullah Siddiqi served as associate professor of economics and professor of Islamic studies at Aligarh University and as professor of economics at the King Abdulaziz University Jeddah, in its Center for Research in Islamic Economics. Later, he was a fellow at the Center for Near Eastern Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles, and after that a visiting scholar at the Islamic Research & Training Institute, Islamic Development Bank, Jeddah. He has authored and translated over a dozen books on Islam and Islamic economics. These contributions won Dr. Siddiqi the King Faisal International Prize for Islamic Studies in 1982. By Mohammad Nejatullah Siddiqi © Business Islamica 2007

Xiinoow,Ahmed Cabdisamad waa rageedii!

Source http://www.halgan.net/view_article.php?articleid=1 1089

All is well bro. Hussein the Islamic finance guy! I had met him at your place in Hamstead around 9 years ago and then at Oxford! I work for Islamic financial services company in the Legal and Shariah structuring. When are you back in London?

The author of this article, the celebrated Mujahid and exceedingly respected figure in the Sahwa Islamiya in Somalia, has penned down one of the most enlightening articles on the dividing issue of Sharif and his government. You chaps will do well to read this; it is candid, considered and most of all a logical plea to both sides. ---- Maxaa la gudboon muqaawamada ? Qormadaan waxay u socotaa inay wax ku biiriso dadaalada isu soo dhaweynta iyo kala badbaadinta ah ee ay wadaan sama-jeclaha Soomaaliyeed iyo kuwa muslimiinta kale ah gaar ahaan culimada. Waxay si toos ah ula hadlaysaa dadka ay ka go’do talada sixid iyo soo jeedin ahna waxaa la iigu soo kooxaha is haya, waxayna isku dayaysaa inay ka qanciso waxyaabo badan oo lama dhaafaan agtooda ka noqday iyo inay siiso khiyaaraad kala duwan oo ay qolo walba inta u munaasibka ah ka qaadan karto. Waxay ka qeyb-qaadanaysaa qancinta dadka loo taliyo ee diidi kara mawaaqifta hoggaankooda. Sidoo kale waxay hogo-tusaalaynaysaa taageerayaasha kooxaha is haya oo marar badan si ula kac ah ama si aan qasad ahayn dabka baasiinka ugu shuba. Hadalkaani waa naseexo walaalnimo iyo talo soo jeedin nin walba ama urur kasta ka qaadanayo wixii uu ku qanco ama ka anfaca ee ma aha FATWO oo waa shaqo culimo, mana aha xukun lagu riday dad wax isku haysta oo waa shaqo qaalli, mana aha amar meel sare ka yimid oo waa shaqo maamul la isku raacsan yahay. Qoraalkani waa qubane taabanaya mawaadiic badan oo ku habboonaan lahaa maqaallo kala duwan, waxaanse isugu xiray in baadida hal meel laga wada helo. Tan kale afkaarta qaar baa meelo kala duwan ku soo noqnoqday, waanse u qasday ahmiyaddeeda awgeed. Fikradaha qaarkood waxay qaateen bogag, waxaana usoo bandhigay habab kala duwan; waayo waxaan la hadlayaa dad ku kala duwan xogta, garaadka, heerka aqoonta iyo wacyiga. Gacmo geel-jire kor looma dhaqo, wax kor loo dhoho iyo wax in hoos loo xalliyo ku fiicana waa kala jiraan, laakiin wixii tiro dad ah ku dhex-faafa in si cad loo xalliyaa wanaagsan, wax badan oo aan qariyay ama ka aamusayna waa jiraan oo waji waji ku wacan. Tan kale hadalkaani ma aha madiix iyo mujaamalo lagu madadaalanayo ee waa qaylo-dhaan lagaga hortagayo dhiig muslin iyo fitno muslimiinta ka dhex-dhacda. Ugu dambayn afkaartaan qaarkeed wuxuu u baahan yahay in laga diyaariyo qoraalo gaar gaar ah, sida; hababka bulshadeena loo kala-geynayo, warbixinta Mu’assasada RAND, waxyaabaha tusaya in kala-jabinta wadaadadu hadaf ahayd iwm. Haddaba intii Rabbigay ii sahlo waxaan ka diyaarinayaa maqaallo. FG: Marka aynu ka hadlayno waxyaalaha ku habboon muqaawamada waa sida ay qoraaga ugu muuqato ee ugama jeedno inay nusuus diini ah caddaysay ama la isku wada-raacsan yahay. Waa ayo muqaawamadu? Muqaawamada waxaa soo galaya dhammaan dadkii ka qeybqaatay jihaadkii lala galay gaaladii dalka qabsatay, waxaanse u isticmaalaynaa ururada muqaawamada, mararna waxaynu si gaar ah ugu isticmaali doonaa ururada aan ka qeybgalin dawladdii Jibbuuti lagu soo dhisay. Muqaawamada maxaa la gudboon maanta?: 1. Cadawga dhabta ah ee ay is hayaan muqaawamada Soomaaliyeed waa ragga Buush u weyn yahay, Zinaawina u yar yahay; sidaa darteed waa inay xabbaddooda la sugaan raggaas, ayna ka xeeladaystaan dagaalka kuwa ay soo wakiisheen, isla markaana ay ka soomaan dagaal sokeeye. 2. Waxaa socda dagaal caalami ah oo islaamka lagu hayo, Soomaaliduna ay kaga jirto safka hore, dagaalkii Soomaaliyana ma dhammaan ee marxalad uun baa laga gudbay, fasalo kalena waa soo socdaan, dalkana bad iyo berriba ciidamo gaalaa dhooban, kuwa African ahna waa la soo wadaa, kuwo UN ahna inay ka sii dambeeyaan ayaa la filayaa; sidaa darteed waxaa la gudboon muqaawamada Soomaaliyeed inay dagaalkaas weyn u diyaargarawdo ee aysan waxa maanta ka hormuuqda uun wax ku qeybsan. 3. Dagaalka gaaladu ku hayso muslimiinta waa mid dhan walba ah (shaamil ah) oo leh: a) dagaal miskaxeed ku jihaysan caqiidada, hab-fakarka iyo dhaqanka ummadda oo loo adeegsanayo qalabka warbaahinta, manaahijta waxbarashada, xarumaha cilmi-baarista iwm, b) dagaal siyaasadeed iyo mid diplomasiyadeed, c) dagaal dhaqaale, d) dagaal nabadgalyo (sirdoon), e) dagaal millatari iwm. Dagaaladaas mid walba wuxuu u baahan yahay cid gaar ah oo ku habboon ka hortaggiisa iyo habab gaar ah oo looga hortago. Ninka dagaalka ku jira markii jihooyin kala duwan laga soo weeraro wuxuu u baahan yahay inuu jiho walba ciidan ku habboon u diro, laakiin haddii uu yiraahdo anigu dan kama lihi colka dhinacaas ka imaanaya ama meel taangiyo u baahan ayaan ciidan lug ah u dirayaa wuxuu noqonayaa nin si ula kac ah u jabiyay ciidankiisii. Tan kale dagaaladaas kala duwan loogama wada hortagi karo xabbad kaliya ee xabbadduna meel bay leedahay, meelaha kalena hub u munaasib ah ayaa jira, sida: cilmiga, caqliga, waayo-aragnimada iwm. Tusaale ahaan meesha cilmiga u baahan ma buuxin karo nin hawl kale ku wanaagsan oo aan cilmi garanayn. Haddaba muqaawamadu ma buuxin kartaa kaalin walba?, mase jiraa urur xubnihiisu ugu filan yihiin hawl walba, kana maarmi kara culimada, aqoonyahanka kale iyo waxgaradka ummadda?. Haddii ninka mujaahidka ah markii jirkiisu xanuunsado aanu saaxiibkiis dhakhtar ka dhiganayn, markii gaarigiisu kharribmana aanu saaxiibkiis ku aaminayn ee uu shaqo walba ninka yaqaan la raadsanayo sow gar ma aha markii qalbigiisa iyo caqligiisu jirrado inuu dhakhtar ku habboon la doonto?, mise qofka adduunyadiisaa ka muhiimsan diintiisa?. Tan kale haddii uu adduunyadiisa ku aamini waayay qof aan ku takhasusin ma garbaa inuu ummadda Nabi Muxammad oo dhan aakhiradeeda iyo adduunkeeda ku aamino qof aan ku takhasusin?. Marar badan waxaa islaamiyiintu gaar ahaan muqaawamadu ka sheegtaan in culimada qaarkeed bulshada masalo habaabiyaan, taasina shaki ma leh oo aadanaha waligiiba lagama waayi jirin caalim faasid ah oo aayadaha Ilaahay waxyar dhaafsada iyo jaahil khayr doon ah oo isagu luma dadkana lumiya, muqaawamadana waxaa la gudboon inay iska ilaaliyaan sifadaan dambe say isaga jirayaan nimanka hore. Marka kuwaas culimo ku sheegga ah laga tago oo aan inta badan cidna ka qarsoomi Karin waxaa badatay in culimada rabbaaniyiinta ah lagu noco ama looga fogaado inay sidii aynu rabnay oran waayeen. In culimada laga dalbado inay fatwoodaan sida aan jecelnahay waxay la mid noqon kartaa nin aan waligi qori iyo dagaal midna arag oo ka dalbaday ciidanka inay madaafiicda iyo qoryaha cirka u wada ridaan; si loo guulaysto ama isagoon waligi gaari arag darawalkii ku amray inuu meeshii shidaalka kaga shubo caano illeyn caanahaa aad u nafci badane!. Haddaba waxaa la gudboon guud ahaan islaamiyiinta iyo gaar ahaan muqaawamada inaysan culimada u adeegsan shaabbad ay ku dhufsadaan waxay rabaan ee ay uga dambeeyaan furintooda, kuna ixtiraamaan, haddaan sidaas la yeelin oo furintooda rag kale isku kakabiyaana dhaqsaa loo soo jiirayaa, ummaddana jab baa loo horseedayaa, arrintuna waxay gaari kartaa in mujaahidkii diinta koryeelisteeda u dirirayay la marin-habaabiyo oo uu marka dambe is arko isagoo danihii MACATABKA fulinaya!. Fikradda ah annagaa wax kasta isugu filan oo cid kale cilmi iyo caqli midna ugama baahnin ururada TAKFIIR-ku way ku doodi karaan; maxaa yeelay intooda uun baa jamaacadii islaamka isla ah, dadka kalena shaqo kuma leh, laakiin ninka aaminsan in bulshadu muslim tahay oo asbaabta uu u dagaalamayo ay ka mid tahay inuu iyaga difaaco, isla markaana garanaya in dadka ahlu qiblaha ah baarrigooda iyo faajirkooda, iyo sunnigooda iyo bidcigooduba ay ka wada hortgayaan gaalada, ninka saas aaminsan marna kuma habboona inuu xoogaaga soo raaca mooyee ummadda inteeda kale waxba kama jiraan ka soo qaado ee waa inuu qolo walba furinteeda uga dambeeyo, isna uu tiisa ka soo dhalaalo. Ninkii kaalin aan tiisii ahayn ka shaqeeyana tiisa iyo tuu boobayba wuu gabaa!. Gulufka colaadeed ee gaaladu wuxuu leeyahay ujeedooyin, wuxuuna ku socdaa qorshayaal iyo siyaasado leh tabo iyo xeelado kala duwan oo ku wada qotoma xog iyo diraasad. Gulufkaas waxa u weyn ee uu cuskan yahay waa xog, aqoon, ra’yi iyo khibrad. Intii suurtagal ah waxaa la adeegsanayaa siyaasad, diplomaasiyad, dhaqaale, hunguri galin iyo cabsigalin si hadafkii loo gaaro. Haddii intaasi socon weydo oo xaaladdu dagaal noqoto waxaa xiga in la kiciyo shacbiga dalkaas oo loo diyaargareeyo dagaal, ka dibna la qaado olole lagu kasbanayo tirada u badan ee ah taageero siyaasadeed, mid dhaqaale iyo mid millatari, ee marna Maraykan ama dawlad kaloo weyni weerar kaligeed iskama qaado. Waxaa intaa sii dheer in dalka la weerarayo laftiisa laga dhex raadsado taageerayaal la kaashado!. Haddaba waxaa is weydiin leh sababta aynu ugu dagaaltagno innagu xabbadda kaliya ee aynu middiyaha kaloo dhan u qarsano, mise waxaynaan dareensanayn qiimaha caqliga iyo xeeladaha dagaal leeyihiin?, sow nabigu (scw) ma oran: dagaalku waa xeelad (khudca), isla markaana xeeladdii Salmaan keenay ma qaadan oo Madiina khandaq kuma wareejin, Rabbina guul kuma siin?, sow Nucayn ibnu Mascuud axzaabtii iskama horkeenin markuu nabiga (scw) ka idan-qaatay ka dib?, sow Nabigu (scw) qazwadii fatxu Makka ma amrin in nin walba dab shido iyo in Cabbaas uu Abuu sufyaan istaajiyo meel ciidankoo dhan marayo?, sow Nabigu (scw) uma idmin Muxammad ibnu Maslama inuu wax ka sheego (nabiga); si uu Yuhuudkii Kacab ibnu Al-Ashraf ahaa u soo dilo?. Sow Nabigu (scw) gaalada qaar heshiis lama gali jirin; si uu kuwo kale ugu gacan-bannaanaado?. Tan kale sow qabiilo gaalo ah lama uu galin isbahaysi (xilfi) waa Khuzaacee?, sow siiradiisa kuma sugna inuu xoolo badan siin jiray dadkii ugu cadawsanaa; si uu u soo dumo?, kuwa soo islaamay oo iimaankoodu daciifka yahayna soo xoolo kuma soo dumi jirin?, sow dad la soo qafaashay kuma galladaysan jirin oo ma sii dayn jirin ka dibna qowmkoodoo dhan ma soo islaami jirin?. Sow dadka intuu la garnaqsado ma qancin jirin?, innaga maxaa inoo diiday inaynu si cilmiyaysan u soo bandhigno waxa aynu doonayno oo aynu kii cilmi keenana cilmi ku qancino, kii caqli keenana caqli kula garrano?, sow inaynu Nabiga (scw) wax kasta kaga dayano oo ku raacno la ina kuma amrin?, markii wax la inaga sheego maxaynu hubka ugu orodnaa?, sow gubitaanku daawada ugu dambaysa ma aha?, sow nin munaafiq ah ma oran: haddaan Madiina ku noqono kan casiiska ah (isagaa isu jeedee) ayaa kan dulliga ah (Nabiga ayuu u jeedaaye) ka saari doona, haddana Nabigu (scw) iskama cafiyin?, sow mid kale kuma oran Nabiga (scw) caddaalad samee caddaalad maad faline oo isna iskama aanu dayn?. Sow diinteenu dadka caqliga leh lama hadasho, in caqli lagu wada-hadlana kuma baaqin? Haddaynu qancin wayno dad ina la dhashay, ina la af iyo dhaqan ah oo waliba ina la diin ah sidee u qancin doonaa gaalo aan af iyo dhaqan midna ina ka dhexayn?. Bal dagaalka lagu jiro baaxaddiisa iyo baahidiisa dib ha loo eego, waxqabadkeenana yaynaan muruqa kaliya ku koobine aynu miskaxda dhab u majuujino; si aynu asaaggeen wax ula qaybsano, Soomaaliduna waxay tiraahdaa: dagaalku waa labo iyo toban qeybood oo kan gacanta ahi mid ka yahay. 4. Maraykan iyo inta la halmaasha waxay Soomaali colaaddeeda ugu marmarsoonayaan waxyaabo kala duwan, sida: in la soo qabto Gen. Caydiid, in lala diriro Ittixaad, in la soo qabto kuwo Alqaacido ah oo dalka ku dhuumaalaysanaya, in lala diriro maxaakimta islaamiga ah, in lala dagaalamo Alshabaab iyo ugu dambayn burcad badeeda Soomaaliyeed. Haddii waxaas oo dhan la isku soo duuduubana waxay isugu imaanayaan in dalka iyo dadka Soomaaliyeed maalinba magac hor leh lagu xalaalaysto; sidaa aawadeed muqaawamada waxaa saaran inaysan si toos ah iyo si dadban midna uga qeybgalin daadinta dhiigga bulshadaas muslinka ah ee gaalo iyo cawaankeedba isugu habarwacdeen siday u dhibi lahaayeen. 5. Xabashi waxay la leedahay jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliya xuduud beenaad ku teedsan 10 gobol oo ka mid ah 18kii gobol ee dalku ka koobnaa xilligii Max’ed Siyaad, mana jiraan wax ciidamo Soomaaliyeed ah oo ilaaliya xuduudda sidaa u dheer. Taas waxay u sahlaysaa Xabashida inay dalka ka soo gasho meeshay doonto. Saas oo ay tahay haddana waxay kaxaysatay koox qabqablayaal ah oo ay ugu magac dheeryihiin Barre Hiiraale, Xaabsade, Max’ed Dheere, Dabageed, guddoomiyeyaashii Baay iyo Bakool iyo kuwo kale, waxayna ka qoratay gobolada koonfureed ee xad beenaadka ku yaal ciidamo ******** ah, waxayna ku tababaraysaa deegaanno S/galbeed ka mid ah; si ay maqaarsaar ugaga dhigato weeraro cusub oo ay Soomaaliya ku soo qaado, waxaana la sugayaa duulaan ballaaran oo ay Xabashidu ku soo qaaddo dhulka ballaaran ee ay ka taliyaan qeybaha muqaawamadu iyadoo ku soo gabbanaysa caawinta maleeshiyaadkaas. Haddaba waxaa la gudboon muqaawamada in ay si buuxda ugu diyaargaroobaan ka hortagga duulaankaas, ayna marxaladdaan khatarka ah joojiyaan maleeshiyooyinka Soomaaliyeed ee ay maamulada maxalliga ah kula dirirayaan, ayna ogaadaan in haddii cadawga dibadda la jabsho uu kan guduhu is dhiibayo, Soomaaliduna waxay dhahdaa: dhayda dhan, xoortu iyadaa kuu soo dhacaysee!. Waxaan iyana meesha ka marnayn in laga shaqeeyo sidii maleeshiyaadka lala dirirayo looga horgayn lahaa Xabashida iyo gaalada kalee dalka dul hoganaysa, walina ku soo qulqulaysa. 6. Hab dhaqanka (waxa loo yaqaan) beesha caalamka waxaa ka muuqata inay doonayaan in Soomaalida mar kale dib la isugu laayo, gaar ahaan qeybihii muqaawamada ka qeybgalay. Waxyaabaha arrintaa tusayana waxaa ka mid ah: sida muqaawamada loogu qeybiyay QUNYAR SOCOD iyo XAGJIR, qaarna la soo dhaweystay kuwana la fogeeyay, inay Maraykanku caddeeyeen inay jiraan isku dayo lagu doonayo in tijaabadii Ciraaq lagu fuliyo Soomaaliya iyo isbahaysigii Asmara oo iyagoo mabaadi’da iyo siyaasadaha cadawga lagu la dhaqmayo isku waafaqsan la kala jabshay, taas oo loo fahmi karo in ay shuruudda heshiiska ka mid ahayd. Waxaa intaa dheer in aan kala jabinta muqaawamada looga jeedin is khilaaf kaliya ee looga gol leeyahay inay is laayaan, dabcan dadkooduna wuu ku dhex dhimanayaa. Haddaba masuuliyiinta muqaawamada waxaa ku abbaaran inaysan marna iskaa wax u qabso ugu shaqayn Marykan iyo xulafadiisa. Haddii ay ka maarmi waayaan inay is dilaanna waxaa ila quman inay horta gaalada kharashka dagaalka ka soo qaadaan, iyaguna ay ragga huraan; si wax inoo ku baaqdaan. Waxaa kaloo ila quman inay hawsha noo sahlaan oo ay qolaba ciidankeeda qeyb keento, ka dibna jeegada laga wada-bireeyo; maxaa yeelay waxaa inoo baaqanaya dad badan oo ku dhex dhiman lahaa, guryo badan oo naga dumi lahaa, dad badan oo naga qixi lahaa iyo xoolo fara-badan oo dagaalkaas lagu gali lahaa!. 7. Waayadaan dambe hababka la isu la diriro waa fara-bateen, kuwa ugu khatarsanna waxaa ka mid ah in dad la isku dhex-tallaasho (ikhtiraaq alsaf) oo ay wixii la doono ka dhex-fuliyaan ururkaas ama dawladdaas, waliba ciddii aan lahayn wacyi buuran iyo ciidan nabadsugid ah oo aqoon iyo qalab wacan leh waxay ku jirtaa khatar weyn, Soomaalidana muddo dheer ayay taladeeda u dhiibatay cadawgeeda oo waxba uma qarsoona. Sidaa darteed waxaan uga digayaa islaamiyiinta gaar ahaan qeybaha muqaawamada dadka ka dhex-fulinaya ajandayaasha cadawga iyo inay xusuusnaadaan sidii ay kooxdii C/laahi ibnu Saba’ asxaabta Nabiga (scw) uga dhex-rideen dagaalka maalintii ratiga (jamalka)!. Wax kale ma ahayne markii asxaabtii waaweynayd is afgarteen ayay labada ciidan ku kala biireen oo labada dhanba weerar ka soo qaadeen!. 8. Waxaad moodaa in guud ahaan islaamiyiinta Soomaaliyeed ku dheceen dabin loo dhigay sida ku cad warbixintii Mu’asasada Cilmi Baarista iyo Horumarinta Maraykanka (RAND Corporatoin) ee sannadkii 2007 taas oo loogu magac daray: dhismaha shabakado muslim ah oo qunyar socod ah (Building Moderate Muslim Networks).[1] Qaybsanka islaamiyiinta iyo muuqaalkiisa. Muqaawamadu waxay u kala jabtay labo: kuwo ku qancay mashruucii heshiiska Jibbuuti oo Sh. Shariif la saftay iyo kuwo ka soo horjeestay. Waxaa kalaoo muuqda in qaybsankoodu u dhigan yahay labo ittijaah oo kala ah Ikhwaani iyo Salafi, waxaana tusaya taageerada rasmiga ah ee xarakooyinka Altajammuc iyo Alislaax siiyeen dhinaca Sh. Shariif, iyo midowga dhawr kooxood oo salafiyiin ah oo ay hoggaaminayaan qaar ka mid ah culimada salafiyiinta ee caanka ah. Waxaa kaloo la ogyahay in ururka Alshabaabna isla madrasada salafiyada ka soo jeedo. Ugu horraynba taasi waxay tusaysaa in islaamiyiinta lagu la dhaqmay qaybi oo xukun iyo sac madoobow aynu sac cadde iska wada qabano!, oo micneheedu yahay in mid loo kaashado sidii kan kale loo dili lahaa; si kan kalena hadhow shiddo yari loogu dilo. In kastoo ay jiraan culimo badan oo si siman ula dhaqmaysa walaalaha is haya, kuna dadaalaysa inay isu keenaan ama ugu yaraan kala badbaadiyaan haddana qaybsanka muuqaalka noocaas ah leh haddaan si deg deg ah looga hortagin wuxuu hal bacaad lagu lisay ka dhigayaa dadaalo muddo dheer soo socday oo la isugu soo dhaweynayay, laguna midaynayey ururada islaamiga ah ee dalka ka jira, dadaaladaas oo dhab ahaan miro badan dhalay. Waxaa kaloo intaa dheer in aan madaxweyne Shariif iyo wadaadada kaloo taageersani dhab ahaan u matali karin islaamiyiinta qunyar socodka ah ee Maraykanku doonayo; maxaa yeelay ma aqbali karaan shuruudaha looga baahan yahay qunyar socodkaas, sida: in dhulka muslimiinta laga dhisto kaniisado, in dad gaalo ah jagooyin sarsare ka qabtaan dalalka muslinka, in dumarku u taliyaan muslimiinta, in qofku xor u yahay inuu galo diintuu doono oo micneheedu yahay in laga riddoobo islaamka, in la ogolaado in labo rag ah ama labo dumar ah xaas isu noqdaan iwm.sida la gu faahfaahiyay diraasada RAND. Taa waxay keenaysaa in si ku meelgaar ah oo taxadar leh reer galbeed ula macaamilaan Shariifka iyo colkiisa inta ay diyaarsanayaan ciddii ay si buuxda ula kaashan lahaayeen la dagaalanka islaamka iyo islaamiyiinta oo sida warbixinta RAND ku cad kala ah: Cilmaaniyiinta Libraaliga ah ee rumaysan mabaadi’da dimoqraadiyada reer galbeedka, isla marakaana diidan u gardhigashada shareecada islaamka iyo cilmaaniyiinta ku dheeraysta colaadda islaamka, Suufiyada awliyada weyneeya oo qabuuraha ku tukada iyo islaamiyiinta casraaniyiinta ah ee doonaya inay islaamka dhexgaliyaan caalamka casriga ah, una arka inaan islaamka iyo dimoqraadiyada reer galbeedku is diidayn. Reer galbeedka waxaa ilaa xad u diyaar ah cilmaaniyiin badan oo waliba dhawaanahaan qaarkood bulshada sumcad ku dhex yeesheen iyo suufiyo abaabulan oo hubaysan, kuwo magac diimeed wata oo gaalada Ulul-amri (madax muslim) ku sheegana kolley ma waayayaan. Khataraha kaloo muuqda waxaa ka mid ah kicinta qabaa’ilka oo iyaga iyo suufiyadaba loo adeegsan karo ciribtirka islaamiyiinta gaar ahaan haddii awooddooda la wiiqo ama ay u baahdaan dagaalo dhuumaalaysi ah. Waxaa kaloo laga fahmi karaa muddada yar ee loo qabtay madaxnimada Sh. Shariif iyo cilmaaniyiintii qabaa’ilka ****** oo aan ka qeybgalin xukuumaddiisa in wadaadada muddadaas laga dhiganayo miino baar, ka dibna haraadigooda la is raacin doono, haddii aysan si fiican uga gaashaaman. Haddaba muqaawamada iyo guud ahaan islaamiyiinta waxaa la gudboon inay si cilmi, caqli iyo xikmadi ku jirto uga hortagaan khataraha soo muuqda oo iyaga iyo ummaddoodaba waxyeelayn kara.waana inay ka feejignaadaan in lagu fuliyo qoshaha cadowgooda. 9. Waa maxay miraha jihaadku?, yaase gurta?. Jihaadka mirihiisu waa fara-badan yihiin, kuwa u muuqaal-dheerse waxaa ka mid ah: raallinimo Alle iyo Janno, ajar, dambi dhaaf, diintoo faafta oo kor noqota, guul iyo nasri, dullinimada gaalnimada iyo gaalada, cizzada muslimiinta, nabadgalyo, hodontinimo, qaniimo iwm. Mirahaas qaar waxaa si gaar ah u hela mujaahidiinta iyo ciddii sabab ku leh, sida: waalidkood iyo ahlu baytkooda oo shahiidku uu 70 ka mid ah u shafeeco, kuwii cilmiga baray oo cilmigoodii jihaadka looga faa’iideeyay, kuwii mujaahidiinta ahalkooda sida wanaagsan ugaga naa’ib noqday iwm. Qeyb kaloo mirahaas ka mid ahna ummaddoo dhan ayaa wada gurata, sida: nabadgalyada, nasriga iyo cizzada, kornoqoshada diinta iyo hirgalinteeda iwm. Ujeeddooyinka jihaadka ma ka mid tahay in mujaahidku naftiisa xukun u helo?, mise ujeedadu waa in diinta Alle wax lagu xukumo ciddii doonta ha ku maamushee?. Way ila tahay in jawaabta la isku raacsan yahay oo aysan ahayn in nin-na diinta Ilaahay uu afkiisa wax ugu doonto, waxaase iyana geed ka go’an ah in aan lagu aaminin ummadda iyo diinteeda cid aan mudnayn. Intaa ka dib waxaa is weydiin leh ma la helay mirihii jihaadka Soomaaliyeed?. Jawaabtu waa haa oo mujaahidiinta iyo ciddii sabab ku leh abaalkoodii aakhiro gadaal buu jiraa, miraha adduunkana nin ka qeybgalay jihaadka iyo nin aan ka qeybqaadanba waa wada heleen. Haddaba haddaan ogaanay in aysan sharci ahaan qofna u banaanayn in uu jihaadkiisa xukun iyo xoolo ku doonto gar ma aha in mujaahidiintu ku qamaamaan xukunka, ayna sababtiisa ummmadda isugu baabi’iyaan. Waxaa kaloo ceeb ah inuu nin afkiisa wax u doonaya uu ficilkiisa ku sheego Ilaahay dartii. Hadalkaas waxaan ula jeedaa in aysan qolada Sh. Shariif iyagoo kuraas (laga yaabo inay wahmi tahay) difaacanaya aysan dhiigga muslimiinta ku bannaysan inay UMARADII muslimiinta oo lagu baxay yihiin, wayna ogyihiin in aysan ummadda Nabi Muxammad (scw) ahlul-xalli walcaqdi (wax u doorta) u ahayn beesha caalamka iyo niman aan shawkad iyo misdaaqiyad midna ku dhex-lahayn shacbiga Soomaaliyeed, hadday saas tahayna tii ka horraysay ayaa xaq noqonaysa oo la dagaalankeedii khalad ahaa. Waxaana u soo jeedinayaa walaalaha dawladda galay inaysan dadweynaha ku mihin waxaysan samayn Karin una diyaarsanayn oo ah shareecadaan idinku dhaqaynaa iyo ciidamaan saaraynaa, isla markaana aysan ficilkooda Qur’aan iyo fataawo u raa-raadin ee ay dhahaan walaalayaalow kolley wixii dhex-galnaye diinta iyo ummadda wax ma uga faa’iidayn karnaa?. Waxaan kaloo ula qasdayaa hadalkaan inaysan ragga Sh. Shariif ka soo horjeeda dhiigga maatida u daadin annagaa madaxnimada uga xaq leh iyo mirihii jihaadkaa la qaatay oo aan soo dhicinaynaa, wayna wada ogyihiin inuusan Sh. Shariif ku fariisan kursi mujaahidiin lahaayeen ee uu ku fariistay kursigii C/laahi Yuusuf!. Iyagana waxaan u soo jeedinayaa inay xaqiiqada dhulka ka jirta sida ugu habboon ula macaamilaan, ayna waxa ugu weyn ee ay diinta iyo dadkeeda waaqicaas uga dhex-qaban karaan ku dhaqaaqaan ee aysan riyo soo jeed ah waqtiga iyo fursadaha isaga luminin oo macneheedu yahay sheikh shariif iyo raggiisu beesha caalamka kama dhaadhicin karaan in shareeco lagu dhaqmee sidii bulshada loo samata bixin lahaa dadaal dheeraad ah ha la galiyo. 10. Mushkiladda Soomaali haysata wadaadada iyo kooxohooda muqawamada way ka horraysay, wayna ka dambaynaysaa, waxaadse moodaa in hadda la isku raacsan yahay in mashaakilkii Soomaaliyeed oo dhan xallismeen marka laga reebo ururada muqaawamada ee aan ku biirin dawladdii Jibbuuti, isla markaana ay ururadaas kaliya yihiin waxa hortaagan dawladda madaxweyne Shariif. Haddaba maxaa looga jeedaa in madaxweynenimada Sh. Shariif oo qur ah laga dhigo xalka mashaakilkii Soomaali oo dhan xallinweydey soddonka sano iyadoo waliba la ogyahay inay haanta gadaankeeda la haystaan baladii dalka iyo dadka horay u dubatay oo dhan?, maxaase mashaakilka hadda Soomaali haystoo dhan loogu soo koobay xoogaa wadaado ah oo aan heshiiskii Jibbuuti ku qancin?. Waxay ila tahay in wadaadada la saarayo culays aysan qaadi Karin iyo eed aysan lahayn, loogana gol leeyahay in sumcadda looga dilo oo kii magac qaatayna la dhoho wuu fashilmay, kii diidayna la dhoho markay heleen bay iska buriyeen!. Mugga muqaawamada waxaa la gudboon in aysan dusha u ridan eed aysan galin, ayna fahmaan sababta abkay qabqable iyo khayr laawe ay u mucaaradi waayeen Shariifka!. 11. DFKMG-ka taladii lagu dhisay wadaadadu wax kuma lahayn, wixii ka soo baxayna iyaga iyo shacabkoodaba si xun bay u saameyeen, lagdan dheer ka dibna waxaa meeshii midba mar laga saaray raggii hormuudka u ahaa dawladdaas (Col. C/lahi iyo Prof. Geeddi), waxaana la hubaa in kolley nin walba ku talin lahaa mar haddaan dawladdaas xun la baabi’inayn in ugu yaraan labadaas nin meesha laga badalo oo kuwo dhaama loo dhiibo. Haddaba haddii rag Sh. Shariif horkacayo jabadkii dageen miyaan la isku dayi Karin in horay loogu durko oo faa’iidada ugu badan laga dhaliyo inta magacaasi jiro, kuwa meesha kula jirana sharkooda sidii loo xakameyn lahaa la isugu tago? Iyadoon nin-na isku dhibin waa Amiir iyo ma aha. Ragga mucaaradaya madaxnimada Sh. Shariifse ma markii horay u qabeen in C/laahi Yuusuf ahaa khaliifkii muslimiinta oo Sh. Shariif baan u qalmin jagadaas?, mise waxaa u dhaami lahaa in uu meesha soo fariisto Max’ed Dheere ama Cali Geeddi ama Salaad C. Jeelle?. Haddii aynu isla qirno in Sh. Shariif (ugu yaraan) ka shar yar yahay qoladii ka horraysay iyo inuu inoo dhaamo wixii ka liita, isla markaana aysan ragga qaarkood isu quurin inay kala qeybgalaan hawshaas ama ku taageeraan sow uma ay baahna wax ciilkana ka bi’iya cadaabtana ka xigsada? Ama ma liibaane lagu liibaanay?!. Haddii ay ragga qaarkiis la tahay in madaxweyne Shariif qandaraas ku soo qaatay iyaga madaxooda oo ay ka cabsi-qabaan hadday daayaan inuu ku xoogaysto ha ******* in Maraykan oo wata tobanaan kun oo ciidan ah uu ku guuldarraystay inuu soo qabto Gen. Caydiid. Tan kale qandaraasyadii ay soo qaateen isbahaysigii ashahaado la dirirka, DFKMG-ka iyo duulaankii dabaadigii 2006kii ay ka qeybqaateen tobanaanka kun ee ciidanka ah oo isugu jiray Xabashida, Maraykanka, Kenyanka iyo Soomaalida midna laguma soo qaban hal nin oo madax ah. In geerida iyo waqtigeeda Alle kaliyihi hayo ka sokowna uma sahlana madaxweyne Shariif inuu waxa inataasoo dhan qaban waayeen labo sano gudohood ku fuliyo, mise waa wadaadoo inuu barako ku soo qabtay ka baqayaan?!. Waxaa kaloo laga rabaa ragga doonaya inay ka hordagaan xoogaysiga Shariif inay is weydiiyaan sida ay ugu bannaan tahay inay hadda daadiyaan dhiig muslin ama ay sabab u noqdaan; si ay uga hortagaan dil hadhaw iyaga ku imaan kara oo aan la hubin. Dhinaca kale ragga fikradda Sh. Shariif la dhacsan waxaa ku habboon inay mashruuca u qaataan isku day ka mid ah isku dayada lagu doonayo in wax lagu hagaajiyo ha lagu guulaysto ama ha lagu fashilmee ee aysan ka dhigin jidka kaliya ee khayrka loo maro ama xaqqa kaliya ee ninkii ka bayra baadiyoobayo. Waxaa kaloo la gudboon inaysan iyagu ukumohooda oo dhan hal sallad ku wada ridin, khiyaaraadkoodana aysan ku koobin ku meelgaarka, mustqbalkoodana aysan u wada rahmin, ayna ogaadaan in ragga ay is khilaafeen yihiin kaydkoodii ay u soo noqon lahaayeen hadday soo hungoobaan. Tan kale xiisaha beesha caalamku idiin hayso wuxuu in badan ku xiran yahay joogitaanka dad mashaariicdooda diidan oo ay ka baqayaan haddii ay idin xumeeyaan inaad dhinac ka wada martaan, laakiin maalintay ogaadaan in aydnaan haysan meel aad u irkataan say doonaan ayay idinka yeelayaan. Waxaa iyana ka hadlis u baahan ololaha lagu doonayo in qabaa’ilka lagu kiciyo muqaawamada. Muddadii fawdadu jirtay waxaa laga bartay in ninkii qabiil kiciya ay ugu dambaynta iyagu gacantooda ku dilaan ama ay qabiilka laftiisu isku la soo jeestaan oo kii awal kiciyay uu cararo ama uu wax ka laayo dadkuu awal dagaalgalinayey. Haddii cidi guul ku gaarayso tolbeelay aan xaq ahayna waxaa ku gaari lahaa 11kii nin ee tolka dulmiga ugu habarwacday oo aan warkoodii wali duugoobin. Marka dhan kale laga eego kuma habboona ninkii naftiisa la fakaday markii xaaladdu dhanaanayd inuu dadka ku kiciyo raggii dhibta kula samray. Waxaan iyana laga tagi Karin ninka raba inuu S/weyn xil guud u qabto oo uu nin kastoo Soomaali ah goofkiisa ku xukumo haddana goofkiisa dadka ka sheemaya. Waxaas oo dhan waxaa ka sii daran in nin weyn oo diin lihi waxaan sagaaro ka cabin uu cimrigiisa ceeb ugu sagootiyo. Muqaawamada garabka Sh. Shariif waxaa la gudboon inay lugna dirir ugu joogaan, lugna baqo ugu joogaan, ayna iska ilaaliyaan inay israaciyaan hambadii Xabashi iyo C/laahi Yuusuf ka reebeen dadkooda, isla markaana ay ogaadaan hubka dagaya iyo ciidanka soo qulqulaya inaan Xabashi iyo Maraykan midna lagu la dirirayn ee Soomaali uun loo soo wato siiba Xamar. Xagjirka kaliya ayaan la dagaalamaynaana hadda waa la wada bartay. Colaadda Soomaali loo qabana colka Sh. Shariif meelna uga fakan mayaan, nin walaalki loo xiirana waa inuu isna soo qoysto. 12. Qeybo badan oo ka mid ah dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed waxay u arkaan inay u dhalatay dawlad barakaysan oo dhibaatooyinkoo dhan si deg deg ah uga saari doonta. Waxaa kale oo loo muujiyay inay dawladdaas ka hortaagan yihiin qaar ka mid ah kooxaha muqaawamada oo kaliya. Dadku waxay ka filan la’yihiin mujaahidiintu inay khayr ka hor istaagaan iyo waliba inay hoggaamiyohoodii hore oo guul weyn soo hoyiyay ka hor yimaadaan. Haddaba waxaa la gudboon muqaawamada inay fahmaan in aan dawladdaani uga baahnayn iyaga wax mucaarado iyo diidmo ah midna; maxaa yeelay cadawyo farabadan ayaa ulo booc ah ugu tukubaya, waxaana ugu horreeya kuwa xubnaha ka ah laftooda oo u badan kuwo ku murxay oo ku caanbaxay dhagar iyo hagardaamo. Gaalada ha la taageero lehna uma badna inay si dhab ah u caawiyaan dawlad Soomaaliyeed oo uu horjooge ka yahay nin maalin shaar diimeed xirtay, iska daa nin hoggaamiye diimeed noqday oo magiciisana sheikh iyo Shariif ku jiro, mana la filayo inay ka nabadgasho dhibkooda iyagoo horay u qadiyay, una hagardaameeyay qoladii Empaghatti ee xataa wacdiga loo diiday markii la dhisayey. Dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed oo runtii dibad iyo gudaba la saftay muqaawamada way ina ka mudan yihiin in la tixgaliyo oo ugu yaraan la siiyo fursad ay ku arki karaan xaqiiqada waxa socda, ayna ku ogaan karaan in roob u da’ay iyo in kale. Haddii ay dawlad wanaagsan u noqotana waa khayr, haddii ay ku qancaan in Sh. Shariif meel daran ka dhacayna sidii hore iyo ka sii fiican ayay mar labaad idiin la safanayaan, idinkuna waxaad ka badbaadaysaan in la idinku tuhmo inaad asxaabtiina laysaan!. 13. Qabaa’ilka ****** culimo iyo caamaba si gaar ah ayay u garab istaageen muqaawamada, waxayna u hureen naf iyo maalba, intii dalka Xabashidu joogtayna way u dhabar adaygeen dhibtii ballaarnayd ee cadawgu dadkeena u geysanayey, laakiin markii Xabashi baxday mawqifkoodii wax uun baa iska badalay; sababtoo ah si dhib yar ayay u wada fahmi kareen inay la diriraan Xabashi uu C/laahi Yuusuf la socdo, laakiin inay wada fahmaan la dagaalanka gaalo kale oo Sh. Shariif la socdo ma sahlana, waqtina way u baahan tahay; sidaa darteed gar bay muqaawamada ugu leeyihiin inay siiyaan fursad ay ku soo arkaan khatarta iyaga kaliya u muuqatay. Haddaynu geed ka go’an ka dhigno in Sh. Shariif jidkii toosnaa ka bayray waxaan shaki lahayn in uu dad kaloo wanaagsan wali la toosan yahay, hadday ogaan lahaayeen weecashadiisana ay hortiin birta ku boobi lahaayeen, dadkaasina xaq bay u leeyihiin inay xeerada salkeeda soo taabtaan. Rasuulkeenu (scw) isagoo rasuulkii Ilaahay ah ayuu diiday dilka munaafiqii weynaa ee C/laahi ibnu Ubayyi ibnu Salool oo gaalnimadiisa iyo cadaawaddiisu iska caddayd; si aan loo dhihin Muaxammad asxaabtiisuu dilaa iyo si uu fursad u siiyo Ansaar inay fahmaan xaqiiqadiisa ilaa arrintu ay markii dambe gaartay in wiilkiisii C/laahi ahaa uu yiraahdo rasuul Allow anaa aabbahay soo dilaya!. Haddaba muqaawamada Soomaaliyeed (iyagoon sida Rasuulka xaqiiqadu ugu caddayn) miyaysan ku sabri Karin inay u yara sugaan arrinta; si loola arko marin habawga Sh. Shariif oo markaas ama loola safto iyaga ama loogu garaabo?. 14. Waxaa la hubaa in muqaawamadu guul weyn ka gaartey sugidda amniga, waxaase is weydiin leh miyaan xil weyn ka saarnayn xaqiijinta danaha kale ee ummadda?, mise ka hortagga iyo la dagaalanka fasaadka kaliyaa saaran?, yaase laga sugayaa inuu u fakaro oo u soo jeedo ilaalinta danta shacbiga?. Tan kale sow waajib kuma aha masuuliyiinta ummadda inay qaataan mawaaqif iyo go’aamo loogu danaynayo dadweynaha gaar ahaan marka dhibta badani haysato sidii Rasuulku (scw) qazwadii Axzaab isugu dayay inuu qabaa’ilka soo duulay qaar wax siiyo; si uu muslimiinta culayska uga fududeeyo, inkastoo labo Sacad oo uu arrinta kala tashaday diideen?. Sow Rabbi ma aha Raxmaan Raxiim ah oo mu’miniinta si gaar ah ugu naxariista, naxariistiisuna ka dheeraysay caradiisa?, Rasuulkuna sow ma aha mid waxa mu’miniinta dhibaya ku culus yihiin oo u tura una naxariista?, asxaabtuna soo ma ahayn kuwo gaalada ku ad-adag iyaguna isu naxariista?, mu’miniintana soo Alle kuma sifayn inay mu’miniinta u dabacsan yihiin, gaaladana ku adag yihiin?. Si kastaba ha ahaatee ummadda daneheeda adduun iyo aakhiro waxaa Rabbi weydiinayaa hadba ciddii masuuliyaddeeda dusha u ridata ha loo doorto ama iyadu ha isu dooratee iyadaaana laga rabaa inay isu taagto waajibka taagan, tusaale ahaan dhulka muqaawamadu ka taliso ee ballaaran wuxuu ka midyahay meelaha burburka ugu badani gaaray, xagga hantida guud ama tan gaarka ahba, haddaba muqaawamada waxaa looga fadhiyaa inay dib u dhiska dowr weyn ka qaadato, haddii la oran lahaa muqaawamadu ma dhaqaale ayay haysataa ay wax kaga qabato dhibaatooyinka taagan waxaa jawaabtu tahay waxaa laga rabaa inay umadda hantideeda uga faa’iideeyaan dib u dhiskana ku hoggaamiyaan meelaha dakhliga leh sida kismaayona ay hantida soo xaroota qaybaha ugu muhimsan ugu talagalaan inay wax kaga qabtaan baahiyaha bulshada haysta ee caafimaad, dhaqaale, waxbarasho, biyo iwm. 15. Dawladda FKMG-ku waxay dalka kaga hartay xaafado Muqdisho ka mid ah oo waliba ay ciidamada African-ka isku dugsanayaan, sidaa macneheedu waxaa weeye in dhammaan gobolada koonfureed gacanta ugu jiraan muqaawamda kooxeheeda kala duwan iyo dadweyne taageersan. Tan kale sharciga iyo caqliguba waxay keenayaan in khayrka hadba wixii markaas suuragal ah la qabto, sharkana hadba intii markaas la awoodo la suuliyo. Dadkuna markay danohooda gaarka ah ka shaqaysanayaan ma yeelaan inay waxa ay heli karaan uga tagaan intaan rabay ma dhama awgeed, dhibaato haysata oo ay ka bixi karaana ugu ma nagaadaan dhibaatooyin kaloo aanan xallin karin baa i haysta darteed. Haddaba miyaanay kooxaha muqaawamdu ka dhisi Karin deegaanada ay haystaan maamulo dawladeed oo islaami ah. Tusaale ahaan: gobolada Sh/hoose, Baay, Bakool, Gedo, J/dhexe iyo J/hoose midna ma joogaan ciidamo shisheeye iyo kuwa ku meelgaar toona ee muqaawamada iyo taageerayaasheeda ayaa jooga, marka su’aashu waxay tahay maxaa hortaagan in dhulkaas ballaaran loo sameeyo hal maamul oo wadaag ah oo la mid ah kii golaha maxaakimta oo kale?. Gobolada Sh/dhexe, Hiiraan, G/guduud iyo qeybta koonfureed ee gobolka Mudug iyana ku meelgaar iyo gaalo midna ma joogo ee qeybaha muqaawamada iyo taageerayaashoodaa ka arrimiya, iyagana soo lagama dhisi karo maamul kii hore oo kale ah?. Inta Muqdisho muqaawamadu ka haysato soo iyana kama samayn karto boolis, qaalliyaal iyo maamul intaba?. Waxaa hubaal ah in markii intaas wanaaggeeda la arko ay xaafadaha kale oran lahaayeen: noo imaada ********ta ma rabnee. Tan kale mar haddaysan muqaawamadu diyaar u ahayn inay Shariif dawladdiisa ka qeybgasho soo isaga iyo ragga uu wax ku darsaday la isuma dayn karo; si loo arko meesha ay is kala dhacaan?. Waxaana laga yaabaa haddii muddo gaaban la isu daayo in la arki lahaa Sh. Shariif oo saaxiibadiis hiil iyo gurmad ka dalbanaya!. Dhinac kale haddaan ka eegno muqaawamadu waxay doonaysaa in ay aragto dalweynaha Soomaaliyeed oo shareecada lagu wada maamulayo, dalkuna waa qeybo mid walba farsamo gaar ah u baahan yahay. Tan labaad haddaynu nimanka waxay dagsadeen ku xujayno soo dalku federal ma aha?, caasimaduna soo Soomaali uma dhexayso?, Sh. Shariifna soo ma aaminsana inuu madaxweyne Soomaaliyeed yahay?. Haddaba markaynu maamulo muqaawamada u gaar ah dhisno maynu shir ugu baaqno S/land, P/land, wilaayada dhexe, wilaayada k/galbeed iyo caasimadda oo muqaawmadu qeyb ka tahay, ka dibna laga wada hadlo Soomaali midaysan oo sharciga Alle ku dhaqanta?. 16.Dadka muslimiinta ah waa wada walaalo, khilaafkuna walaalnimada ma gooyo haddaanay sugnaan in labada qof midkood xarigga Alle gooyay; sidaa darteed waxaa habboon in aysan ururada muqaawamadu fogayn colaadda iyaga dhextaal ama iyaga iyo qeyb kaloo shacbiga ka mid ah; waayo diin ahaan ka sokow waxaan in badan aragnay kuwii shalay isu ficiloonayay oo maanta is lacnadaya iyo kuwii horay isu lacnadayay oo hadda isku duuban. Haddii ragga qaarkood hadalkaas la cuslaado ha xusuusteen in wadaadadu taageereen, ayna soo dhaweeyeen madaxweyne C/qaasim oo waliba ay B/doogle uga hortageen isaga oo axdi qarameed aan sharcigeena waafaqsanayn wata, Shariif Xasan iyo jaallayaashiisiina markay ka soo caroodeen Baydhabo xilligii maxkamadaha wadaadadu way soo dhaweeyeen iyagoo waliba distuur dad samee ah wata, isla markaana soo saxiixay in dalka Xabashi la keeni karo?, Xuseen caydiid iyo rag kaloo la mid ahna waxay wadaadada qaarkood la samaysteen isbahaysi wali wax ka sii noolyihiin. Haddii ragga qaar ku adkaysto in Sh. Shariif kuwaasoo dhan ka liito waxaan marna la isku khilaafayn inuu ka wanaagsan yahay Asyaas Afawarqi oo muqaawamada Soomaaliyeed wax uun xiriir ah la leedahay. Kooxda Shariif laftoodu si kastoo ay u collaystaan qeybaha kalee muqaawmada waxaa mar walba ka liita kuwa ay la bohoobeen oo ashahaado la dirirku ka buuxo, hadday taa diidaana ka shakiyi maayaan inay Meles Zinawi iyo Jandayi Frizer ka wanaagsan yihiin , iyagana kolley wax uun xiriir ah way la yeesheen. 17.Ciidamada African-ka dood kuma jirto in aysan u imaan danteena, ayna yihiin cadaw ina dul dagay, waxaana caddaynaya dhibta ay dadkeena u gaysteen. Waxaa kaloo aan muran ku jirin in loo baahan yahay in dalka laga saaro. Waxaase su’aal ah ururada muqaawamadu daacad ma ka yihiin saarista cadawgaas?, hadday daacad ka yihiinse siday yeelayaan ma tahay si cadaw ku boxo?, haddaysan ahaynse ma tabar baa meesha dhigtay mise talo xumo?. Waxaa kaloo is weydiin leh markii dagaal dhoco oo la xisaabayo waxa la isu gaystay dadka Soomaaliyeed ee meesha ku hoobta ma waxaa lagu xisaabaa khasaaraha gaalada gaaray mise dhib muqaawamada ku dhacay? Mise midna ma ahee waa dhexdhexaad (xiyaadi)?. Haddii dadweynaha go’aya innaga inaga dhimanayaan soo ina ma qabato inaynu keeno xeelad gaalada lagu saaro ama lagu laayo dadkuna inoo ku badbaado? (sidee xeego loo xagtaa ilkana ku nabad-galaan). Hadday tabari meesha ina dhigtay garawshiyo ayaynu heli lahayn, laakiin haddii aynu heli karno kumanyaal ciidamo ah oo habeenimo dhufaysyada iyo taangiyada ugu daata oo aynu ciidankeena uga turno sow maatida aan cidina u turayn ma laha Rabbi ilaashanaya?. Tan kale ilaalinta nin aad waalidkiis iyo ahalkiis xasuuq (aad ka fakan kartid) sabab ugu noqotay waxmaccno ah ma laha. Waxaa kaloo is weydiin leh ciidamada aynu ku weerarayno maleeshiyo beeleedyada ama aynu dad Soomaali ah dhul uga qabsanayno soo in marka hore gaalada lagu kacsho ma mudna?. Mise dagaalka ********ta iyo suufiyadaa ka fadli badan kan Kirishtanka?. 18.Islaamka dambiyada la galo kuma koobna gaalnimo iyo riddo qur ah ee waxaa jira munaafiqnimo weyn ama yar iyo shirki aan gaalnimo gaarsiisnayn. Waxaa kaloo jira dambiyo farabadan oo isugu jira Kabaa’ir iyo Saqaa’ir, ama kuwo aad u fool-xun oo fawaaxish ah iyo munkaraad ka hooseeya. Tan kale dambiyada la galo kuma wada yimaadaan qasad xun kaliya ee waxaa jira kuwo faham qalloocan keeno ama jahli ku yimaada ama hawo (shahwo) qofka galiso. Waxaa kaloo dadka qaarki khaladka ugu dhacaan gaf ama hilmaan. In qaar kale lagu khasbana waa suuragal, kuwana in baahi u gaysaa suuragal ah. Waxaa iyana jira waxyaalo muruu’ada dhaawaca oo xattaa qofka caddaaladdiisa saamayn kara. Waxyaalahaas oo dhan mid walba waxaa loola dhaqmayaa si u gaar ah. Dambiyadaas laguma wada soxo ciqaab adduun ee waxaa qaarkood lagu saxaa waxbaris, samafaris iyo xumo reebis, shubho suulin, wacdi iwm. Tan kale dambiyada loo jideeyay ciqaabta adduun ciqaabtoodu kuma koobna dil kaliya ee waxaa jira cuquubooyin farabadan oo isugu jira kuwo Adabi ah , kuwo maali ah iyo kuwo jismi ah. Waxaa iyana xusid mudan in shareecadu u dajisay sugida dambiyada iyo xuquuqda axkaam fara-badan oo ay ka mid yihiin: qiraal, markhaati, dhaar iwm, dadka wax xukumaya iyo kuwa markhaatiga furaya laftoodana waxaa laga doonayaa shuruud kale. Intaa ka dib waxaa islaamiyiinta lagu xantaa gaar ahaan muqaawamada inay ku tuhmaan ciddii ay is qabtaan riddo iyo munaafiqnimo, ka dibna ay hawada kaga xukumaan xadka riddada oo ah dil, ha ku fuliyeen xukunkaas ama ha iska daayeene. Waxaa intaa weheliya in Soomaalidu dadkooda aad u laayaan sababtay doonaan ha u cuskadeene, dalkana ay ka dhex shaqaystaan dawlado iyo hay’ado gaalo ah oo waxay doonaan iyana ka sameeya. Taas waxay keentay in cid walba si qarsoodi ah u disho qofkay doonto, ka dibna dusha loo saaro wadaadada ha dileen ama yaysan diline; waayo iyagaa xantaasi u faaftay, dadkuna rumaystay, iyaguna iskama bari yeelin wixii aysan ku lug lahayn. Haddaba waxaa la gudboon muqaawamada inay ka waantoobaan soo koobista dunuubta Alle laga galo iyo ciqaabta uu ka jideeyay, ayna si cad oo sharciga waafaqsan uga gar baxaan ciddii wax dhexmaraan illeyn xalaal barqaa la qashaaye, isla marakaana ay si buuxda isaga bari-yeelaan wixii aysan galin; si ay u ilaaliyaan sumcaddooda. 19.Jihaadkii lala galay Xabashida iyo cawaankeeda waxaa laga gaaray guulo waaweyn. Waxaa ka mid ah mujaahidiinta oo dib u qabsaday dhulkii awal laga saaray, burburka iyo kala yaaca ku dhacay KMG-ka iyo maleeshiyadoodii, bixitaanka ciidanka Xabashida iyo qaxa madaxweynihii KMG-ka oo ahaa ninkii ugu magaca dheeraa. Guushaan waa marxalad kala guur ah oo u baahan in wax badan laga baddalo habkii awal loo halgamayay, ciddii iyo meelihii xoogga la saarayay. Waxaa kaloo habboon in mujaahidiintu helaan fursad ay ku fakaraan, dib wax ugu qorshaystaan, ayna ugu diyaargaroobaan marxaladaha soo socda ee loolanka muslimiinta iyo gaalada u dhexeeya. Waxaa iyana tixgalin leh dadweynihii muddadaas dheer garab-taagnaa mujaahidiinta oo u baahan fursad ay kuwii kala lumay isku doontaan, kuwii qaxayna ku soo noqdaan, kuwii dhaawacmay iyo kuwa xanuunsanna isku daaweeyaan, kuwii guryuhu ka dumeenna ku dayactirtaan, kuwa gaajaysana loogu gurmado. Taageerayaasha muqaawamada ee kala jooga daafaha dunida laftoodu waxay u baahan yihiin fursad deganaansho ah oo ay ku soo arkaan dhibaatada gaartay dadkooda, burburka ku dhacay dalkooda iyo guulaha Alle siiyay mujaahidiinta, ayna si toos ah ula soo kulmaan hoggaanka muqaawamada, culimada iyo acyaanta bulshada. Mu’assasadaha dacwada iyo waxbarashada ee burburay ama xirmay waxay u baahan yihiin dibu-dhis iyo dibu-abaabul. Hay’adaha gargaarka ee islaamiga ah iyaguna waxay u baahan yihiin nabadgalyo; si ay dadweynaha ugu gurmadaan. Muqaawamada ayaa lafteedu u baahan inay dadweynaha iyo caalamkaba ka dhaadhiciso ajandayaasheeda, ayna u sharxaan ahdaafteeda iyo siyaasadeheeda. Waxay kaloo si weyn ugu baahan yihiin inay dhan walba uga diyaargaroobaan dagaalka dhinacyada kala duwan leh ee ku soo fool leh. Tusaale ahaan haddii Faransiiska kaligi tababarayo 10000 askari oo Soomaali ah, Xabashina ay furatay xeryo ay ku tababarayso askar Soomaali ah immisay le’eg-tahay dhagarta kalee gaaladu waddo?, diyaargaw intee le’eg bayse u baahan tahay. Marka la eego arrimahaas oo dhan soo muqaawamada kuma qumana inay aqbalaan hudnada gaaban ee culimada Soomaaliyeed ku baaqeen? ; isla marakaana waqtigaas kooban looga faa’iidaysto waxyaalo badan oo si daruuri ah muqaawamada iyo shacbigu ugu wada baahan yihiin?, mise waxaa cabsi laga qabaa in adduunku dhammado waqtigaas ka hor ama la waayo gaalo lala diriro?. Gabagabadii qormadaan wixii khayr ah ee ku jira muslimiintoo dhan bay u dhexaysaa, wixii qalad ama gaf ahna qoraageeda kaliyaa ka xaalbixin, wixiidirayaa: Sh Ahmed Abdi Samad

Waryaa Mo, I saw Hussein at the Islamic summit at Landmark hotel on Tuesday and Wed!. He told me that you were in in Kabul, are you still with IA? Drop me a pm!

Breathtaking.

War gabanka sidaas kadaaya. Maandhoow adiga faraskan xiimaya bal si tartiib ah uga deg!.

Interesting stuff! I think the brother is getting his knickers in twist for nothing. I am structuring some of these products-- actually we have just pitched for a Murabah Inv today! anyhow, Murabaha is nothing like contractum trinius!

Nothing interesting! waa iska somali iyo caadadeeda.

^Did that! send me your num. Thierry: War heedhe, arent you satisfied with the name Qoorsheel? This should do it just like our Cumar C/raashiid sharmaak!

Jonathan Rugman Dozens of Islamic extremists have returned to Britain from terror training camps in Somalia, the British security services believe. Intelligence analysts are worried that they may attempt to launch attacks in this country or use the kudos from having trained and fought in Somalia to try to attract new recruits. The issue was raised by Jonathan Evans, the head of MI5, in his first interview last month. In the US, the outgoing head of the CIA, Michael Hayden, has said that Ethiopia's invasion of Somalia in late 2006 “catalysed” expatriate Somalis around the world. An investigation for Channel 4 News, to be broadcast tonight, also reveals that a suicide bomber who grew up in Ealing is thought to have blown himself up in an attack in Somalia that killed more than 20 soldiers. Related Links Somali pirates are paid record $3.5m ransom Plunder is used to fund terrorism Islamists await hijacked ship's weapons cache The incident is the first reported case involving a Somali based in Britain and will add to pressure on Scotland Yard and the Home Office to tackle the problem within the Somali community, which, at about 250,000 people, is the biggest in Europe. “Pakistan rightly gets the most attention in terms of external threats,” a senior counter-terrorism source said. “But we believe we should focus more on the Horn of Africa and Somalia in particular.” Two years ago Ethiopian forces occupied parts of Somalia after ousting the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) from the capital, Mogadishu – the latest chapter in a long history of conflict between the two countries. The Ethiopians withdrew last month as part of a peace deal agreed between the Government and moderate Islamists, leaving African Union peacekeepers and Somali soldiers – although many believe that they will not be able to keep advancing extremists at bay. The hardline Islamist militia al-Shabaab, treated as a terrorist organisation by the US, has taken advantage of Ethiopia's withdrawal to boost its control of the south. More than 16,000 people have been reported killed in the past two years of fighting. Peter Neumann, a terrorism expert who runs the Centre for the Study of Radicalisation at King's College London, told Channel 4 News: “The numbers I hear [going from Britain to Somalia] are 50, 60 or 70, but in reality we don't know. You don't need big numbers for terrorism. Somalia will never become another Pakistan, but that does not mean it is not a threat.” Most Somalis in Britain entered the country as asylum-seekers within the past 20 years. They include Yasin Omar and Ramzi Mohammed, two of the four men convicted of the botched bombing of the London Underground on July 21, 2005. An audio message from Osama bin Laden last month urged Muslims to send money or go to fight themselves in Somalia. “Such references are usually a good indicator,” Dr Neumann said. “The place is seen as an opportunity, from a jihadist point of view.” Some Somali leaders say their community – already associated with gang and knife crime – is being unfairly targeted. But outside a West London mosque last week, several Somalis were adamant that they were entitled to fight for their homeland. “If American troops can go from Arizona to Iraq then someone can leave this area and go to Somalia,” one said. Jonathan Rugman is diplomatic correspondent of Channel 4 News. His film on Somalia is on at 7pm tonight. Case study: From business student to suicide-bomber The British Somali who became a suicide bomber had abandoned a business studies course at Oxford Brookes University (Jonathan Rugman writes). The 21-year-old from Ealing, West London, reportedly blew himself up at a checkpoint in the southern Somali town of Baidoa in October 2007 after crossing into Somalia by foot from Kenya. News reports at the time said that the Somali Prime Minister was staying at a nearby hotel but escaped. Somali jihadist websites claimed that more than 20 Ethiopian soldiers were killed. The bomber was a member of al-Shabaab – The Youth – militia, which is fighting to impose Islamic law. Its brutal tactics include decapitating alleged spies with knives. Six aid workers were reportedly killed by the group last December. It is not clear whether Britain's security services are aware of the Ealing student's case. His family, who still live in London, want his name withheld to avoid reprisals. The man had recorded a martyrdom video in which he urged Somalia's refugee diaspora to join him in his jihad. “Oh my people, know that I am doing this martyrdom operation for the sake of Allah,” he said. “I advise you to migrate to Somalia and wage war against your enemies. Death in honour is better than life in humiliation.” Sheikh Ahmed Aabi, a moderate Somali religious leader in Kentish Town, northwest London, said that he knew of the Ealing case and had heard from other families of sons travelling to Somalia to join warring Islamist groups. “I'm hearing it from parents,” he said. “They say they [their children] are joining the jihad. I am hearing there are a lot of people. This is a big problem facing our community.” Failed state 1991 Mohamed Siad Barre ousted as leader, causing civil war 1993 Militias fight US soldiers after shooting down two US army helicopters taking part in an operation to capture the warlord Mohamed Farrah Aidid 2000 Senior figures elect Abdulkassim Salat Hassan as President. Warlords, backed by Ethiopia, vow to set up their own government 2004 Abdullahi Yusuf elected President 2006 Scores killed in worst violence for a decade. Ethiopia invades and fights Union of Islamic Courts, accused of links to al-Qaeda, for control of Mogadishu 2007 Islamic Courts reduced to guerrilla force. A million refugees 2008 Record piracy January 2009 The Islamist al-Shabaab militia takes control of Baidoa, previously seat of transitional government. Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, a moderate, becomes President. Ethiopian forces withdraw Source: Times archives

Is the convention of ciyaalkii madaxda? Sharmaake, Qoorsheel, .......!

We wish this government a good fortune and luck- it needs it bucket load. Congrats to the new boy on the block. Sophist

Gheele! Don't be a droll. As far I am concerned the chance is high! Update your CV Gheele; you never know as might become Min of fishing

Keep your ears on the ground. I have been asked to submit my CV 5 hours ago and I have been told that I am in the final three! I am patiently waiting my phone to ring guys Cabinet: who has the guts to leave behind his cushioned work in the west? NB: Only those with a track record of minimum 5 years of professional experience need to apply! All doll taking or community world lords need not to waste their time.

Abwaan@lol

Emperor; we will see about that. War badan maad moogtahay!

Eraser "Personally it means I will not be doing an MPA under him at the Hubert Humphrey that was the only reason I would have moved to the rust belt". could you elucidate that? For me, my candidate is Ali Jangeli. I think he has the requisite intellectual capacity to fill this seat without being enormously condecending to his peers-- Prof Galaydh's personality oozes intense confidence which some might translate as arrogance plus the Sharif will feel he will over shadow him!! Jangeli all the way I say.