IN A recent article, author Bashir Goth observes of that rump of what was previously Somalia: "As people of Somaliland, we have only one thing in mind; that all roads lead to recognition... We have been watching other countries with less democracy, less peace and less ethnic cohesion gaining sovereignty and recognition. We have seen Bosnia, Montenegro, East Timor, all former Soviet Republics embraced and accepted by the international community. We now watch Kosovo and Western Sahara inching towards independence." One of the first acts of Africa's post-independence leaders was to place a moratorium on the continent's colonial borders — out of fear, apparently, that this would open a Pandora's Box of secessionist and irredentist claims. Divvied up at the 1885 Congress of Berlin between the colonialists according to ethnic loyalties, rivers, mountains, perceptions, interpretations, royal European relationships, alliances, whims and follies, these borders were inherited unquestioningly by the new leadership of Africa. For even though the political and economic chaos of post-independence Africa illustrated just how unworkable the borders could be, the moratorium safeguarded the weak territorial control of the continent's states from covetous neighbours and fissile internal politics. But 50 years on, how realistic is this, given the difficulty Africa's bigger states have in managing their territories, cracks in the fac ades of national ethos and institutions, and the backdrop of the breakup of the former East bloc and Soviet Union? And if politically feasible, what are the likely candidates for new borders and states? Africa's vastness poses dramatic problems for its governments. Sudan faces the possibility of secession through a referendum in a few years of its southern people. Khartoum has attempted to keep the country together through a cocktail of repression and diplomacy, the measure of which partly reflects the vastness of its territory. Darfur, for example, is about the size of France. Elsewhere, the Democratic Republic of Congo has been the scene of various failed breakaways, involving the provinces of Katanga, South Kasai and the Kivus. These were, for the most part, brilliantly handled by Mobutu, who essentially ran his country by running it down. What else could he be expected to do in controlling a country bigger than England, France, Germany, Spain and Italy combined? This is why men with intimate experience of the costs of the absence of governance in the Congo, such as the Rwandan chief of defence staff Gen James Kabarebe (also one-time defence minister of the Congo in the 1990s) ask rhetorically: "What is the Congo? What is the problem of the Congo?" The answer, he suggests, is that "it is a continent in itself". One problem with African states is relative underpopulation or, put differently, the unevenness of its population concentrations. There are large areas of very few people, while some places, such as Rwanda and KwaZulu-Natal, can scarcely support their population numbers. Underpopulation or uneven population concentrations link with the ability to govern and extend power. Those opposed to attempts to revisit Africa's borders include, surprise surprise, its leadership, where there are obvious vested interests, along with those who have visions of the relative potency of nationalism over economic functionalism, and those who argue that greater dysfunction would result from splitting the continent into smaller parts. If one accepts that Africa's problems have stemmed in large part from the failure of governance, especially over large territories, and the related inability to manage differences of religion, race and ethnicity, then alternative forms of state formation remain a viable option, perhaps nowhere more than in Africa's big states — Congo, Sudan and Nigeria. To argue that this would result in economically unviable units since "bigger is better" is to ignore their current failings, along with the record of compact states in global affairs, from Singapore to Costa Rica. And to argue that strongly federated system of government — such as in Nigeria — successfully accommodates such tendencies, is to ignore the cost of their operation. In Nigeria's case this essentially amounts to the buying off of federal units by the central government, a political and administrative tax that increases (but with diminishing returns) the more troublesome each of Nigeria's 36 states proves. Bashir Goth observes that "Somalilanders know that we neither have the political clout nor the alliance of the willing to support our cause". A functioning Islamic democracy, Somaliland may not be recognised as an independent state, even though it functions better than many granted this formal label. The irony for Somalilanders is that their country — the colonial British Somaliland — was briefly internationally recognised for four days in 1960, before Hargeisa agreed to join forces with the (formerly Italian) Somali Republic to form Somalia. While they do not thus technically represent the thin edge of the recognition wedge for Africa, they are, for the moment, a political symbol and catalyst for a long overdue debate — about whether redrawing or maintaining Africa's borders will lead to endless conflict, chaos and suffering. Yet Africa's existing state structure now seems to be entrenched, not just in the minds of ruling elites, but also in those of much of the populace. No secession of Katanga or Kasai would be accepted by most Congolese. The recognition of Somaliland would be a red rag to a large number of Somalis, which would rapidly be used by Islamists in furtherance of their own agendas. But for the moment there seems to be no willingness to accept that when states patently don't work, something else is needed. Dr Mills heads the Johannesburg-based Brenthurst Foundation and is the co-author of a recent volume on "Africa's Big States". Source businessday

looooooool

Just observed ,,,, why both Ali Mahdi and A/Qasim are wearing sun glasses ???

loooooooool ,,,,,, waar niyow wuu duqoobayba

A/Y oo kala dhex taagan Cali mahdi iyo A/Qaasim ,,,,,,,,,,,,,, THAT IS FUNNY WALAAHI ,,,,,,,,,, Ragga xiniinyahaa la qabtay walee

looooooooooooooool

tolow anybody knows where exactly it happened ?? i mean the area and the name of the market where the restaurant is located ,,,, it is clear they will soon say hadhaagii maxkamadaha ,,,

.... thanks weligey maba maqal

TANI MA EEGMO CAASHAQ BAA MISE WAXAY IN YAR U JIRAAN LABADAN ODAY INAY FEEDH ISKU BILAABAAN TOLOW ?? bal daya sida la isu eegayo ee weliba indha la isugu gubayo ,,,,,,,,,

AND WHAT IS JOQORO ???

OSLO, NORWAY

why a restaurant ???

Ok ,,,,, Letely i've been hearing a lot of stories concering a wife killing or murdering her husband for certain reasons ,,,, and a husband killing his wife for one reason or another ,, I'm wondering what takes them to kill each other while the person can easily leave his/her partner if the relationship doesn't work ,, My question is: WOULD YOU KILL YOUR HUSBAND/WIFE IF THERE IS A CRITICAL SITUATION BETWEEN YOU ?? EVEN IF YOUR PARTNER COMMITS A REALLY BIG CRIME ??

I was in Addis and the TV was telling the people that some Ethiopian troops went to Mogadishu to help the new government there ,,,,,,,,, and that was after 2 months of the invension

I even heard a university where there is no secondary school ,,,,

loooooooooooooooool ,,,,,, Yes they are so direct and sometimes even kind of forcing you know ,,,,,, I remember this man, he went to Burao and wanted to Shukaansi this burcaawi beautiful lady, she then started to insult him left and right and say words here and there ,,,, he was so amazed and simply quitted the shukaansi and run away ,,,, In the morning they met in the street and she was like ,, ALLA WAAKAN NACASKII XALAY ,,,, he then said: SOODIGII I CAAYAY MAAHA MAXAAN ***** KU NOQDAY WAXAAD KU HADLAYSAY MIYANAD ARKAYN ,, She happily smiled and said: WAA ANAGU SIDAASAANU WAX KU KALA QAADANAAYE LA QABSO ,,,,,

And the Shukaansi xumo is popular in there

Come and show me one sxb ,,,,,,,, there is only one inside the office in their embassy ,,, da small one on the table only ,,,,,

In all these aspects Burco failed, the people have not developed in attitude nor have their mind set changed, the fact that every guy has a toori or buud or gun with him (with the exception of few waadados) it self speaks volumes. The fact that big (age) and responsible looking men and women name call you (daaqaan ceelis, dollor baan kaa daacie, maa shaalee baad timi, buufis etc) and follow you for Xaarabo reflects the shaaqaalaan and reer miyinimo. THAT IS THE BURCO I KNOW ,,,,,,,,,,,,,

The ethiopian flag is in Mogadishu ,,,,, not in Hargeisa

I'm looking forward to see that Walahi ,,,, Imagine all somalis under one flag and one government ,,,,,,,,

I would put my share if i'm in a position ,,,, let's keep the work up and get more educational institutions.

Originally posted by Miskiin-Macruuf-Aqiyaar: quote:Originally posted by Xalimopatra: Question-I know the independence from the British was 26th June and the 1st July from the Italians. So why do I only hear about the 1st?I'm sure there are many people who are not Somalilanders and pledge their alliance to Soomaalia but were under the thumb of the British waagi hore.Like my family for instance from Laas Caanood. Is the 1st of July one a joint affair?Two for the price of one miya? Labadda gobol ee Waqooyi iyo Koonfur isku soo noqday, oo xoriyadooda buuxda helay, without bogus 'border' iyo gumeysigii. The day is Kowda Luulyo [First July]. Saas ayee Kowda Luulyo u qiimo badantahay than the South per se getting independence. That was why calanka baluugga laga suray at Hargeysa in 26th of Juun, since they too knew in calankaas laga suri doono Xamar in a just short few days later. Calanka baluugga was created in 1954 at Xamar, as a pan-Soomaali flag. It was the unofficial flag during the later years of trusteeship in the south and other colonized Soomaali territories. So 26 June is not that important ??? No wonder ..........

The link ???? source ???

Interview with Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi, chair of Somaliland Heritage Somaliland Heritage is a non profiting making organisation created under the 1901 French law on associations. The headquarters of the organisation is based in Paris, France, but she has offices in London, UK and in Hargeisa in Somaliland. Before the Press conference organisation organised by the Paris based organisation, I spoke with the pioneer chair of Somaliland Heritage, Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi. What is the Somaliland Heritage? Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi: the primary objectives of the Somaliland Heritage ( SH) is to help in the promotion of Somaliland cultures and also help in the protection and conservation of the material and immaterial heritage of Somaliland. As you know, Somaliland is a de facto sovereign nation that is ironically not recognised by the international community. How can you then pretend to realise such a project for a country that is not recognise? Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi: it is certainly not going to be easy. But at the same time, the fact that Somaliland is not yet recognised by the international community, does not mean they hate us. They know what they are doing and also know what Somaliland has done and are still doing. However, I suspect that, the international community is overwhelmed with the situation in our neighbour to the south. I am talking about Somalia. Whenever the international community would have found out a solution in Somalia, they will then turn their attention to Somaliland. After all, we are much more democratic and at peace with ourselves than most of our neighbours. In other words, Somalilanders are happy with their state of non recognition? Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi: please don’t misinterpret me. Somaliland has well defined borders that were inherited from colonialism; they have their national currency (Somaliland shilling), national language and a clearly distinct history. Somaliland is stable and democratic with all the attributes of a sovereign state. But short of international recognition, what else does the international community want? You sound a little exasperated. Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi: why should I be? I will like to inform you that, Somaliland is a contradiction, a positive contradiction. This is perhaps the only country in the horn of Africa or even east Africa that has succeeded to blend local African tradition based on clan elders with western democratic values and it has been working well. The proof is that, for 16 years, we have not only regained all our borders, as they were when we got our independence from Britain, we are at peace and proudly democratic. Our elections were not only supervised by the European Union and the African Union, they were financed by the European Union. I brought in this to inform and also show you and others that, Somaliland is not at odd with the international community and in particular, the African Union. You seem confident, but also some how philosophical. Is there not some crisis somewhere? Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi: What crisis. Somalilanders are confident that, it is just a matter of time and the country will gain international recognition. Even though the international community has spent $ 4 billion in various peace talks in Somalia of which we have never been associated, is that an indication of our international acceptability? Somaliland is fine and strong. If not, Somaliland Heritage won’t launch what we are doing. Somaliland is solid and democratic and she is above all a sort of laboratory for Africa and the world. What do you make of those who say the African Union, instigated by some African nations do not want Somaliland to be recognised? Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi: Mr Smith, you are focusing on politics and you have ignored what brought you here, which is about culture. But, I will want to repeat that, Somaliland is enemy to nobody, countries or organisations. The EU has financed our elections; the African Union has send observers to monitor our elections. Does that sound as though things at that terrible as you seem to see them? Yes, we are aware that, African countries such as Egypt, Libya and recently Sudan are alleged to be the ring leaders against Somaliland’s recognition within the AU. But some of those countries did recognise Somaliland’s independence on the 26th June 1960 and this for six days. I see the process that Somaliland is in as a gradual process and there is no going back about it. The Somaliland Heritage will like Somaliland to be seen in a different light from the chaos of our neighbour to the south: Somalia. We need tourists to visit and discover Somaliland and Somaliland Heritage will be glad to help any tourist or group of tourists who want to visit. Elie B. Smith: thank you very much. Mrs Maryan Ibrahim Abdi: it was a pleasure and I will like you to visit Somaliland and see things for yourself. Source africanpath