Waar SS, Maxaad sheegeysaa? Sow tan aad adiguba ka dheregtay xoolahan loo dhoofinayo Sacuudiga. Mise Qardho waa laga jaray cashuurtii Bosaso? Faroole inuu sidaa dhaamo baan moodeyey ee maxaa jira... On a serious note, though, it's the underlying economics based on the political/social construct that keeps Somaliland jugging along. This is the point I always emphasize to the 'rebels' on these Boards.

''The most striking is Somaliland, which broke away from Somalia in 1991, and has built itself up from war-torn rubble into probably the most democratic polity in the Horn of Africa.'' - BBC

20 February 2012 Last updated at 03:39 ET Somalia: Far from a failed state? With leaders from more than 50 countries and international organisations due to gather this week for the London Conference on Somalia, BBC Africa analyst and Somalia specialist Mary Harper argues that Somalia's business leaders offer reasons to hope for the war-torn country's future. UK Prime Minister David Cameron has managed to convince some of the world's most powerful people, including UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, to come to London because Somalia is seen as the world's most comprehensively failed state, representing a threat to itself, the Horn of Africa region and the wider world. “Start Quote I expect livestock exports from the port to increase dramatically from three million head of livestock in 2011 to 4.5 million in 2012” Ali XoorxoorBerbera port manager The conference will focus on three issues that have already had far-reaching and devastating consequences: Piracy, terrorism and famine. But away from the headlines and the stereotypical media images of skeletal children, skinny pirates in tiny skiffs, and gun-wielding Islamist insurgents, their heads wrapped in black and white scarves, there is another side to the Somali story that is positive, enterprising and hopeful. Remarkable things are happening which could serve as models for a new start. It may come as a surprise that, despite coming top of the world's Failed State Index for the past four years in a row, Somalia ranks in the top 50% of African countries on several key development indicators. A study by the US-based Independent Institute found that Somalia came near the bottom on only three out of 13 indicators: Infant mortality; access to improved water resources and immunisation rates. It came in the top 50% in crucial indicators like child malnutrition and life expectancy, although this may have changed since last year's famine. "Far from chaos and economic collapse, we found that Somalia is generally doing better than when it had a state," said the institute. "Urban businessmen, international corporations, and rural pastoralists have all functioned in a stateless Somalia, achieving standards of living for the country that are equal or superior to many other African nations." 'Freewheeling capitalism' Of course many people in Somalia have suffered horribly during the past 20 years of state collapse, but some sectors of the economy, both traditional and modern, are positively booming. It may come as another surprise that two northern Somali ports account for 95% of all goat and 52% of all sheep exports for the entire East African region. According to the London-based Chatham House think-tank, the export of livestock through these ports, and the nearby port of Djibouti, represents what "is said to be the largest movement of live animal - 'on the hoof' - trade anywhere in the world". I recently visited one of these ports, Berbera, in the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, where port manager Ali Xoorxoor told me: "I expect livestock exports from the port to increase dramatically from three million head of livestock in 2011 to 4.5 million in 2012. "This is because of healthy demand from the Gulf, especially Saudi Arabia, and new markets emerging in Egypt, Syria and Oman. The Egyptians are especially fond of our camels, mainly for meat." The livestock trade has exploded since Somalia's government imploded in 1991. One trader told me exports from the northern ports alone is worth more than $2bn (£1.3bn) a year; this does not appear to be an exaggeration, when one considers that just one sheep is worth at least $30 and a camel several hundred. Academic Peter Little found what he described as a "spectacular surge" in cross-border cattle trade from Somalia to Kenya, where cattle sales in the Kenyan town of Garissa, near the border with Somalia, grew by an "astounding" 600% in the years following the collapse of central authority. In his book, Somalia: Economy without State, Mr Little describes how "a freewheeling, stateless capitalism" has flourished in the country. On their way to market, Somali nomads drive their livestock through hundreds of kilometres of harsh, hostile terrain, much of it occupied by militias including the Islamist group, al-Shabab. These nomads know how to negotiate their way through enemy territory; perhaps they have a thing or two to teach Somali politicians and international agencies struggling to get aid to those who need it most. Cold Coca-Cola Continue reading the main story “Start Quote The khat network reaches every corner of Somalia every day of the year and doesn't stop for wars, drought, floods, epidemics, Friday prayers, Ramadan - anything really” Nuradin DirieSomali analyst Another traditional area of the Somali economy which has thrived in a stateless society, and could serve as a useful model, is the khat trade, worth hundreds of millions of dollars a year. This narcotic leaf, grown in Kenya and Ethiopia, is delivered fresh, with tremendous efficiency, to remote parts of Somalia, including those affected by drought and famine. Special "khat planes", pick-up trucks and people on foot ensure khat gets to market before noon, the day after it is picked. Otherwise, the khat-chewers will not buy it. The local authorities and international aid agencies could learn something from those in the khat business about how to deliver supplies, perhaps of food, medicine and other essential items, to difficult and dangerous areas. As Somali analyst Nuradin Dirie says: "The khat network reaches every corner of Somalia every day of the year and doesn't stop for wars, drought, floods, epidemics, Friday prayers, Ramadan - anything really. "I suggested to the UN that it could make use of khat networks to vaccinate children as this would create an opportunity for 100% vaccination coverages. "Of course I did not succeed," he says. "I have travelled quite a lot inside Somalia. To little villages and big towns, to far away rural areas and to remote coastal outposts. "Wherever I go, I always manage to get a cold Coca-Cola. If they can store cool Coca-Cola, there is a strong possibility they can handle vaccinations too." Other more modern sectors of the economy are also thriving. Somalia has one of the cheapest, most efficient mobile phone networks in Africa. It is home to Dahabshiil, one of the largest money transfer companies on the continent, which together with other remittance outfits, delivers some $2bn worth of remittances to Somali territories a year, according to the UN. Like the khat traders, remittance companies deliver money to remote and treacherous places all over Somalia. Can-do attitude Some humanitarian groups use these companies to deliver cash-for-food and other forms of assistance; perhaps more use could be made of these pre-existing remittance networks, which link Somalis together, wherever they are in the world, connecting them in a matter of minutes. Many Somali camels are exported to Egypt, where they are highly prized There is a startling contrast between the productive, can-do attitude of the Somali business community, and the sometimes obstructive, counter-productive approach of the politicians. Members of the Somali diaspora, and those who stayed behind during the long years of conflict, are doing daring, imaginative and positive things. A group of British-educated brothers from the self-declared republic of Somaliland has built a Coca-Cola bottling plant amongst the sand, anthills and cacti, creating a surreal environment of green lawns, gleaming white walls, glossy red paint, and polished factory floors. A pioneering young woman has recently set up an art gallery in Hargeisa. Another has opened up a boutique, where smartly dressed attendants sell shoes, handbags, brightly coloured lingerie, and men's and women's clothes in the very latest Somali fashion. A man in Mogadishu runs a Billiards and Snooker Federation. There are also political models and inspirations on offer within the Somali territories. The most striking is Somaliland, which broke away from Somalia in 1991, and has built itself up from war-torn rubble into probably the most democratic polity in the Horn of Africa. It has done this on its own, from the bottom-up, combining the old with the new, to create a political system that gives authority to clan elders as well as those elected by the public. The Somali business community and places like Somaliland have "worked" because they have married the best of the traditional and the modern. Much that has "failed" in Somalia is a result of combining the "bad", divisive things about the traditional clan system with dangerous modern elements, especially weapons. It might be more productive for anyone interested in helping Somalia back onto its feet, including those at the London Conference, to deal with and learn from the business community instead of the politicians. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-17080664

If you read through this whole article, the usual thing stands out. Whenever the international media is fishing for positive developments coming from the Somalis, they take the first plane to Somaliland and use it as an example of the possible positive potential of Somalis. All of this was achieved through a political construct called 'Somaliland'. Without this political construct, Somaliland would be just another failed state just like the rest of the former Somali Republic. These are the cold hard facts! Yet some argue for 're-unification' - but what is there to entice the Somalilander back to that 'severely' failed experiment???

Sayid*Somal;791786 wrote: Showqi - saxiib taas anigu waxba kama qabo - waxaanse la yaabanahay - nimankaan warqaddaha saxiixaayey badankood Af Ingiriis mayaqaanaan - marka haddii aan warqad u qoro oo aan dhaho waxa say u rabeen - balse xaqiiqda masha ku qoran ka duwan tahay - soo ma dhici karto in ay wali saxiixan - haddii aysan odhanayn Afkayaga kali ah baan ku saxiixaynaa, bacdeene isagoo turjuman saxaafada af ingiriis ku hadla ha loo qaybiyo. So true! While many of us never had the chance to be educated in Af-Somali (in order to express complex ideas/processes in our home tongue - hence why so many of us write in English), we should view it as a weakness/deficiency not a badge of honor.

Sounds like Siyad Barre regime all over again. Remember Xamar was booming for a while even with all the corruption, nepotism, and despotism. At least, it was booming for some segments. But repression eventually leads to exactly where the Barre regime, like so many others, led to in 1991.

Simply evil video... Had me laughing for the first 2 minute and half. Didn't see the rest yet...

Deprivation and Despotism in Djibouti Paul Reynolds Monday, February 20, 2012 On Wednesday, 22 February 2012, President Guelleh of Djibouti will make a rare visit to London, to attend the London Conference on Somalia. He will of course be greeted with courtesy. The dire state of his nation and the nature of his regime however is unlikely to get much of an airing whilst he is is in London. This is not only because, as a former French colony and Africa's smallest country, little is known about Djibouti in the UK. It is also because his regime has recently found increasing favour in the 'West', but not in a way such that too much public scrutiny is welcomed. Djibouti is home to a large French military base. It is also home to an expanding multi-agency US base, 'Camp Lemonnier', about to undergo its next phase of development in the wake of events in Iran, Somalia, Syria and Yemen. Djibouti is host to negotiations over Somalia's future, and the to training of Somali soldiers supporting the fragile Transitional Federal Government (TFG) based in Mogadishu. A further 'Western' feather in President Guelleh's cap is the arrival in Somalia last month of 500 Djibouti soldiers to join troops supporting the TFG under the AMISOM UN mandate. What's more, on the face of it, the Djibouti economy looks in good condition. The IMF estimates economic growth of 4.6% in 2011 and projects 5.3% in 2012. Djibouti's economy is based on its strategic location at the narrow entrance to the Red Sea, leading to the Suez Canal. Its Dubai-invested ports provide maritime trade access for landlocked Ethiopia. Djibouti receives several hundred millions of dollars a year income from foreign military bases, and is favoured with generous aid. Its economic future looks bright 'on paper' also - the Chinese are re-building the railway to Ethiopia; two countries also cooperating in a planned oil pipeline from newly-independent South Sudan. Despite all this, all is not well in Djibouti. Under cover of 'Western' support, the regime has become more dictatorial and volatile, the more invincible it believes itself to be. It could easily be overthrown, with unpredictable consequences and the possibility of intervention from Eritrea, Ethiopia or even Somali Al Shabaab. The US and Europe appear unprepared for any of this, preferring to put all their eggs in one basket - and in the hope that the President's failing health does not test the absence of a viable secession strategy. The same family and party have been in power since independence from France. The increasingly luxurious lifestyle of the President's entourage has been criticised by international aid institutions, such as the use of a new Boeing 767 as 'the family's private jet' and the construction of outrageously lavish palaces for relatives. Having changed the constitution allowing himself to be President for life, and having blocked opposition candidates from standing against him for the April 2011 election, President Guelleh then expelled election monitors sent by the US State Department. He banned foreign observers, refused entry to respected journalists, and engaged in widespread manipulation of voter lists. Whilst in aggregate a middle-income country, the general population live in dire poverty. Djibouti has one of the highest infant and maternal mortality rates in Africa. Much of the population has no reliable access to clean water or electricity. Ports in Djibouti have to recruit abroad to find the skills they need, despite unemployment at home of 60%. Today, 52,000 people receive aid from the World Food Programme. The latest IMF survey warned that 'growth has thus far not succeeded in significantly reducing poverty or unemployment. The country ranked 147th out of 169 countries in the UNDP's Human Development Index for 2010, and malnutrition has risen. Investment has dried up in the wake of confiscations and arbitrary taxes. Even relations with Dubai investors have deteriorated. According to the World Bank, Djibouti is one of the worst countries in the world in which to do business, ranked 170th out of 183 countries. Economic deprivation in the wake of profligacy at the top is one potential trigger of instability. Another is the government's appalling human rights record. Large numbers were detained and mistreated during last year's Presidential elections. Prominent human rights and opposition activists were arrested, including leaders of the four main opposition parties. Demonstrations against the election process in February 2011 were met with tear gas and violence. Detention of government critics has persisted - on 3 February this year popular radio journalist Farah Abadid Hildid was abducted by police, stripped naked, and kept in a cell without water, the third time in a year he has been detained. This has been referred to the to the United Nations special rapporteur on torture. Is it wise to support this callous and kleptocratic dictatorship because it is friendly with the 'West'? British officials should be properly aware of the background and the risks. It will be in Britain's interest to promote a more cautious approach to President Guelleh, as part of its Somalia and Horn of Africa peace policy. Propping up deeply unpopular dictators has a habit of leaving the UK on the wrong side of the argument. Paul Reynolds is Independent foreign policy & international economics adviser, who has had senior political roles in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan, among other countries across the globe

AUN...

Oodweyne, Your concerns are warranted. Somalia had taken a precipitous decline when it comes to its sovereignty since the formation of the current TFG model in 2004. From that point on, the key decisions regarding the governance of Somalia have been made by outside powers/non-Somalis rather than Somalis themselves. The sacking of Abdullahi Yusuf, various sackings of Prime Ministers, nullification of Parliamentary decisions, significant regions coming under the control of foreign armies, etc., etc., where all decisions taken ultimately by outside non-Somali powers. Somaliland itself fell into this trap of foreign interference when it allowed foreign financing of its elections as well as foreign mediation (whenever Somaliland political parties couldn't agree on a procedural rule in election preparations). There's a reason most countries in this world (with the exception of weak African states) do not allow foreign-financed local NGOs to be registered in their systems due to the external interference in governance the foreign influence brings. This loss of sovereignty will be finally formalized in this Conference with all external actors coming to an agreement among themselves. Somalis will just sign the resolutions/declarations presented to them. Many on this Forum are too blinded by their own parochial interests to see the greater writing on the wall. As a Somali from Somaliland, I see the greater danger these type of conferences/meetings present to all Somalis - a people once known for their fierce independence. I also share your concern regarding Somaliland's participation in the Conference. Without being privy to any of the internal discussions between the British and the Somaliland government, I remain concerned regarding the pressure the British government can bring to bear on current Somaliland government members, given their personal links with the UK. But I'll leave it at that and hope for the best for both Somaliland and Somalia. Insha'Allah, kheyr!

If true, it looks like Somalia will be formally in trusteeship within some months... I've been warning of this for months now, but some on this Forum are too 'deaf, dumb, and blind' to see the writing on the wall.... All that they can see in their myopic view is how to drag Somaliland into the dirt with them... i.e. why isn't Somaliland in the same structure/situation as us? etc., etc.,

Sayid*Somal;790006 wrote: Talk about "pre-cooked" and then "microwaved" it = tasteless and unhealthy. There's been a lot of pushback from IGAD countries worried about a diversion from 'The Roadmap'. They expressed this sentiment to the British during the last AU meeting on Somalia (in Addis few weeks back). Don't quite know how a website such as SomaliaReport would be in a position to get hold of it, though... We'll see on the 23rd and can compare to this 'alleged leak'. Good way to test how good SomaliaReport's sources are...

11. We agreed that greater security in Somalia was essential to allow development and a more stable and inclusive political process. We welcomed the United Nations/ African Union plan for coordinated military engagement by the regional powers and Transitional Federal Government, and . We also welcomed the agreement of the European Commission to continue funding the salaries of AU soldiers on the ground . 12. We agreed that for lasting security Somalia must develop its own professional and accountable security forces. To that end, we agreed principles for the development of Somali armed forces, police and coastguard (Annex C), and agreed to support that development in a coordinated way. AMISOM would over time transition into a training mission. We agreed that the EU Training Mission strengthens Somali national forces; and welcomed the agreement to provide barracks for Somali forces in Mogadishu, so they can concentrate on their military tasks. Equally important is the development of structures to provide justice for the people of Somalia. We also agreed to support that sector by providing coordinated and strategic support based upon key principles (Annex X). We agreed to develop an international coordination structure for support to the Somali security and justice sectors. Piracy 13. On piracy, we agreed that the roots of the issue are on land not at sea, and our work on regional stability would be central to tackling the causes of piracy. Nevertheless we agreed that there would be no impunity for pirates, wherever they may be operating, under UNSCR 2015. As an interim measure some participants had amended their law to allow the use of armed guards on their flagged vessels: no vessel using armed guards has been successfully taken by pirates. We noted that international naval operations had reduced the incidents of piracy in the Gulf of Aden to their lowest levels since 2008 through international naval operations. We welcomed the EU commitment to supporting better maritime security arrangements from neighbouring states in East Africa. 14. We welcomed the arrangements some of us have instigated to allow us to capture pirates at sea; transfer them to the jurisdiction of the Seychelles and Mauritius for trial ; and then if convicted, the transfer of prisoners to internationally certified prisons in Puntland and Somaliland. These arrangements will be extended, to ensure a virtuous and effective circle of arrest, trial and imprisonment from sea to Somalia. 15. Finally, we noted the creation of a Regional Anti-Piracy Prosecution and Information Coordination centre in the Seychelles which will look at disrupting the money involved in piracy activity and seek to prosecute those who benefit from the proceeds of crime. Counter Terrorism 16. We expressed our concern that terrorism linked to Somalia posed a serious threat to Somalia itself, to the region and to the wider world. The continuing terrorist campaign by violent extremists has inflicted untold suffering on the Somali population. We acknowledged the importance of the wider work to develop a more stable and secure Somalia in achieving a long-term solution to the problem. But we also agreed that, in the meantime, the international community and the countries in the region had to work together with greater determination to develop capacity to disrupt terrorism across the region. This means stopping the movement of terrorists to and from Somalia, disrupting the flow of their finances, and delivering effective intelligence gathering, investigation, criminal prosecution and detention against them. We encouraged the relevant regional and international fora to drive forward international co-operation to produce concrete results in these areas. Stability and Recovery 17. We agreed that support to existing and emerging local areas of stability can play a crucial role in building peace and security for the Somali people. We talked about how the two approaches of supporting local (bottom up) and national (top down) stability should reinforce each other. A local stability approach can build positive incentives for local areas of stability to join a national political process, increasing its inclusion and credibility, and strengthening the process to build a legitimate central authority in Mogadishu after August 2012. 18. We also agreed that the local stability approach can deliver immediate development benefits for ordinary Somali men and women – notably by improving their safety and security and their access to economic opportunities, services, and to the benefits of reconstruction. We noted that quick wins such as this would be particularly important in newly emerging areas of stability. 19. We endorsed a set of principles for international support to areas of stability and . International coordination 21. Finally, we discussed the way in which the international community coordinates its approach to Somalia. We agreed that there needed to be effective mechanisms to ensure that progress made in London was carried forward to the Istanbul Conference and beyond. The International Contact Group on Somalia will continue to provide a forum for agreeing international community positions. We agreed on the need to restructure that group, establishing working groups to address international community support on the key issues of the political process, security, development, and human rights, with each working group convened by a lead nation. We agreed to put proposals in this regard to the next meeting of the International Contact Group. 22. We also agreed that a core group of Fifteen states and organisations would lead work on supporting Somalia with the United Nations. The group would hold open a sixteenth place for the permanent government of Somalia, once elected. They recommended that this core group report back to the international community every six months at the International Contact Group meetings. We looked forward to taking work on Somalia forward at the Istanbul Conference, and at the Abu Dhabi Conference on international piracy in June. 23 . We highlighted the central role of the United Nations Political Office for Somalia (UNPOS) in facilitating progress towards peace and stability in Somalia. We welcomed the efforts of the Special Representative of the Secretary General, Mr Mahiga in this regard. We called on UNPOS to improve and strengthen their operations to ensure adequate support to the Somali people in carrying out the challenging tasks ahead. We encouraged more effective coordination between the UN entities working on Somalia. Diaspora 25. We recognised the important role played in Somalia by the diaspora and by civil society, which are critical actors in the political, economic, security and humanitarian affairs of Somalia. Although attendance at the conference was reserved for governments and international institutions, Somali views, including those of the diaspora, were sought in advance of the event. Looking forward, we agreed to work together with Somali diaspora communities and civil society to help shape a better future for Somalia. Concluding points 23. The responsibility for stemming Somalia's decline rests with Somalis and in Somalia. We agreed that, as partners of Somalia, we would deliberately spend less of our time in Nairobi and other capitals, and more time in Mogadishu and other Somali cities. A number of us have recently opened Embassies in Mogadishu and appointed Ambassadors. Others are planning to do so. We look forward to the day when a conference on Somali issues can be held inside Somalia. Draft list of Annexes A Humanitarian donor activity B Political Process C Security Sector Reform/AMISOM D Local Stability Principles E Terms of Reference for JFMB F Slide showing proposed international coordination structures G List of participants http://somaliareport.com/index.php/post/2806/Leaked_Draft_Communique_for_London_Conference_

Leaked Draft Communique for London Conference Initial Document For Feb 23 Meeting Reveals Less Than Ambitious Agenda 02/15/2012 This is a leaked document on the Somalia conference planned for February 23, 2012. It contains a draft communique to be published at the end of the conference: LONDON CONFERENCE ON SOMALIA: DRAFT COMMUNIQUE 1. The London Conference on Somalia took place at Lancaster House on 23rd February 2012, attended by around fifty representatives from the international community, and from Somalia itself. Introduction 2. We agreed that this is a critical time in Somalia's history. Life for most Somalis has got consistently worse over the past few years. A generation of Somalis has grown up knowing nothing but conflict. The humanitarian crisis continues: the United Nations has said that the situation in Somalia remains the most critical in the world. It is time to turn the tide. Current governance arrangements come to an end in six months, in August, and Somalis want clarity on what will follow. African troops have successfully established a good measure of security in Mogadishu over the last twelve months. Advances by other forces have liberated areas formerly held by Al Shabaab. And at sea, international action against piracy has secured the international trade route in the Gulf of Aden 3. So we met in London to take stock, and to take decisions which will sustain the momentum of change. We wanted to show Somalia and the world that there is solidarity among the international community; that we are committed to supporting Somalia's continued emergence from its former status as a failed state; and that we recognise the importance of new actors on Somalia, especially Turkey and Qatar, in helping Somalia's future development. Humanitarian 4. The Conference was preceded by a separate meeting on humanitarian issues. Participants expressed concern at the critical humanitarian situation in Somalia. Four million people require emergency assistance; three million are in the South of Somalia, where famine and risk of imminent death remains for 250,000 people. They agreed that: - Drought has become famine in South Somalia because of conflict and insecurity; ending conflict is key to ending the current and future risk of famine. - Participants would provide timely, sustained and principled support to humanitarian organisations to ensure assistance reaches those who need it, when they need it, and regardless of political considerations; - International partners needed to move beyond just life saving assistance and provide more multi-year support to longer-term activities including for livelihood and basic social services, in order to strengthen people's resilience to shocks and stresses, and contribute to reducing the risk of future famines; and - International partners would coordinate more closely on humanitarian assistance in order to maximise the coverage of needs we can meet Political process 5. We agreed that the transition must end, and that the political process must now connect with the people of Somalia. We considered how the international community could support Somalis to accelerate decision-making on their future political structures. In this context, we noted the conclusions of the African Union Summit that: ...... We made clear that nobody would agree to the roll-over of the Transitional Federal Institutions in August. We were interested in process not individuals. We called on the Transitional Federal Institutions to make as much progress on the Roadmap as possible before August. 6. We noted the intention expressed at the Garowe meeting in December to convene a Constituent Assembly. We called on the Garowe signatories to enhance the proposed process to ensure that members of the Constituent Assembly were genuinely representative of communities across Somalia; and that the Assembly had adequate time to discuss the four key outstanding constitutional questions: whether Somalia should have a centralised or federal state; the boundaries of the constituent regions; whether Somalia should adopt a cabinet or presidential system of government; and the role of religion in the state. We also noted that decisions on the shape of the parliament must be taken within the framework of the discussion on the constitution. 7. We agreed that in August the functions of government should pass to a caretaker authority until the constitutional discussions concluded. The constitution itself must be endorsed by the people of Somalia in a referendum, or by an elected parliament once democratic elections have been held. We agreed to review progress on the Constituent Assembly at the Istanbul Conference in June, and encouraged the Secretary General of the United Nations to include an update on this in his regular reports to the Security Council. 8. We noted that corruption drives the war economy in Somalia, distorting the incentives of the authorities and reducing finance available for development and service delivery. One consequence is that some international trade is driven towards Kismayo port, which in some ways is a more reliable business environment than Mogadishu port. Somalia has important economic assets, which need to be used much more to benefit its people. We welcomed the launch of a Joint Financial Management Board between the Transitional Federal Government and donors. We noted the importance of mutual accountability between the authorities and the international community. The Board will ensure the good management of Somalia's domestic economic assets and revenues, and international aid, allowing Somalis themselves to monitor financial flows and to hold their leaders and the international community to account. We called upon relevant international agencies to accelerate feasibility studies for better and more transparent management of ports and airports, including Mogadishu port, and committed ourselves to supporting measures to implement these. 9. We talked about the role of Al Shabaab. We agreed that there was no place for violent extremism or foreign terrorists in Somalia, and we would continue to support the fight against them. But we also agreed that there would be a place for Islamic political parties in a future peaceful Somalia. We invited all those willing to reject violence as a political weapon to join the discussions on the future constitution of Somalia, which will determine the role of religion for the Somali nation. 10. We also agreed that international standards of human rights and probity of behaviour in public life should prevail in Somalia. We noted that the role of the Office for the High Commissioner for Human Rights in monitoring human rights violations, and in recommending how the Somali authorities, with the support of the international community could strengthen accountability for human rights violations and abuses. We agreed that individuals who diverted funds or aid intended for the benefit of the people of Somalia, or who sought to block or disrupt progress towards peaceful and stable government, should be held accountable, and we agreed to consider specific proposals in this regard at the Istanbul Conference. We agreed that the international community would uphold previously agreed sanctions by stopping engagement with those known to be involved in corruption, and agreed to adopt the following measures . We also agreed to redouble efforts to comply with UNSC Resolutions and strengthen controls over vessels involved in illicit trade with Somalia. Security

Relax guys. I'll allow you fellas to enjoy a few nights of sleep without 'Mintid' nightmares. Enjoy...

Dr_Osman;789535 wrote: The longest envoy i've ever witnessed in Somalia I think you mean to say 'convoy' instead of 'envoy'...

Abdul;789502 wrote: There is no 'geedka gogosha in the horizon. Are you sure about that??

Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar;789438 wrote: Hadduu qoraalkiisa ugu tala galay Soomaaliga joogo Yeman, kan joogo Koonfur Afrika, tan joogto Malaysia iyo kan joogo New Zealand -- hadduu qoraalkaan iyaga quseeyo, in Afsoomaali looga qoro ahayd. Mise wuxuu wada moodaa Soomaalida dhan inay wada yihiin wasiiradiisa uu magacowday oo baasabooro Mareykan, Kanada iyo Ingiriis wada wato. MMA, You missed the point. It's written in English not for Somalis, but to show the 'international community/donors' that he's engaging his people. This way his head won't be included on the chopping block - come August...

The two scourges that have tainted the noble 'Somali' name; Terrorism and Piracy

Higher speeds, hired guns drive Somali piracy cost 8 February 2012 Reuters News LBA English © 2012 Reuters Limited * Total costs estimated at around $7 billion in 2011 * Ships forced to travel faster over longer routes * Many more using armed private security guards By Peter Apps, Political Risk Correspondent LONDON, Feb 8 (Reuters) - Somali piracy in the Indian Ocean costs the global economy some $7 billion a year, a study said on Wednesday, with ships forced to travel faster over longer routes and increasingly hire armed security guards. "The question for the shipping industry is how long this is sustainable," said Anna Bowden, programme manager for the research by the U.S.-based One Earth Future foundation. For the last five years, a few hundred pirates sailing from a handful of towns in the Somali enclave of Puntland have pushed ever deeper into the Indian Ocean despite the dozens of international warships trying to stop them. The study showed world governments spending at least $1.3 billion trying to control the problem, a figure dwarfed by shipping industry costs estimated at up to $5.5 billion. The biggest single item was the $2.7 billion it costs for lone container ships to hurry through at much higher, and much less economic, speeds. Non-container ships with less flexibility to increase speed were adopting other costly strategies. Shippers also spent more than $1 billion on private security guards, often armed, a figure that was rising sharply, the study showed. Half of all ships were carrying guards by the end of last year, against an average of 25 percent for the whole year. That means the private security companies, many based in Britain or elsewhere in northern Europe, that combat the pirates were earning much more than the pirates themselves. COMPLACENCY SETTING IN? The report estimated the total paid in ransoms at $160 million although the average ransom for a ship paid in 2011 rose from $4 million to $5 million. Whilst slightly fewer ships were taken in 2011, the amount of time vessels and crews were held hostage kept increasing, as did the level of violence used in attacks and against hostages. Nonetheless,, protective measures have proved relatively effective, the study said. So far, pirates have never seized a ship travelling faster than 18 knots. Armed private security guards also had a 100 percent success rate in protecting ships. Shippers have added barb wire and an array of other measures to vessels, including "citadels" - armoured safe rooms in which crews can shelter from attack until naval help arrives. That has helped bring down insurance premiums, although shippers are still paying some $635 million in extra premiums. Re-routing ships to hug the Indian coast to avoid the mostly unpatrolled Indian Ocean cost $486-680 million. Crews demanded some $195 million in higher wages to transit the region. "A major risk for 2012 is that complacency sets in if we think piracy is now under control," said Jens Vestergaard Madsen, a senior researcher on the project. "Pirates were less successful in 2011, but the piracy problem is still not resolved. Ninety nine percent of these costs are spent mitigating the problem, not resolving it." In its first attempt to put a price tag on Somali piracy a year ago, the foundation estimated an annual global cost of $7-12 billion. This year's estimate was at the lower end of that range partly because of a better dataset and partly because some numbers used earlier, such as estimates from insurance firms of ransom costs, appeared unrealistically high, the authors said. The full report can be found at http://oceansbeyondpiracy.org/

Waar, Che Wuu iga nixiyey markuu yidhi 1992 baan dhashey :D That ended the conversation right there! As for Puntland, you know I occasionally like to bring the pirates down to reality rather than the fantasy they paint on the Boards....

Ok, saaxiib. Meel fog ma kala joogno. Weynu isu iman eventually - geedka gogosha uun ba lagaa sugayaa inaad dooratid...

Somalia's Piracy Has Major Global Costs, but Also Incentives 10 February 2012 Voice of America Press Releases and Documents VOA English CY Copyright © 2012 Federal Information & News Dispatch, Inc. VOA English Service Recent research indicates piracy from Somalia is costing the world economy billions of dollars, but also bringing lots of money to pirates and Somali communities. A recent report by the U.S.-based One Earth Future Foundation on costs related to Somalia piracy is prompting questions about how to more effectively curb these activities. The report said Somali pirates cost the shipping industry and governments nearly $7 billion last year, with lots of money being spent for ships to go faster, to pay ransom when crew and cargo are captured, and for security operations. These include naval missions by several countries, which effectively have pushed most of the pirate attacks out of the Gulf of Aden, to the much wider and more difficult to control Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean. A leading expert on piracy, Roger Middleton, said while in recent months, the number of hijackings has dropped, the attacks have become more and more profitable for those behind them. "For all the success of naval operations, and some of them have been very successful, piracy is a more profitable enterprise in the last year than it was the year before, and the trend seems to be upwards for ransom payments," said Middleton. These payments now average about $5 million - making piracy usually well worth the risk, according to Middleton. "You can make $10,000 as a pirate, at the most basic, lowest level for one successful hijacking. If you do three of those in a year, you are doing very, very well by any standards anywhere in the world," said Middleton. "Put in mind that the estimate for Somali gross domestic product per head is about $600 per year, and for many, many people it is much, much lower than that, and the economic incentive is absolutely clear. Piracy is the best career you can have." He said the semi-autonomous Puntland region of Somalia has just enough stability to allow a criminal enterprise such as piracy to flourish, while not enough governance to stop it. Middleton made his comments at a recent gathering of the Institute of International and European Affairs in Dublin, Ireland. Last month, a study published by the British think-tank Chatham House said several populated areas of Puntland were benefiting from investments funded by piracy, with increased electricity, housing construction and vehicles. Many of the lower level pirates are former fishermen who have been quoted as saying they were not making enough money to feed their families anymore. In the past two decades, boats from around the world took advantage of the lack of law and order in Somalia's waters, as well as agreements with authorities, to operate large-scale fishing, making the catches of local fishermen smaller and smaller. U.S. Government Document VOA0000020120213e82a00004

Erotica and politics all part of the job for Africa pioneer ANDREW BURRELL 11 February 2012 The Australian © 2012 News Limited. All rights reserved. Oil chief Peter Landau has had to fulfil some strange requests PROFILE PETER Landau knew he was taking a big risk when he flew into Somalia carrying a box of erotic DVDs. But risk is something Landau, the knockabout executive director of oil company Range Resources and the new chairman of troubled gold explorer Paynes Find Gold, appears to embrace. Last month, Range became the first company in more than two decades to drill for oil in Somalia, a country that has been plagued by civil war, lawlessness, piracy and Islamic extremism. It's a major achievement given that oil majors including ConocoPhillips, Amoco and AGIP fled the country in the early 1990s when fighting broke out and an American Black Hawk helicopter was downed in Mogadishu. Landau, 40, doesn't shy away from the inherent riskiness of the venture: in fact he has used it as a deliberate sales pitch to investors who are prepared to take a chance on a region with the potential to become a major oil producer. Range's wells are in semi-autonomous Puntland, in the arid northeast of the troubled nation. But even in this more stable part of Somalia, the severe poverty is confronting. Which is how Landau, a former corporate lawyer, found himself carrying a box of DVDs and magazines into the Muslim country a few years ago. As Landau tells it, some of the guards employed on Range's oil project in Puntland had asked him to bring some erotic DVDs on his next visit from Australia. ``I ordered it from Fyshwick . . . it was non-violent erotica,'' he recalls with a laugh. ``The smiles on their face -- that sort of humour you can't put a price on. There's nothing better than seeing someone with no money experience that sheer delight. ``There's no fun sitting around a room of Swiss bankers talking about what Mercedes they're going to buy next or which villa in Capri they're going to stay at. Whereas giving a box of erotic DVDs to 20 Puntland guards is just brilliant.'' The forthright Landau has needed to adopt a few similarly unconventional techniques during the six years it has taken for Range and its joint-venture partner, Canada's Africa Oil, to undertake seismic surveys and start drilling two wells that could hold more than 300 million barrels of oil. Listed Australian junior Red Emperor Resources also has a stake in the project. Landau has encountered plenty of scepticism that Range would even get to this stage and admits to quietly wondering a few times himself whether it would ever happen. His most anxious moments came in 2009, when Puntland's president was replaced by its former finance minister who had been critical of the government's agreement with Range to grant it exclusive rights to explore for oil. ``I can't deny that the change of government was a concern -- we had invested so much time with (the former president),'' Landau says. ``The rumour was that the new government was backed by a rival oil company.'' Landau, who estimates he has travelled from Perth to Somalia 20 times in the past six years, managed to soothe relations with the new administration and the project was able to continue. But his confidence has also been shaken by several security incidents, including a bombing in 2008 in the city of Bosaso that killed 20 people, which was blamed on the Islamic insurgency group Al-Shabbab. Landau says the key to survival -- in both a literal and business sense -- in Somalia is attempting to understand the local people and their history. Good luck and good timing also come in handy, he adds. ``The only thing we did differently to others, I guess, is we had a genuine passion for knowledge: to understand Somalia, understand how it broke down, understand the clan system and understand the current state of play,'' he says. ``Some companies just say we've got a piece of paper, let's go and drill. The two traits I hate about the oil and gas industry are ignorance and naivety.'' Landau is a firm believer that Range's oil project, assuming its exploration program proves successful, will boost Somalia's economic prospects, employ local people and provide a massive boost to the government's coffers. Range will pay generous royalties to the government and share profits 50:50 after costs are recovered. ``People have called to congratulate on drilling the wells, but the fulfilment will only come in five or 10 years' time when you've got schools and hospitals and the country is receiving $1 billion in royalties,'' he says. ``It will be very disappointing if we don't find oil.'' Landau dismisses suggestions that the Puntland government may squander its oil revenues, saying the clan system that operates in the region ensures transparency and should prevent the emergence of a dictator who could squirrel away the money. With six years of work in Somalia behind him, Landau may be the ideal candidate to take over as non-executive chairman of colourful Perth explorer Paynes Find Gold. The Australian Securities & Investments Commission is investigating allegations that money was siphoned out of the company during the colourful reign of sacked chief executive Peter Salter. Paynes floated in late 2010 and took about nine months to burn through almost all of the $9 million it raised from investors. The shares have been suspended from trading since October. The company was caught up in a series of other controversies, with The Australian revealing in December that Salter was dismissed over a sexual harassment case. Salter's behaviour was also under scrutiny amid allegations that he urinated into a sick bag during a company charter flight and threatened to punch the pilot. A group of Paynes shareholders, including Perth porn king Malcolm Day and skimpies boss Steve Zielinski, failed in an attempt to roll the board, but their candidate, Perth businessman Carl Popal, was eventually installed after the resignation of chairman Paul Berresford. Landau says he took on the role because he had seen his investment of $100,000 in Paynes virtually vanish and he still believes that the tenements at Paynes Find, 420km northeast of Perth, rank as some of the best unexplored gold ground in Western Australia. Paynes Find said yesterday it had launched a $4m rights issue as part of an attempt to restart a drilling program and be reinstated to trading. For Landau, Paynes is also a chance to become involved in his first Australian resources play for several years. Landau says he is not interested in examining the misdeeds of the past at Paynes but is happy for others to do so. ``I've had a brief look at what's gone on -- it's interesting,'' he says. ``It's definitely not the way we'd manage a company, but my job is to look forwards rather than backwards.'' News Ltd.

Somalia;789362 wrote: Isn't it funny getting schooled by people born after 1991? In fact, I was born in 1992. Thank you for sharing that fact, young Mr.Somalia. Many things make sense now. Carry on....