Jacaylbaro

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  1. After independence from France in 1977, Djibouti was left with a government which enjoyed a balance between the two main ethnic groups, the Issa of Somali origin and the Afar of Ethiopian origin. But the country's first president, Hassan Gouled Aptidon, installed an authoritarian one-party state dominated by his own Issa community. Afar resentment erupted into a civil war in the early 1990s, and though Mr Gouled, under French pressure, introduced a limited multi-party system in 1992, the rebels from the Afar party, the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (Frud), were excluded. Thus, Mr Gouled's Popular Rally for Progress party won every seat and the war went on. It ended in 1994 with a power-sharing deal which brought the main faction of Frud into government. A splinter, radical faction continued to fight until 2000, when it too signed a peace deal with the government of Gouled's successor, Ismael Omar Guelleh. HERE
  2. Ethiopian-backed warlord Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed has been crowned as the national leader of Somalia. He was allegedly born in December 1923 at Wardheer in the Somali west region near Galkacyo. The ambitious warlord intends to impose order on his country while Ethiopia solicits a policy of anarchy. He became a lieutenant of army officer in 1960 without having any qualification or applicable training. His clan elders at the time of the colonization of Somalia backed and lobbied for him. He had continuous disagreements with the senior authorities in military so he was exiled to Italy and Soviet Union. During this time he was “rehabilitated” by having minor training. His military career was not very successful due to insufficient knowledge and incompetence in the field. The only positive skills he has are that he is goal oriented and a brave officer, which are common traits among Somali army commanders. Those only two traits are not enough to hold a leading position in the top ranks of the Somali military hierarchy. Colonel Abdullahi was associated with the plot that killed the beloved late President Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke and after the military coupe in October 21st 1969 he was detained for that purpose for six years. A police officer named Bedel Hersi who was linked with the murder of the president leaked the information to the investigating board at that time. Colonel Bedel Hersi is a close relative with Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf. Col. Abdullahi Yusuf was well known for his clan loyalty and his ethnic chauvinistic attitude. He was a senior army commander during the reign of military dictatorial regime in Somalia and served as a senior clan adviser to Dictator Siad Barre, until he led an unsuccessful tribal military coup against Siad Barre. In 1977, the war with Ethiopia was militarily very successful, but failed politically due to lack of effective foreign policy. After the war, in principle, most of the army officers were in agreement to overthrow the regime of Siad Barre. They planned during the end of the war to make the coupe in April 12th 1978, but late Colonel Ciro and his associate clansman, Colonel Abdullah Yusuf anticipated the date of the coupe to April 9th 1978. They did so because they wanted the power served to be in favor for the interest of their clan. The anticipation was a big surprise to the military officers in other clans who were devoted to the idea of power sharing. In the 1977 war with Ethiopia, Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf was the head of the military base in Dollo. During the war, his military strategy was inefficient and most of his offensive operations were ended unsuccessfully against the Ethiopian forces. Many of his military colleagues interpreted his actions differently and mentioned the case as sabotage to the war. They believed that he was very busy with the strategy for developing a plot to eliminate prominent, honest army officers who were in compliance with nationalistic views. To fulfill his objectives, he was implementing his manipulations through the late Colonel Ciro who was the close aide of Siad Barre. Many of his close military friends agreed that Colonel Abdullahi is a military man who feels uneasy participating in external major military confrontations. They described that he preferred enthusiastically participating in internal clan warfare in civilians (ethnic cleansing). After his clansmen failed to overthrow Dictator Siad Barre in April 9th, 1978, he fled to Ethiopia and led the clan based guerrilla movement, the Somali Salvation Front. In 1998, he emerged as clan and a faction leader in his native region. He self-renamed the two tiny semi-desert northeast regions, Bari and Nugaal, as “Puntland”. The Somalis do not adhere to either the new name or the autonomy, because the region is less populated and suffers limited resources. With the help of his clan literacy and clan-ideology perceptions, he managed to establish a clan council in his native region that composed of his tribal elders. After that, he appointed himself as the only clan leader and declared his home region as autonomous. Warlord Abdullahi Yusuf has never been seen as a national figure. Since the creation of the Somali nation in 1960, he did not have the motivation to earn military credibility during the two wars with Ethiopia. In his military career, Col. Abdullahi was seen as a man who stuck with out-dated colonial-attitude rule as well as old military-style ruling attitude. In March1964 and May1978, he handed over many sensitive Somali military secrets to neighboring Ethiopia and in 1978 he allied openly with the Ethiopian forces that at that time were in full war with Somalia. In July 1982, Col. Abdullahi again led an invasion in which his clansmen militia took part in an Ethiopian major offensive against Somalia. Two Somali territories, namely Balanbal and Galdogob, failed under Ethiopian control and the Mengistu regime declared that these territories were part of Ethiopia. Col. Abdullahi was the first Somali citizen who accepted the Ethiopian flag being hung and flown on Somali soil. In 1998, the secessionist-warlord proclaimed himself as the North-East region president and declared the region as autonomous and succeeded from the rest of the country, as a nation with clan federation as one of its top priorities. Warlord Abdullahi is still loyal to Somali’s enemy neighbor, leading a military, political war campaign against the existence of Somali nation. He was crowned by Ethiopia and mandated to install a dictatorial regime whose main goal was to divide and polarize tribal grievances, succeeding into clan-based wars and eventually to secession of the country into small emirates. Col. Abdullahi was neither a military strongman nor a deep-rooted politician. His approach to leadership is depicted as an authoritarian style and Machiavellian rule. After his failed attempt to overthrow Dictator Siad Barre, he organized a terror movement aimed at civilians in the Somali territories. He started a bloody clan-based resistance to the clan supporters of Siad Barre and in retaliation killed thousands of innocent civilians and caused the displacement of many more in central regions. The Somali Salvation Democratic Front, a military structure built up by Ethiopia, was established in October 1981 at Aden, Yemen through the merge of three dissident groups. A conflict soon surfaced between the groups. The Somali Salvation Front, led by Yusuf, wanted to dominate the SSDF and secretly made a deal with the Ethiopian Military ruler. With the help of Ethiopian military force, Col. Abdullahi succeed in purging and jailing many leading oppositional members from the organization. When he was emerged as the leader of SSDF, he systematically murdered other prominent leaders from clans such as Dr. Abdirahman Aideed from Sool region, Mr. Shandiile from Mogadishu, and Colonel Gosaar from North. In 1983 General Morgan brought many SSDF fighters to Siad Barre. In 1985 SSDF completely collapsed and its military operations ceased to function, because most of its fighters defected to Morgan. Since 1991 uncoordinated clan elders have assumed control of North-Eastern Somalia. After the fall of the Dictator Siad Barre, SSDF emerged as a political party led by General Mohamed Abshir Muse “Hamaan”. Traditional elders held a congress in August 1994 and both General Abshir and Colonel Abdullahi proclaimed to be the winner chairman of SSDF. General Abshir stayed in Saudi Arabia for religious reasons and seemed to abandon the conflict. Col. Abdullahi Yusuf emerged as the self-proclaimed head in the Northeastern region in 1998. In order to avoid further disputes, a delegation of tribal elders had reached a compromise with him for a three years office term in the regional administration. Immediately he engaged an armed conflict with General Abshir’s faction and he killed hundreds of civilians in the war including armed religious groups. During his term he ruled the region with iron fist. His faction-linked militias were also responsible for kidnappings, executions and rapes of the opposing clans and the minorities in the region. The authority established a single council of tribal elders and banned political parties. Political demonstrators were detained and human rights defenders were frequently at risk from his faction militias. There were major humanitarian problems, limited resources, and few social facilities in the region. Humanitarian workers were at great risk of being kidnapped or killed. Courts functioned in customary clan level and did not adhere to international standards of a fair trial. The courts imposed several death sentences that were carried out swiftly. There were allegations of clansmen militia committing killings and human rights abuses; there were no efforts to bring them to justice. The conditions of prisoners were extremely poor and crowded. There were no juvenile courts or custody facilities and children were imprisoned with adults. The colonel’s term expired on July 1st 2001, but he asked for his term to be extended for two years. The regional Supreme Court declined this on July 3rd 2001. The Colonel declared himself as acting president until a new election was established. On November 14th 2001 Col. Jamac Ali Jamac was elected head of the regional administration, but Col. Abdullahi refused to recognize the election results and stayed in office. The warlord Abdullahi appealed to Ethiopia, which seemed to take advantage of the U.S. vision toward Somalia, because U.S. officials have seen Somalia as a heaven for militants suspected of al-Qaeda-links. The Colonel started the fight to gain the control of the region, claiming that he was fighting with Islamic terrorists. With the help of Ethiopian military forces and armies, he gained control of the region on May 8th 2002. Hundreds of civilians and faction militias have lost their lives in the heavy army fighting in the area. Later, in June 2002, Yusuf Abdiaziz, president of the East African University was jailed and tortured in prison by the Colonel’s forces. In august 2002, Sultan Ahmed Mahamud Mahamed Hurre who was a prominent opponent of Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf was killed near Garowe by the Colonel’s forces. He was extra-judicially executed on the order of the colonel. In September 2002, independent journalists were under threat and some of them were jailed for three-month periods. The editor of the *********** was detained for an undetermined period without charge or trial and some private radio stations that criticize the authorities were shut down. The Colonel’s forces attacked the neighboring northern region to settle differences with military solution. Military confrontation continued during September through October 2004, and hundreds of civilians and armed militia were killed in the clash over the contested status of Sool and Sanag regions. Most of the inhabitants of those regions belong to the clan associated with the Northeast region, but the land belongs geographically to the inhabitants of the northern region with a recognized treaty signed under the borders of British Somaliland. In the six years of military rule, the northeast region administration has never been really functional and has failed to establish democratic governance due to incompetence and lack of capacity. A national Reconciliation Conference was lunched in October 2002, under the mediation of IGAD. Ethiopia played double roles; at times it showed off the International Community lip services of honestly mediating peace negotiations and at other times it is deeply involved as an actual sponsor for wars in Somalia. Ethiopia fuels conflicts by continuously sending flows of weapons to the Ethiopian-backed warlords. The conference was intended to reconcile serious clan conflicts. Ethiopia derailed the conference and targeted warlords as the issues of the reconciliation. Warlords populated the conference; Somali representatives from foreign interests and incompetent people had left the country for many years. After two years of lengthy negotiation efforts, the reconciliation was not achieved and in Mbagathi, Kenya, the conference got tired of endless plots from Ethiopia and its Somali warlords. In the end, to justify the costly foreign investments to the conference, IGAD agreed to come up with an alternative to save the conference from being a failure. Ethiopia’s policy gained ground at the end of the conference, IGAD agreed with the 275-member parliament, which in October 10th 2004 elected Ethiopian-backed warlord Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed for a transitional period of five years. However, the parliament, government, and the warlord president remained in exile in Kenya. They await foreign troops to bring them home safely, because their security seemed to be much important than the job they were appointed for. If the conference succeeded in reconciliation the newly formed government could relocate immediately in the capital Mogadishu and could continue building a sustainable reconciliation and reconstruction throughout the country. Despite efforts by civil society, elders, businessmen, and local administrations interested in establishing a more peaceful and secure environment in Mogadishu, the warlord president insists on his request of foreign troops. Instead of seeking reconciliation from his people he preferred to ask for protection from Ethiopia. The warlord president proved to the Somali people that he is an instrument of Ethiopia, predator of foreign aid, repressor, and clan prejudice. Col. Abdullahi seems to derive his power from corruption, tribalism, army conflicts, and social anarchy. The Somali intellectuals are uneasy about the prospect of his government and believe that the consolidation of a functional government and rule of law are not expected in the coming five years. The low expectations towards the colonel came from his record full of incompetence for peace, inability to unify the divisions among the Somalis. This warlord has been described as warmonger, because he was engaged in fighting for 37 years and doesn’t have a track record of peace in his life career. He also has a dirty record of human rights abuses. He is a ruthless and brutal dictator who wants to hold all power in his hands. No matter what it costs to others, for any price he appears to have devoted most of his energies to remain president for the rest of his life. His authoritarian style of leadership had cut short the lives of so many innocent civilians. He was having trouble with the ordered, organized authorities in the government system and he was in continuous resistance against the rule of law. His rebellious attitude toward authorities is deeply rooted from libertarian, lawless nomadic style and close-minded conservative, tribal mentality. It is clear if someone doesn’t obey the rule of his superiors and is defiant to be led, then in turn he would not have the capability to lead either. It is not ME who said this ,,,,,,,,,,, it is HERE
  3. Peace Agreement Addresses Afar Discontent UN Integrated Regional Information Network (Nairobi), 14 May 2001 DJIBOUTI, 14 May (IRIN)—The Djibouti government and the radical wing of the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Peace (FRUD) signed an agreement on Saturday, 12 May, which observers say aims to put an end to the uneasy aftermath of the Afar insurgency in northern and south-western Djibouti. The agreement was signed by Djibouti Interior Minister Abdallah Abdillahi Miguil and FRUD leader Ahmed Dini. In a speech delivered at the signing ceremony at the Djibouti Conference Centre, known as the Palais du Peuple, Dini said the accord was to enshrine peace in our political environment. Ahmed Dini led a three-year long Afar insurgency in northern Djibouti from 1991 to 1994, after which the moderate wing of the party signed an agreement with the government. Djiboutian President Ismail Omar Guelleh attended the ceremony, and said the agreement would close a sad chapter in Djibouti’s history. The head of state pledged that never again will Djibouti experience another conflict of this nature and magnitude. The two sides refused to give details of the peace agreement, but at a press conference held shortly after the ceremony, Dini told journalists that it was centred on decentralisation. He said the government had agreed to the setting up of more representative local bodies, and had promised to introduce an unrestricted multi-party system by September. Djibouti’s current multiparty apparatus is confined to only four registered parties, which included the ruling Rassemblement Populaire pour le Progres, and the moderate wing of FRUD. Part of the deal involves the reconstruction and rehabilitation of areas and populations affected by the conflict, a local journalist told IRIN. International support—possibly from the European Union—would be sought for the demobilisation of FRUD fighters, the journalist said. Dini did not rule out the possibility that some senior members of his organisation might join the Djibouti government in a pending cabinet reshuffle. Answering questions on the relationship of the radical wing with the moderate wing of FRUD, Dini said that, since the signing of the agreement, we are a political organisation fending for itself. Two leaders of the moderate wing of FRUD hold prominent positions in government, with Ali Muhammad Daoud as minister of agriculture, and Ougoureh Kifle Ahmed as minister of defence. Local political sources told IRIN that the peace agreement ended 15 months of secret talks, which were a follow-up to an earlier peace deal signed by the Djibouti government and Ahmed Dini’s FRUD in Paris on 7 February 2000. Since the outbreak of the Afar insurgency, the government had pursued a reconciliation process with the two different FRUD groups, spanning about eight years of negotiations, the source said. The moderate FRUD group was the first to reach agreement with the central authority on 26 December 1994. FRUD took up arms against the Djibouti government in 1991 to press the demands of the Afar—who constitute one of the country’s two indigenous ethnic groups. The radical wing of FRUD said the action was in protest against what it considered the hegemonic drive of the Somali-speaking tribes. Source
  4. In November 1991, the mainly Afar-supported Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD) began fighting the Issa-dominated government of Djibouti (formerly the French territory of Afars and Issas), a small republic in northeast Africa on the south entrance to the Red Sea. Vying for power as the main ethnic groups, the Afars were in the north and west, and the Issas, related to the Somalis, were in the south. French peacekeeping forces were sent to help stop the fighting in early 1992; the Afar rebels then declared a unilateral ceasefire. But warring resumed in late 1992 near the town of Tadjoura, with dozens of persons killed and hundreds wounded. Under pressure, Djibouti's president, Hassan Gouled Aptidon (1916-), reshaped his government to form a careful balance between Afars and Issas in February 1993. The FRUD split apart because of disagreement over discussions with the government, which reached an agreement of reconciliation and peace with the principal FRUD faction on December 26, 1994. The constitution was revised, and seven FRUD leaders joined the government (1995). Some dissident FRUD rebels attacked and fought government troops in the north in 1997. Source
  5. The Djiboutian Civil War (also known as the Afar Insurgency) was a conflict in Djibouti between the People's Rally for Progress (RPP) government (predominantly Ciise in ethnicity) and the predominantly Afar rebel group, the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy (FRUD). This civil war broke out in 1991 as a reaction to the lack of Afar presence in the government (despite being the second largest ethnic group in Djibouti at 35%, behind Somali groups like the Cisse who comprise about 60%). FRUD signed a peace accord with the government in December 1994, ending the conflict. Two FRUD members were made cabinet members, and in the presidential elections of 1999 the FRUD campaigned in support of the RPP. wikipedia.com
  6. Salaaddu iskaga xidhay iyadoon la ogayn ,,
  7. Dadkeenu waxay u baahan yihiin inay wax badan fahmaan intaanay fikrado keenin ,,,,,,
  8. It was a simple and normal procedure fot the presidents sxb ,,,,,, that is what every government do when receiving an official delegations ,,,,,,,,, don't be that confused niyow ,,,,,,,,,,
  9. HARGEISA, Somalia, May 31 (Reuters) - The president of the breakaway enclave of Somaliland on Thursday commuted death sentences against two men convicted of killing four foreign aid workers to life in jail after foreign appeals. The move came amid strenuous diplomatic efforts by the self-declared independent republic, in the north-west of Somalia in the Horn of Africa, to gain international recognition. "The death sentence on two of the terrorists has been changed to life ... in a pardon," said a statement on behalf of the president of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin. "The cancelling of the death sentence was in response to families and governments of the humanitarian workers killed who requested the death sentence should not be carried out." Italian aid worker Annalena Tonelli was shot dead in 2003, British teachers Richard and Enid Eyeington were killed in October 2003, and Kenyan aid worker Flora Chepkemoi was gunned down at a roadblock outside the capital, Hargeisa, in March 2004. The Somaliland Supreme Court had last month ordered death sentences, to be carried out by firing squad, against locals Jama Abdi Ismael and Mohamed Abdi Essa for the killings. But Somaliland had received appeals from partners and friends abroad to commute that to life imprisonment, Foreign Minister Abdillahi Duale told Reuters earlier this month. Another dozen men implicated in the killings had their lengthy jail sentences reduced substantially, the presidential statement added. Despite relative stability in Somaliland compared with the rest of anarchic Somalia, the killings of the foreigners raised fears extremist activity was on the rise there. But the government said the successful convictions showed it was vigilant and stamping out the threat. Despite declaring independence in 1991 and winning plenty of plaudits for its democratic advances, Somaliland has so far not been formally recognised by one other country. A former British protectorate with semi-desert terrain roughly the size of England and Wales and a population of 3.5 million people, Somaliland broke away after warlords toppled Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre 16 years ago.
  10. The mission of the Taiwan Root Medical Peace Corps to Somaliland is an example of humanitarian co-operation between two countries seeking recognition in the international community. Below is an article written by Ho-Yi Ching and published by the Taiwan Review: One day in May 2005, Liu Chi-chun, founder of Taiwan Root Medical Peace Corps, received an email, saying, "We both are orphans in the international community. Nevertheless, you have 20 some friends and you are rich, we only have one friend and we are poor. And the things you do are what my people need. Can you come to help us?" The sender was Farah Ali from the Republic of Somaliland, a de facto independent republic located in the Horn of Africa. The people of Somaliland declared independence after the central government of Somalia collapsed in 1991. Somaliland has not, however, been formally recognized by any countries other than Ethiopia, or international organizations, including the United Nations, so far. Liu, a dentist, has long been dedicated to humanitarian relief work. In 1995 he started organizing volunteer service teams to offer monthly free clinics and educational materials to Taiwanese, mostly aboriginals, living in remote and inaccessible mountain villages. In 1999, he was asked by Taiwan's Ministry of Foreign Affairs to set up a field hospital at a Kosovar refugee camp in Macedonia, the first of his group's international missions. Since then, his teams have provided free medical care to isolated populations and treated victims of natural disasters in Asia, Africa, the Caribbean and Latin America. "Medical services should transcend national borders and not be circumscribed by politics, race or religion," Liu says. "Like most people, I knew little about Somaliland. Nevertheless, it's not an issue. I'll go anywhere that needs help." Liu made a fact-finding tour to the African country last year. "Somaliland needs assistance in almost every aspect--infrastructure, education, water supply and industrial development. In terms of medical care, the country is just starting from scratch. But, viewed from another angle, this makes it easier for us to offer help," he says, pointing out that, where there are established health bureaucracies, it can be difficult to introduce new ideas. On that visit, Liu contacted Somaliland's Ministry of Health and Labor (MOHL), Hargeisa Group Hospital and the Faculty of Medicine (established in 2002) in the University of Hargeisa to find out what was needed. Accordingly, he decided to organize training programs for local nurses, dentists and surgeons. Through the arrangement of Taiwan Root, Cristina Chen, a lecturer at Tzu Chi College of Technology's Department of Nursing, headed to Somaliland in August last year to implement a hospital management project. During her six-month stay, Chen helped establish a filing system for patient records, schedule nursing rounds and track hospital equipment inventory, in addition to teaching in a local school. Taking a Team In late February this year, Liu led a 24-member team, including dentists, pediatricians, physicians, surgeons, pharmacists, nurses, laboratory technicians and general workers, to the African country for a two-week medical mission. "We have been hoping for this mission for a long time. We're isolated, not only politically but also in regard to humanitarian aid. Taiwan is the first country to offer such a service here," MOHL Minister Abdillahi Iman said. "Just as Somaliland was once a British colony, Taiwan experienced colonial rule as well. Such historical similarities should enable the Taiwanese to understand our situation better than anybody else." Iman says his country's infrastructure and health-care system were seriously damaged as a result of a civil war between 1988 and 1991 and have yet to be rebuilt. He is glad to see Taiwan Root providing medicines and training for medical workers. "We hope to expand cooperation with Taiwan from health to other sectors like education and exploitation of natural resources, as well as relationships between nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) like Taiwan Root and the government," he says. Yassin Abdi, director of the Hargeisa Group Hospital, says that for the time being his hospital is the sole national establishment, and there are five regional hospitals. Everywhere there is a chronic lack of medical personnel. At his hospital, for example, there are only 10 doctors, partly due to budget constraints. "Most doctors here are working in the private sector as they can earn US$50 an hour, compared to US$50 a month in the national hospital," he says. "We have shortages even in the city. How can we provide medical care in the countryside?" Abdi adds that the doctors working in his hospital are largely in their mid-40s like himself. Increasing the number and quality of young medical professionals is at the top of his list. "Our priorities are the training of new nurses and doctors both in the university and hospital levels as they are the future of our country," he stresses. There is a huge gap between war-ravaged Somaliland and much of the rest of the world, none of it made easier by the country's lack of international recognition. Internet connectivity, for instance, is expensive and limited. "We can only access a few Web sites as many of them require fee-based membership. Actually it is not the charge of US$10 or $20 that is the problem, but the way of making payment through a credit card, because we don't have a credit card system here," he says. "That makes our information collection and procurement of books difficult." Furthermore, Somalilanders wishing to pursue advanced studies overseas find innumerable obstacles in their way. "Besides the financial problem, our people have difficulty in obtaining visas as our passports aren't accepted by most countries." Dearth of Know-how As a result, Abdi says, his country needs experienced instructors who can introduce up-to-date medical knowledge and techniques to both teachers and students. He is grateful to Taiwan Root for launching nursing training and administrative management projects in his hospital. Likewise, Derie Ereg, dean of the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Hargeisa, wanted to thank team members for their mobile medical services in outlying districts. His students also joined the team's mission to learn how Taiwanese doctors make diagnoses and prescriptions. "It's a nice job that we will never forget. Not only my students appreciate it, but also the public you've treated. For many of them, probably, it's the first time they have ever seen a doctor," he says. "Moreover, I can imagine how tough it is for you to be in a place where there is no running water, no entertainment and no good-looking things." During their mission to the northwest region, Taiwan Root volunteers had to traverse dusty, bumpy roads that seemed to stretch out in all directions and endure the heat inside vehicles for hours to reach the villages where they were to provide treatment, only to have to set off for another destination before nightfall to avoid the dangers and difficulties of traveling at night. The convoy consisted of jeeps and vans, as well as trucks loaded with generators and a big water tanker, in addition to medical supplies. By the end of the day, team members were each given a barrel of water to shower themselves and had to prepare their own food and find a place to rest in their sleeping bags. Often, long before the arrival of the Taiwanese medical team at the temporary stations, local residents had already swarmed in and formed long queues. Khadra Mohamed, a farmer and father of 10, was among them. "Our village chief told us a few weeks ago that a medical team from Taiwan was coming here to offer free care. So I'm here with my children, who have diarrhea. And I myself have had muscle pain for years," he says. "We need to travel for four hours to the city to see a doctor. But it's not just the distance, it's the medical costs as well--it's simply too expensive for us." Thirty-year-old Roun Maxamed had suffered from a severe headache and consequent insomnia since 1997. "It's hard for me to fall asleep because of the headache," she told the medical team. "It's great that you are here to help me and our community. Please come back again." Volunteer Hwang Cheng-lung, a physician, was surprised to find so many patients there had chronic pain, were seriously ill and had received no medical assistance. Lack of Apparatus One girl, aged 19, for instance, had been sick for two years, with a gross, swollen tumor in her leg. She had to have a CT scan and the tumor tissue analyzed first to see if the tumor was malignant before anything could be done. But there is no such apparatus anywhere in Somaliland. Another case involved an 18-month-old infant, who had a fever and was short of breath. Hwang discovered his lungs were congested with sputum, likely caused by pneumonia. But since suction and oxygen machines were not available, he was unable to treat the young boy. The next day, Hwang was told the baby had died. "If these patients were in Taiwan, it's very unlikely that their illness would deteriorate to such a fatal level," he says. "The lack of medical facilities and a referral system for continuous treatment and follow-ups makes us feel helpless as we only can make diagnoses and give medicines to relieve their symptoms temporarily." Hwang thinks the most significant task the team does is to equip the medical students with more know-how, the better to serve their countrymen after the team has left. Keen to Learn Chang Yu-tai, an associate professor in endocrine and oncologic surgery and emergency room director, says in Somaliland he can sense the drive among students and hospital staff to upgrade their medical standards, something he did not feel on previous visits to other African countries. "As the saying goes, it's better to teach a man how to fish than to just give him fish. I feel we can better develop our functionality in this country, given their initiative in improving their medical care," he says. "Meanwhile, we're highly respected there. That is a boost to our self-confidence." Chang adds that, while traveling to less-developed areas like Somaliland, he gets the chance to study tropical diseases such as malaria and parasitic infections. He hopes to bring such knowledge back to help promote Taiwan's skills in epidemiology. You Jy-haw, a senior ophthalmologist, says Somalilanders who need cataract operations are aged 60 on average, compared to 70 in Taiwan. The scorching sun throughout the year and lack of health education are to blame. There is only one eye specialist for every 200,000 people in Somaliland, compared to one for every 20,000 in Taiwan. "Current medical conditions in Somaliland are similar to those of Taiwan back in the 1960s. The country has a serious shortage of surgeons and medical equipment," he says. "And due to its emphasis on general practitioners, its lack of specialists is particularly acute." In Somaliland, You came into contact with many conditions he had never seen, despite more than 20 years of experience in Taiwan. "Some patients, for instance, suffered from extremely weak vision or had turned blind because of infection or trauma that could have been eased or prevented if only they'd received immediate treatment." Nevertheless, You helped some out by conducting more than 20 operations in Hargeisa Group Hospital, while demonstrating his techniques to local doctors, as well as lecturing students. "We've come at the right time. The first bunch of medical students are scheduled to graduate next year. It's good we can give them clinical training and help them better prepare themselves," he says. Participating in an international mercy mission, You adds, gives another dimension to a doctor's life, and he is glad to contribute his expertise to different ethnic groups. "Initially, local doctors and patients seemed to have some doubts about my professional skills, but they were soon dispelled as I was asked to conduct as many operations as possible," he says. "This confirms my belief that medical services can eliminate cultural barriers in a short time to build mutual trust and interaction." Indeed, the trust and interaction that Taiwan Root has fostered with the Somaliland government has benefited both sides. During the medical mission, founder Liu Chi-chun was asked to help two fishermen, one Taiwanese and one Vietnamese, who had been detained by Somaliland Immigration for nearly six months, due to a fishery dispute. Previously, their Taiwanese ship-owner had sought assistance from Taiwan's commercial office in Dubai as well as the Chinese Embassy in Kenya, but to no avail. After negotiations with local officials, Liu successfully helped gain the fishermen's release. "This incident is a good example, demonstrating the role and accomplishments of civic power, particularly in the absence of formal diplomatic ties," Liu says. "Sometimes, NGOs can even build more substantive external relations than diplomatic channels can. I'm happy to see my organization doing this through the credibility it has gained in the international community over time." SOURCE
  11. loooooooool@miss vacation ,,,,
  12. we have to ask what led the warlords in Hargeesa to invite such agents to our hometown? Why did they commission them to speak on their behalf and lobby for the dismemberment of our country? Still asking questions when there is no one can proof they are hired or paid ,,,,,, it is good to put the exitement and all these hatred feelings aside ,,, not to take and jump with any article or post and putting it in a very serious way ,,,,,,,, just make sure the story and the accusations first then speak about the issue ,,,
  13. Press conference Somaliland Heritage 2, rue de la Bastille 74004 Paris Tel : 01 44 59 39 23 www.somalilandheritage.org PRESS CONFERENCE INVITATION The Organisation Somaliland Heritage has just obtained the classification of one of the prehistoric sites of Somaliland as a world heritage in danger. With the participation of its scientific team, Somaliland Heritage will hold a press conference at the Centre of African studies , 9 rue Malher, 75004 Paris, France Thursday, June 7th 2007 at 2.45PM It will expose the general plan which it set up to safeguard, preserve and develop the cultural inheritance this country, thus nominated for the first time. With our best greetings, Somaliland Heritage Team Organisation contact Maryan Ibrahim 00 33 (0)6 69 34 17 19 Centre Malher Centre de Recherches Africaines- Panthéon Sorbonne 9, rue Malher 75004 Paris Metro Saint-Paul (ligne 1)
  14. Warbaahinta Itoobiya waxay soo saareen sawir muujinaya Daahir Riyaale oo is-gaabinaya si uu ula sinmo Meles Zenawi uu si qummaati ah u taagan iyagoo isa salaamaya. That is your source Nayruusow ,,,,,,,,,,
  15. what about the other one ??? ,,,,,,,,, or u r scared ??
  16. Madaxweyne Rayaale oo si diiran loogu soo dhaweeyay dalka Sweden. Warsaxaafdeed ka soo baxay xukumada Somaliland oo uu ku saxeexanyahay afhayeenka madaxtooyda, warsaxaafadeedkaasi oo ka waramaaya socdaalka madaxweynaha Somaliland iyo waftigii uu hogaaminaayay ayaa nuqul kamid ah warsaxaafdeedkaasi uu soo gaadhay shabkadani QARAN, waxa aanu u qornaa sidanihoos ku xusan. Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland iyo Weftigii uu hogaaminayey waxay maanta gallinkii hore ka dageen Magaalada Stockholm, Caasimadda Dalka Sweden, waxaana Madaxweynaha iyo weftigiisa halkaasi ku soo dhaweeyay Madax ka socota Dalka Sweden oo ay ka mid yihiin, Ms, Birgitta Ohlsson oo ah Marwo ka tirxsan Baarlamanka, isla markaana qaabilsan Arrimaha Debedda iyo Gunnar Andren oo ah xildhiibaan ka tirsan Golaha Baarlamanka oo ka mid ah Xisbiga Talada haya, iyo Xildhibaan madax ka ah Golaha xukuumada ee Magaalada Stockholm ayaa ku soo dhaweeyay Qolka Marti sharafka ee VIP-ga, waxa kale oo Madaxweynaha halkaasi ku soo dhaweeyay dad farabadan oo ka socda Qurba Jooga Somaliland eee deggan Dalka Sweden, dadkaasi oo ka yimid Gobolo badan oo dalka ka tirsan, kuwaasi oo ay ka mid ahaayeen haween iyo Dhallinyaro ku labisan Callanka Somaliland, halkaasina ka qaadayey Heeso iyo Ciyaaro ay ku soo dhaweynayeen Madaxweynaha iyo Weftigiis. Madaxweynaha JSL, waxa maanta qado sharaf ku marti qaadayh Saraakiil ka tirsan Guddiga Xidhiidhka Caalamiga Xidhiidhka Debedda iy Mudanayaal ka tirsan Golaha Wakiilada kana wakiil ah Axsaabta siyaasadda ee dalk Sweden. Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland, wuxuu uga waramay Madaxda ka tirsan Dalkaa Sweden ee maanta uu la kulmay tallaabooyinka horumarka ah ee Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland ay ku tallaabsatay gaar ahaan dhinaca, Nabadgelyada, Xasiloonida Dalka iyo Geedi Socodka nidaamka Dimuqraadiyadeed, isla markaana Madaxweynuhu waxa uu Madaxda u sheegay in ay Somaliland intii tamarteeda ah ay dedaal weyn ugu jirto sidii ay u heli lahayd aqoonsi qaranimadeeda iyo Madaxbanaanideeda waxaana uu u sheegay in ay ka filayaan in arrintaa ay hormood ka noqdaan Wadamada Africa iyo Dalalka Isbahaysiga EUROPE oo ay ka mid tahay Sweden. Madaxweynuhu, waxa uu uga mahadnaqay dalka Sweden oo ay ka go’an tahay in ay Somaliland ula dhaqanto si gaar ah, siiba waxyaalaha ku tacaluqa Horumarka Dalka. Waxa kale oo shirkaa isna ka hadlay Wasiirka Arrimaha Debedda, Mudane, Cabdillaahi Maxamed Ducaale oo si qoto dheer uga hadlay, waxyaabaha ay Somaliland rajeynayso in ay dawladda Sweden ka caawiso, si Waddanku uu u gaadho horumar , isagoo ku ballan qaaday in uu soo hordhigo dawladda Sweden, baahida Somaliland iyo arrimaha dawladda Somaliland ay mudnaanta siinayso in si dhakhso ah wax looga qabto. Weftiga oo hawlihiisa halkaa ka sii wadan doona waxa kale oo la filayaa inay la kulmi doonaan Madax kale oo ka tirsan Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debedda, iyo Laamaha horumarinta Caalamiga ah iyo Shirkado ka tirsan Waddanka Sweden oo daneynaya Maalgashiga Wadamada Africa. Qado Sharaftii Maantuna waxay ku dhammaatay jawi is af-garad. Qarannews.com
  17. Yes it is ,,,,,,, but this time it will be hot and even extreme hot.
  18. We created the situation and we have the results now to make suicide bombings ,,,,, it started and will continue even if there are no ethiopians and other foreigners. Let's blame ourselves ,,,,,,,,
  19. MOGADISHU, June 4 (Reuters) - A militant Islamist group on Monday claimed responsibility for a suicide bomb that killed seven people at the home of Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi, vowing to continue attacks until "occupiers" left Somalia. Gedi -- who has now survived four attempts on his life in the last two years -- blamed al Qaeda for the Sunday night blast at his compound in north Mogadishu. "Suicide bombers linked with terrorism and the al Qaeda network attacked my residence to eliminate me, my family and all the government officials who were in a meeting with me," Gedi told a news conference on Monday. Five soldiers and two civilians died when the bomber detonated a vehicle rigged with explosives at the gates of his large compound in a heavily guarded northern neighbourhood. African Union peacekeepers raced in to whisk him to safety. A group calling itself the Mujahideen Youth Movement said in a statement on the Internet that "a lion ... our brave brother Abdul-Aziz Mohammad Semter ... carried out a heroic martyrdom operation at the residence of the apostate prime minister". It added: "Your brethren at the Mujahideen Youth Movement are pressing on with their holy fight against all occupiers and apostates." The statement could not be immediately verified but was on a site used by al Qaeda and other Islamist militants. Near daily attacks on government troops and their Ethiopian military allies are blamed on members of an ousted Islamist movement who have vowed to wage an "Iraq-style" insurgency. On Monday morning, assailants tossed grenades at a pickup truck full of government soldiers in Mogadishu, witnesses said. Nobody died, but the early morning attack underscored tensions in the coastal city. U.S. STRIKES Gedi's interim administration, which is due to pave the way for elections in 2009, was established in 2005 in the 14th attempt to bring central rule to the Horn of Africa nation since the 1991 fall of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre ushered in a period of anarchy. But despite two major offensives against Islamist strongholds in Mogadishu earlier this year, which killed at least 1,300 people and sent scores of thousands fleeing the city, the insurgents have not been defeated. The government had been hoping to hold a national reconciliation conference in mid-June, but that looks a tall order in the current climate of insecurity. On Friday, a U.S. warship fired missiles at a group of foreign jihadists in the remote mountains of northern Somalia's semi-autonomous Puntland, regional officials said. CNN said the target was an al Qaeda suspect. Puntland's finance minister said on Sunday that six Islamists had been killed in the strikes and in gun battles with local forces. The United States also launched air strikes in southern Somalia in January aimed at three top al Qaeda suspects, killing other members of the group, U.S. officials have said. (Additional reporting Inal Ersan in Dubai, Farah Roble in Mogadishu)
  20. Zu, you can find her everywhere depending on your taste and choice ,, just look around and pick up one
  21. loooooooooooool ,,, don't worry that much sxb i'm fine