Jacaylbaro
Nomads-
Content Count
44,142 -
Joined
-
Last visited
-
Days Won
1
Content Type
Profiles
Forums
Calendar
Everything posted by Jacaylbaro
-
iDirect service Available from 1st of May 2006 Two-way broadband Internet access for private use, for companies, and institutions for the whole Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran, Lebanon, Cyprus, Israel, Palestine, Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain, Oman, Turkey, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Syria and Turkmenistan. The project offered by Technologie Satelitarne is broadband access to the internet in areas with poor telecommunications infrastructure. The main medium of transmission is a broadband two-way satellite transfer system which provides good access to the internet in even the least accessible areas. It not only provides an internet connection but also a wide range of additional services which we can start on iDirect platform. This kind of satellite access is also used by US Army soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan. They share signal from single terminal for other users in LAN network and all are in contact with families in United States. The Internet access has resulted in major morale improvements. Troops no longer feel cut off from home. This is especially important for the many who are married, and have young children. iDirect is the in
-
i wonder what will come after the TFG ,,,,,, how many names did we see in the past horta ?????
-
..WHO SAID SOMALI MEN CAN'T COOK?..A VIDEO PROOF..
Jacaylbaro replied to Instinct.Poet's topic in General
Originally posted by Muj. Red Sea: Waryaa that is great stuff. My brother which his name is Mukhtar was there over the weekend, he had meher lunch there, you probably met him? WAxaan moodayay inaad lahayd afsoomaali mooyaane wax kele dib la iigu arki maayo ,,, -
don't dump her plzzzzzzzz ,, i hear u is a big time dumper ,,,,, looooooooool now leave CC alone ,, will u ???
-
THAT IS WHAT I CALL CRISIS AND POOR PPL SUFFERING
-
looooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooool Will do it soon ,,,,,,,,,, just don't worry
-
Saving security in Sommalia--Peter Pham Two weeks ago in this space, I reported that the supporters of Somalia's defeated Islamic Courts Union (ICU) were reconstituting themselves as the "Popular Resistance Movement in the Land of the Two Migrations" (PRM) and beginning to undertake the same insurgency strategy and unconventional tactics which foreign jihadis and Sunni Arab insurgents, often functioning in an at least operational alliance, have employed to deadly effect in Iraq. Developments over the last ten days have proven my analysis of the situation to have been on target: On March 20, as Ugandan troops – the approximately 1,200 Ugandans are the only contingent from the roughly 4,000 personnel pledged to the projected 8,000-strong peacekeeping force to be dubbed the "African Union Mission to Somalia" (AMISOM) – awaited the delivery of much-needed hardware at Mogadishu's main seaport, they were hit by some thirty mortar shells. On March 21, as forces loyal to the "Transitional Federal Government" (TFG) of Somalia, backed by the Ethiopians who had driven the ICU off three months ago, tried to establish control over parts of Mogadishu by disarming militants, fierce fighting broke out and dozens of casualties were reported. The Somali Shabelle news service posted onto its website graphic Black Hawk Down–like photos of the desecrated bodies of fallen troops being dragged through the streets by supporters of the dissident factions. More menacingly, leaders of the ****** clan, which predominates in the sometime Somali capital, issued a press statement encouraging their fighters to resist – which they do quite effectively, setting up roadblocks throughout the city. By March 22, as a steady stream of families continue to flee the city for the relative safety of the countryside (an estimated 40,000 have left since the beginning of the month), fights were raging in both the northern and southern quarters of Mogadishu. Many of the refugees are forced to walk as far as 30 kilometers because the price of motorized transportation tripled in less than twenty-four hours. Meanwhile, later that same day, fighting also erupted in Galgadud, some 500 kilometers north of Mogadishu between TFG forces and local clansmen. As the fighting continues, Major General Levi Karuhanga, the commander of the Ugandan AMISOM "peacekeepers," issued a plaintive appeal for reinforcements, but his plea has not been answered. Rather, his boss, Ugandan Minister of State for Defense Ruth Nankabirwa, pledged not to risk the lives of her country's soldiers by allowing their deployment outside of Mogadishu. On March 23, apparently giving up their efforts to disarm the Mogadishu militias, Ethiopian commanders agreed to a truce with ****** clan elders. The Ethiopians will refrain from any further efforts to disarm the clan's fighters and will be confined to their barracks until they can withdraw. In exchange, the ****** will permit the Ethiopians to leave unmolested. (At the time of this writing, reports are that the ceasefire is holding in some quarters, but fraying dangerously in others.) That same day, a Russian-built, Belarusian-operated Ilyushin-76 cargo plane taking off from the Mogadishu airport was targeted by as many as three ground-to-air rockets. One of the missiles found its mark, bringing down the aircraft and its eleven passengers, all of whom were reported to be foreign nationals. Once again, photos of clearly non-Somali bodies being dragged about circulated. While these events are more immediately indicative of a widespread local disaffection with the TFG and its international backers, evidence has emerged that foreign elements have not been slow to exploit the situation. In a 30-minute video posted to the internet last Sunday by al-Qaeda's al-Sahab media unit, a Libyan al-Qaeda leader who with three others made a daring escape from the U.S. prison for terrorists at the Bagram airbase north of Kabul in 2005, Mohammed Hassan (a.k.a. Abu Yahya al-Libi), addressed himself to the Somali militants and offered both tactical and strategic advice: My patient brother Mujahideen in Somalia ... you have to stick to the gang wars, because it is the longest of battles and ... most suitable for small numbers and vulnerable fighters. Slam them with one raid after another, set ambushes against them, and shake their soil with land mines and shake their bases with suicide attacks and car bombs. The goal of your fight and the purpose of your jihad is the expulsion of the occupier and his helpers and the establishment of an Islamic state in the land of Somalia. To spearhead this fight, according to a report in The Times, al-Qaeda had last week formally designated a Somali Islamist military commander Adan Hashi 'Ayro, who trained in Afghanistan before 9/11 and is close to the fugitive chairman of the ICU's council, Sheikh Hassan Dahir 'Aweys, as the head of its operations in Somalia. ('Aweys himself phoned into the BBC last week just hours after the bodies of the fallen Ethiopian and TFG soldiers were dragged through the streets of Mogadishu to praise the deeds of the "resistance" and promise that the Islamists would be back, riding the wave of anti-foreign sentiment.) The response of the international community to these troubling developments has been underwhelming. On March 24, the members of the United Nations Security Council dispatched South African Ambassador Dumisani S. Kumalo, current holder of the rotating presidency, out to read a press statement "to express their concern about the resumption of violence in Somalia" and "to stress the need to desist from further acts of violence, adhere to international humanitarian law, and afford unimpeded access for relief workers." Of course, while reiterating the world organization's support for both the TFG and AMISOM, the statement did not pretend to address the concern I first expressed three months ago that "even if U.S. and European envoys manage to cajole other countries into contributing the rest of the 8,000 peacekeepers to take the place of the withdrawing Ethiopian intervention force, it is beyond delusional to think that such a modest contingent of Africans can succeed where the infinitely more robust UNITAF and UNOSOM II forces, with their 37,000 and 28,000 personnel respectively, failed barely a decade ago." The way forward is not to be found by mindlessly repeating mantras about dialogue aimed at shoring up a "transitional government" that has done precious little governing since it was established nearly three years ago or by cheerleading for a peacekeeping force that – the brave little Ugandan contingent aside – does not exist, even on paper, four months after the UN Security Council authorized its creation. Rather, what is needed is the clarity of vision and the political courage to squarely face the facts on the ground and come to the following realizations: The recent escalation in violence cannot be interpreted other than as the wholesale rejection by Somali clans of the TFG as well as any foreign forces which are viewed as shoring up the that pretender government. The danger is that, since Somalia's homegrown Islamists were defeated but not eliminated as I called for in January while the Ethiopian campaign was in progress, the clansmen will align themselves with the ICU/PRM much like the Pashtun tribes backed and, in many cases, continue to back the Taliban in Afghanistan. Stop wasting time, money, political capital, and, now, lives on the TFG. There is no hope of outsiders being able to reconstitute a unitary Somali state. Somalilanders – roughly half of whom have been born after the northwestern republic reclaimed its sovereignty upon the collapse of the Somali Democratic Republic in 1991 and have never even known themselves as Somalis – will never agree to turn back the clock and reenter into a union with the rest of the country. The inhabitants of the semi-autonomous northeastern region of Puntland which, while not as politically advanced as the Republic of Somaliland, is nonetheless making significant progress on its own, are likewise unlikely to want to chain themselves to the anarchic rest of the former state. As for the other Somali regions, their clans show little inclination to surrender their traditional freedoms, reasserted in the decade and a half since the collapse of the Siyad Barre dictatorship, to a new central regime. Consequently, short of employing overwhelming brutal force – and, even then, the odds of success are not good – there is little likelihood that Humpty Dumpty can be put back together again. Given that the international community is both unlikely to use force to compel unity and unwilling to support extensive nation-building efforts, its primary strategic objective must therefore be to prevent both outside actors from exploiting the vacuum left by the de facto extinction of the entity formerly known as Somalia and those inside the onetime state from spreading their insecurity throughout a geopolitically sensitive region. On a secondary level the international community might also be interested in facilitating progress inside the failed state; however the outsiders' chief interests will be allocating their scarce resources where they can achieve some effect. Consequently, it follows from these premises that the only way to salvage something out of the wreckage of Somalia – and the international community's Somalia policy – will be to adopt something like the following steps: First, formally acknowledge de jure what is already de facto: the desuetude of "Somalia" as a sovereign subject of international law. Unitary Somalia is not only dead, but the carcass of that state has been putrefied; reanimation is no longer in the realm of possible. This description of reality does not mean that the former state's territory necessarily reverts back to terra nullius that is up for grabs – as if any rational, responsible state actor would want the quagmire – but rather that it would be a quarantined area under broadly-defined international surveillance to prevent outsiders from exploiting the lack of a central government. Second, while encouraging Somalis to pursue peaceful dialogue among themselves, establish formal benchmarks for responsible governance within the former Somalia against which the regions or clans or whatever entities the Somali people themselves choose to organize for themselves will be measured. As these proto-states advance along that continuum of political maturity, they can gain progressive international recognition with the access which that would confer – for example, "interim special status" as a quasi-state entity within multilateral political and economic forums – as well as increasing amounts of assistance by way of incentive. Somaliland would, in my estimation, be well along the right side of this curve and would be ready soon – if it is not already – for international recognition; other Somali regions may take longer. Third, redefine the role of the African "peacekeepers" to keeping the peace along Somalia's borders with other countries in the subregion, rather than trying to use this force to assert the questionable claims to authority by a clearly unpopular "government" like the TFG. The addition of naval and air components to the AMISOM ground force would bolster its capacity prevent foreign non-state actors such as al-Qaeda as well as state sponsors of terrorism or other spoiler states from supporting Islamist and other insurgents within Somalia. Fourth, recognize that occasionally forces like the U.S. Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) based in nearby Djibouti or the U.S. Fifth Fleet in the Arabian Sea will have to take preemptive action to prevent terrorists from gaining a foothold in Somalia when the nascent forces of order within Somalia and the AMISOM peacekeepers redeployed to guarding the perimeter may prove themselves unwilling or simply unable to do so. While a policy like the one I have outlined may strike many as minimalist, to date the international community has shown little inclination to do much more than proffer empty words. Furthermore, my approach buys Somalis themselves the space within which to make their own determinations about their future while at the same time allowing the rest of the world, especially the countries of the Horn of Africa, to realize most of security objectives. In short, this strategy has offers the most realistic hope of salvaging a modicum of regional stability and international security out of an increasingly intractable situation. – J. Peter Pham
-
Inaalillaaaaaaahi,,,,,, how did i miss this bal ?? walee ninkii hunguri dusdus xumadiisa mooyaane waxbaa qabsaday ,,,,,,,,,,,, Horta why single mothers are single mothers ??? ,,,,,,, don't tell me they are all dumped coz i can't buy that shyyyyyttttt horta they know how to please a man but they also know how to cook him ,,,,,
-
This is amazing ,,,,,,,,, OMG Gotta find out more about this ,,,, realy interesting and matches my .........
-
come on girls ,,,,,,,,,,,,, let's face the truth ahhhhhhhhh,, what should i say now , ??? dadkii indha qabay maye ??
-
Time to visit the place ,,,,,,,,,, i have to arrange for a trip now ,, i can't miss this
-
how come you are posting a Jennifer Lopez's picture and telling me it is a Hijab ??? come on u can't be serious ,,,,,,,,, Hunguri, it is not nuursi sxb ,,,,,, but ma J Lopez baa xijaab xidhan baan ka dhegeystaa ??
-
hahahahaha ,,,,,,,,,, adigu ma isku aamini lahayd waakaase ??? walee dad baa malgan ,,,,,,,,,,,,,, Now, i have my Dating agency and anyone wants to go to Hargeisa for that purpose should pass through my agency and fill the legal papers. Hadii kele i aint responsible for your loss and jar ka dhac ,,,,,,,,,
-
Originally posted by Dhucdhuc & Dheylo: [QB] JENNIFER LOPEZ ??????????? :rolleyes: :rolleyes:
-
You should come to ceel-gaal, dacarbudhuq, xaydh ducato, gidheys, X-dabadood , dhoqoshey, etc.
-
where is she ???? maba arkee Hunguri ,,,,, dawaco ayaa rabtay inay diig cunto laakiin geed buu ka fuulay, waxay rabtay khiyaamo ay ku soo dejiso then waxay ku tidhi salaadii bay gaadhay waana inaynu tukano, markaa adigu inoo addin aniguna waan ina tukinayaa
-
BOOSAASO : Ma dhabbaa in Xeebta Laasqoray uu hub ka soo dagay ?
Jacaylbaro replied to Paragon's topic in Politics
may be he wants to use the internet for 10 minutes that is why he is looking for internet cafe -
Met some Australians and they are as mad as hunguri never seen such ppl Walee ,,,,,,,,,loooooool
-
waar heedhaha ,, waa markiinii walee don't wanna say all da secrets but i know something ,,,,, u guys are dreaming Walahi
-
Ma maqashay dawacadii ku tidhi diiga inoo eedaan aan ina tukiyee ?? .....
-
Ceerigaabo (Qarannews) 86 sano kaddib ayaa mar kale dib loo degey degaanka Waqderya oo ka tirsan xeebta badda cas ee gobolka Sanaag halkaas oo jahada bari 90-km ka xigta magaalada xeebta ee Maydh sidoo kalena 45-km jahada galbeed ka xigta magaalada kale ee xeebta ee Laas-qoray iyadoo sidoo kalena Waqderia ka mid ahayd xeebihii ugu horreeyey ee ay kazoo bilaabantay ilbaxnimada dadkii loo yiqiin reer Maakhir-cosat waxana halkaas ku taalla daar ka samaysan dhismaha Labanka oo la dhisay qiyaastii 1780 – 1800 kana koobnayd afar dabaq oo is kor saaran oo mid kastaana ka koobnaa siddee albaab dhismaha daartaas oo weli qayb ka mid ahi sii taagantahay kaddib markii daartaas qaybo ka mid ah lagu dumiyey dagaallo sokeeye oo xilliyadaas halkaas ka dhacay. Haddaba muddadaas boqolka sano ku dhow oo bulshadii ku noolaan jirtey degaanka xeebahaas ay ku dhaceen isbeddello badani xag taariikheed xag aqooneed iyo hab-dhaqankaba ayaad mooddaa waqtigan in loo soo jeestey degaankii ku tiirsanaan jirey khayraadka badda iyo xeebaha taas oo la odhan karo waxa bulshadu dareemeen muddada intaas le’eg in aanay gaadhin horumar u dhigma kii laga gaadhi lahaa badda iyo xeebaha Maakhir-coast. "Waqderya waxay ka mid tahay magaalooyinkii Somaliland/Somaliya ee ugu horreeyey ee laga aasaasay xeebaha loo yiqiin Maakhir-coast waxana la aasaasay 1780 – 1800 xilliyadaas oo fooqyadaas aad hadhaagooda arkaysid laga dhisay waxayna xidhiidh la yeelatay Shaam iyo Yaman iyo India haseyeeshee dagaallo kala danbeeyey oo ay ka mid ahaayeen Baandadii Seyidkii iyo Talyaanigii (dagaalkii 2-aad) ayaa sababay waqtiyadii ugu danbeeyey in laga bara- kaco". Sidaas waxa yidhi caaqil Cismaan Faarax xaammud oo dhowaan mar aan safar kooban ku tegey meelo kamid ah xeebta badda cas aan kula kulmay halkaas. Isagoo caaqilkaasi ka hadlaya degaankan cusub ee halkaas dib looga abuurayna wuxu intaas kusii daray "Iyadoo sida aad arkaysid xilligan aannu dib u degnay halkan islamarkaasna aannu filayno in ay sidii hore si ka qanaangaadhsan u cammirmi doonto cid kasta oo maal gashanaysa Waqderya iyo dawlada Somalilandba waannu kusoo dhowaynaynaa xukuumaddana waxannu ka codsanaynaa in ay fursadan cusub ka faa’iidaysat oo wax nagu darsato oo nagala qayb qaadato sidii degsiimadani u noqon lahayd mid sii jiri karta xag dhaqaale iyo xag maammul intaba". Dhinaca kalena raadadka ilbaxnimo ee waqtiyadii hore halkaas ka jirey ayaa waxad arki kartaa in lagu beeri jirey waxyaabaha ay ka mid tahay Timirta oo weli qaarkeed kusii yaallo Tufaaxa Xabxabka iyo xataa Bariiska oo isaguna ku beermi kara cimiladaas iyadoo sidoo kalena degaankaas ay ku yaalliin goobo taariikhi oo laga heli karo raadadkii ama aasaartii ummadihii hore ee kusoo noolaan jirey dhulkaas.
-
hahahahaha ,,,,,,,,,, i think this is the perfect time i open my own DATING AGENCY ,,, don't u think so ??
-
hahahahaha ,,, that is hilarious walaahi ,,, i like how they make things bigger ,,,,, waar nobody knew this until was published in the newspapers this morning ,,,, and they are saying it is during the weekend which is 2 days ago ,, Cajiiiiiiiiiiiib ,,,,,,,,,,,,,
-
BOOSAASO : Ma dhabbaa in Xeebta Laasqoray uu hub ka soo dagay ?
Jacaylbaro replied to Paragon's topic in Politics
KKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKKK ,,,,,, Taas anigaaba kaaga markhaati ah 2 nin oo waalwaalan baa is qabsaday, aad bay u murmeen , markii dambe buu intuu mid kii kele sidaa u fiiriyay ku yidhi, "Waar horta adigoo waalan baan ku ogaaye, goormaad miyirsatay" Kii kele ayaa qosol la dhacay oo iska dhaqaaqay
-
Popular Contributors