......... No i'm not gonna work at UNHCR, well, not in my plan for da moment.

As long as the garowe milita are chased away, the the region has the best opportunity to sort out their internal affairs.

Not that everybody is going to LA ... we already have officials there.

Hunguri's opinion makes sense only if some people would listen to him.

Yes i know ,,,,, i know some of them

Aamusayba ........ FYI, i was calling LA this morning ,,,

WASIIRKA XIDHIIDHKA GOLAYAASHA OO KA HADLAY DAGAALKII LAASCAANOOD Boorama(Bnn)"Maanta hadii aan idhaahdo dadka samaroonka ah ee Itoobiya ku nool 4418042 isku isir baanu nahay oo soomaaliland weeyaan iyana ma ogolaanayaan cid kalena iga ogolaan mayso waayo laba dal baanu kala nahay oo xuduud wadaaga iyana way ixtiraan anana waan ixtiraamnaa, maamulka ******teeniyana waa inuu ogaadaa inuu dhamaaday wakhtigii ay sheegan jireen Kismaayo iyo gobolka Soolba"erayadaasi waxa ay ka mid ahaayeen hadalo uu wasiirka xidhiidhka golayaasha Md Cabdi Xasan Buuni ka jeediyay shirjaraaid oo uu cawaysinkii xalay ku qabtay hutelka Rays ee magaalada Boorama isaga oo ka hadlayay dagaalkii ay maamul goboleedka ******teeniya ku soo qaadeen deegaanka Laascaanood ee lagaga itaal roonaaday. Wasiir Buuni oo hada socdaal ku jooga Boorama kulamo kala duwana la yeeshay cuqaasha,salaadiinta iyo duqayda gobolka, ayashirkiisan Jaraaid ku faah faahiyay waxyaabihii ay ka wada hadleen duqayda gobolka, iyo duulaankii ay ciidama soomaaliland ku galeen magaalada Laascaanood. Wasiirka oo ah ruug cadaa mudo dheer siyaasada ku soo jiray waxa uu sharaxaad balaadjhan ka bixiyay xuduudka dhuleed ee soomaaliland oo ah mid caalami ah kuna eg deegaanku ku hoos jiri jiray mustacmaradii Ingiriiska, maamulka ******teeniya ee maamul goboleedka Buntland la baxay uu tan iyo intii la aas aasay dhibaato ka wado arintaas oo ah mid dulqaadkeedii soo dhamaaday. Wasiirku waxa kale oo uu u mahadnaqay dadka reer Laascaanood ee gartay in dhulkooda hooyo uu soomaaliland yahay dhulkoodiina ka saaray kuwii dhibaatada ka waday ee dadkooda ka fogaynayay" waxaan ku faraxsanahay inaan dhiig ku daadan qabashadii ciidanka soomaaliland ay ku galeen Laascaanood waxaanan arintaa uga mahadnaqayaa dadka reer Laascaanood ee gartay in dalkooda hooyo uu soomaaliland yahay, abaalkeedana waad heli doontaan iyo wax kasta oo aad xaq u leedihiin dadwaynaha kale ee soomaaliland waxaan leeyahay soo dhaweeya oo istaaga walaahinaa reer Sool" Wasiir Buuni waxa uu waxba kama jiraan ku sheegay hadaladii u dambeeyay ee ka soo yeedhay Buntland ee ay ku sheeganayso inay wali ka taliyaan Laascaanood, isaga oo dhinaca kalena mar wax laga waydiiyay inay doorashooyinkii wakhtigoodii dib uga dhacayaan sheegay ka maamul iyo Udub ahaan ba diyaar u yihiin kuna han wayn yihiin in doorashooyinku wakhtigoodii ku qabsoomaan, inkasta oo uu carabaabay in arintaasi ay tahay mid u taala komishanka doorashooyinka oo iyagu hawshooda u madax banaan. Ugu dambayntii waxa uu sheegay inay ka wada hadleen odayada reer Awdal laba qodob oo ah difaaca qaranimada soomaaliland, iyo adkaynta midnimada iyo waxwada qabsiga reer Awdal dhexdooda arimaas oo ay si wanaagsan isula fahmeen boramanews.com

Stockholm(Bnn)C/raxmaan Nuur Max’ed (Diinaari) oo ahaa safiirkii DFKMG ah ee Soomaaliya u joogay wadanka Suuriya ayaa shaaca ka qaadey in uu iska casiley xiliii safiirnimo ee uu hayay, isagoo taasi ku macneeyey in uu dib u xisaabtamay oo uu gartey waa sida hadalka uu u dhigay’e in maamulka uu safiirka ka ahaa uu dhib iyo dagaalo ku hayo shacabka Soomaaliyeed. C/raxmaan Diinaari oo haatan ku sugan wadanka Swden ayaa daboolka ka qaadcey in uu iska dhiibay wadanka Sweden oo uu magangalyo qaxootinimo uu ka dalbadey taasi oo uu sheegay in laga aqbaley, waxaana uu sheegay in uu ka door bidayo in uu DFKMG ah safiir uu u sii ahaado ay uga wanaagsan tahay in uu qaxooti noqdo, waxaana wareysi lala yeeshay C/raxmaan Diinaari uu ku soo celceliyey eedeymo ba’an oo uu dusha uga tuuray DFKMG ah iyo Itoobiya, waxaana uu ku sheegay wareysigaasi in ay jiraan wadamo kale oo fara badan oo waa sida uu hadalka u dhigay’e doonaya in shacabka Soomaaliyeed la tirtiro walow uusan sheegin dalalka kuwa ay yihiin. Safiirkii hore ee DFKMG ah ee wadanka Suuriya C/raxmaan Nuur Max’ed (Diinaari wuxuu ugu dambeyntii sheegay in uu xukuumada Sweden ka helay ogolaansho loogu ogolaanayo in uu ku noolaado wadanka Sweden isagoo qaab qaxootinimo ah loo qaabilay. C/raxmaan Diinaari ayaa horaantii sanadkan wuxuu ahaa Afhayeenka DFKMG ah, waxaana bishii Janaayo ee sanadkan uu ku dhaawacmay shil baabuur oo ka dhacay magaalada Muqdiho walow uu ka kacay, loona magacaabey afhayeenka DFKMG ah. C/raxmaan oo ahaa saxafi rug cadaa ah oo ka soo shaqeeyey Radio Muqdisho ayaa sanadkii 1999-kii wuxuu ka mid ahaa wariyeyaashii lagu bilaabay Idaacada HornAfrik markii ay Muqdisho ka shaqo bilowdey, waxaana marii dambe uu ka baxay masraxa saxaafada, isagoo galey siyaasada, iyadoo xukuumadii C/qaasim Salaad Xasan mar dambe ka noqdey wasiirka Kaluumaysiga. source

Sheeka! I was in LA not more than 4 months ago!. What is so new that I am not aware of it; educate my dear lad? I'm not sure about that ...........

Is he an Engineer ?? ... i think i saw him

Been in the longest meeting since the beginning of Ramadan today ,,,,,,,,,,,, from 9:30 - 12:45 ... I'm just dead tired ....

BOSASSO, Somalia, Oct 4 (Reuters) - Gunmen in Somalia's northeastern Puntland province hijacked a cargo plane carrying khat, a narcotic leaf, on Thursday after a business deal turned sour, a local official said. The attackers seized the plane, which had come from Ethiopia, in Puntland's port of Bosasso. They then flew 150 km (90 miles) west to another coastal town, Las Qorey, the chairman of the area, Muse Gelle Farole, told Reuters. "There was a conflict between the businesspeople that brought the khat to Bosasso, so one group of them hijacked the plane and made it land at Las Qorey," he said. Commonly chewed across the Horn of Africa region, khat is especially popular in Somalia where planes arrive daily from neighbouring countries with the lucrative commodity. Known for its relative stability in a country mired in chaos since the 1991 ousting of a dictator, semi-autonomous Puntland has nevertheless suffered a spate of pirate attacks off its coast in recent months. It was not known how many people were on board the plane.

Taariikha ahaan Bulashada soomaalidu meel kasta ha ku noolaatee siyaabo badan bay isu guursan jireen, waxa ka mid ah hababkaas: Geed-fadhiisi {guur Xarrago}:- Waa gabadha oo loo soo geed fadhiisto reerkoodana laga soo doonayo waalidkeedna si sharaf leh loo weydiistay, masuulkeedina si milgoleh u bixiyay.guurka qaabkan ahi waa ka ugu qiimaha iyo sharafta badan bulshada soomaaliyeed dhexdeeda, wiilka iyo gabadhuna waa mid ay ku faanaan, Masaafeysi:- Guurka qaabkan ahi waamid ku yimaada wiilka iyo gabadha is rabay ooka cabsi qaba In la isu diido ama lagu xidho yarad aanu wiilku awoodi Karin waxa kale oo uu ku yimaada in gabadhu ka baqato in lasiiyo nin aaney rabin, marka wiilka iyo gabadhu isla tegaan oo isa soo mehersadaan kadib ayaa odayaasha wiilku u yimaadaan gabadha waalidkeed oo yaradkii iyo sooryaddii hore bulshada ugu jideysneyd oomarkan {masaafeysiga kadib}la yidhaahdo hibo bixiyaan iyagoo leh “gabadha noo hibee, wiilka iyo gabadhana isugu ducee”……… Dhabar-garaac:- Guurka noocan ahi waa gabadha oo xoog lagu kaxaysto oo wiiilka oo ay weheliyaan ragg saaxiibadiis ama ehelkiisa ahi ay xoog ugu kaxaystaan, waxase ka horeeya inay ahaayeen labada qof, dad is raba balse gabadhu ay ku xidhay inanka in waalidkeed uu weydiisto taas oo wiilku ka cabsi qabo in la siin waayo inanta,ama lagu xidho duunyo aanu awoodi Karin, amaba gabadha oo nin kale la raboin la siiyo taas oo aanu wiilku kula loollamikarin xagga yaradka. Guurkana dhinac waxay iskaga mid yihiin midkii hore aynu u soo xusney ee masaafeysiga. Xigsiisan:- “Xanaano -ubbad” Kolka ninka xaaskiisu dhimato meeshana ubad jiro ayaa gabadha walaasheed ninka la siiyaa si ay u xanaanayso ubbadka walaasheed ka dhimatay ee habar-yarka u tahay, maxaa yeelay waa qofka ugu dhaw ee carruurtan rajada ah xanaaneyn karta, guurka qaabkan ahi waa mid dhinac bulshada waxtar weyn uga leh waxaana loo jideystay inaaney carruurtu dayacmin, qoyskii xididka ahaana aanu kala furmin, waayo gabadha ayaa ah duntii isu haysay labada qoys, soddoga iyo sodohduna waa isla kuwii carruurta waalidka u ahaa ,. Gabadh kasta oo la guursadaana xurmada yaradka iyo sooryada waa laga bixiyaa, aalaaba haddii ninku xumaa ama gabadhii hore uu xumeeyay lama siiyo gabadha danbe ee xigsiisanka ah,. Dumaal:- “dayreel-ubbad Guurka noocan ah waxay ood-wadaag yihiin ka aynu kor ku xusney ee xigsiisanka, wuxuu yimaadaa gabadah/oorida oo saygeedu ka dhintay oo walaalkii ka dib guursado, waa isla sidii hore oo waxaa la rabaa in ninkani xanaaneeyo carruurta uu adeerka u yahay, labadii reer ee xididka ahaana siiahaadaan xiddidkoodii, haddii ninka wax dumaalayaa yahay nin xun waxa haweenayda lasoo gudboonaada dhibaato iyo in ay diido ninka, sidaasna carruurta iyo maalkaba lagala wareego oo reerkii ay u dhaxday xumaani dhexmarto, kolkaasna xanaanadii iyo daryeelkii carruurtu gacanta u gasho nin aan xaaladooda xog-ogaal u ahayn,. Godob-reeb:- Guurkani waa mid biyo-dhiciisu yahay nabadeyn waxaana looga danleeyahay arrimaha ammaanka waxaaney ku imaan jirtey nin godob laga galay in gabadh lasiiyo sida guurka magaciisa ka muuqata,laguna ilawsiiyo goddobtii laga galay,. Waxaa la yidhi Meel xinjir ku daadatay Xab-baa lagu bururiyaa, guurkani maaha mid inta badan caan ah ama marmar ayuu dhacaa hadana xilkii iyo xurmadii waa halkoodii,….. Heerin:- Kolka hablaha soomaaliyeed gaadhaan da’da guurmeerka isla markaana da’doodu intii dhalinyaranimo badhtankakaga jiraan, filkooduna aqalo yeeshaan sidoo kale deegaanka ay ku nool yihiin guur uga hirgeliwaayo ayay u heermi{socod guur looga danleeyahay} jireen deegaamada kale ee ku hareeraysan si calafku bal gayaankooda u siiyo, iyadoo dhaqanku jideeyay mar hadii gabadh heerin ahi cid us oo gasho ay ahayd in laguursado oo reerka ay u gashay aan la oggoleyn inay dhaafto sida ku cad sheeko xariirada gabdhaha heerinka ah ee saddexda ahaa, haddana xurmadii gabadhi lahayd waa sidii ,.

Yes ,, we use to have them in the refugee camps ,, there were some people who used to go around and shout SUXUUUUR ,, but we never used drums. Now in the cities, Yes, the mosques start the first Athan around 4am and shout SUXUUR SUXUUR on the speakers so that people get up and eat the suhuur. Fahiye, yes dulcad iyo daroor baan soo joogay.

Today, I am glad that i'm just glad that i'm glad

I don't imagine my life in a non-muslim country Walahi ,,,,,,, i'm afraid i couldn't resist

SUXUUUUUUUUUUUUUR ,, SUXUUR YAA CIBAADALLAAAH SUXUUUUUUUUUUUUUUR I used to hear that before they changed to shout from the Mosques with the same tune and words. I remember those who use to go around and scream SUXUUUUUUUUUUR in the refugee camps back in the days.

Suit where you are ,,,, my advice to those Saudis living abroad.

Somalia: Press Statement By the Alliance for Re-Liberation of Somalia Regarding the Deteriorating Situation in the Country The acts of incendiary that was ignited by the fire power of the Ethiopian occupation forces and their lackeys, the so-called TFG entity, that has been burning in the Bakaarah Grand Market in Mogadishu for more than the last twenty-four hours, and the wanton prevention of popular attempts to extinguish the arson is the only culmination of the ongoing atrocities aimed at destroying the livelihood of the Somali people. The enemies have never been ashamed of destroying innocent people's homes, looting their properties and belongings, causing the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people and yet barbarously blocking the humanitarian relief efforts of water and other necessities to the victims who have been rendered destitute. The evident reinforcements of Ethiopian forces into the country and new attempts of transferring the arms of the TFG militias into Ethiopian forces' custody and the crescendo of these forces taking over further sensitive areas in Mogadishu are new dimensions and additional plans of the perpetual aggression and atrocities being meted out to the Somali people. This development totally negates the rationale of stationing in Somalia so-called peacekeeping troops including the Ugandan forces that have already been in place. The presence of the latter has only served the purpose of augmenting the Ethiopian aggression against the Somali people. This further negates the existence of any Somali authorities, the so-called TFG or otherwise. At the above backdrop, the Alliance warns about the dire consequences of the planned escalation of the ongoing Ethiopian aggression without any accountability of the massacre and war crimes that have already been committed by these occupation forces and their Somali puppets. The Alliance calls upon all concerned of the international community to discharge their obligations in safeguarding humanitarian and international laws and to take prerequisite steps to avert new dimensions of the foreseeable humanitarian crises resulting from the Ethiopian plans of yet further massacre and atrocities to be meted out against Somali civilian population. The Alliance further calls upon and thanks all humanitarian organizations but reminds of the anticipated increase of the already existing humanitarian crises in the country. Lastly and not the least, the Alliance calls on the Somali people, especially the traditional and religious leaders, the business community and all to who it may concern to beware new enemy plans and their stooges to foment and instigate renewed civil war among the Somalis and play their leading role in foiling such enemy designs as they have always being doing. These traditional enemy plans are intended to divert public opinion, both local and international, from the ongoing aggression against the Somali people. allAfrica.com

By J. Peter Pham While such crisis management attention as both policymakers and pundits in the United States are generally wont to give to the geostrategically important Horn of Africa sub region has largely been focused at efforts to resolve the ongoing humanitarian crisis in the Darfur region of Sudan, a little-known border conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia is rapidly escalating and threatens not only the peace of the neighborhood, but also hard won battles in America’s broader struggle against Islamist terrorism. In 1991, allied movements led by a pair of distant kinsmen, Meles Zenawi’s Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and Isaias Afewerki’s Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF), succeeded in overthrowing the brutal Marxist dictatorship of Mengistu Haile Mariam which had tyrannized Ethiopia since it overthrew the Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974. While the EPRDF entered Addis Ababa and, with its other partners, went about forming a transitional government which, three years later, gave birth to a new order with the promulgation of the constitution for the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, the EPLF assumed control of Eritrea and, after an internationally-sanctioned referendum in 1993, led the one-time Italian colony to separate independence as the State of Eritrea ruled by the single legal political party that the EPLF transformed itself into, the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ). After the novelty of both governments wore off, the burdens governance caught up with both them. Ethiopia, with its population of 76 million, its rich history as Sub-Saharan Africa’s oldest state, and vast natural resources, was better positioned, while Eritrea, with less than 5 million inhabitants, few natural resources, and an economy almost entirely dependent on remittances from emigrants in the West, had only the advantage of geography: unlike now-landlocked Ethiopia, the regime in Asmara had a 1,151-kilometer coastline along and several islands in the Red Sea. Rather than leveraging its access to the sea into a mutually beneficial relationship with his erstwhile ally in Addis Ababa, Eritrean President Isaias cynically tried to exploit nationalist pride to shore up his economically-troubled (and increasingly despotic) regime, picking a fight over unsettled boundaries with Ethiopia (the new state also had similar issues with its two other neighbors, Djibouti and Sudan). In May 1998, Isaias sent his army to occupy to contested border town of Badme (population 1,500), a move that Meles understandably interpreted as an act of aggression to be resisted with force. The ensuing conventional war, over a strip of desert that was near-worthless to begin with and certainly rendered absolutely worthless after the fighting, claimed over 100,000 lives and displaced 1.5 million people before a peace accord, largely brokered by the United States with former national security advisor Anthony Lake acting as the President Bill Clinton’s special envoy, was signed in Algiers in December 2000. Under the Algiers Agreement, Eritrea, which had come off the worse for the fighting, withdrew its forces back 25 kilometers from the Ethiopian lines, with the vacated “transitional security zone” subject to monitoring by an international peacekeeping force, the United Nations Mission in Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), with an originally authorized troop strength of 4,200 that has subsequently scaled back to under 1,700. The border dispute was submitted to international arbitration by a specially-appointed Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC). The EEBC was mandated to delimit the border on the basis of a series of early 20th century colonial treaties and “applicable international law.” As ultimately constituted, the EEBC was a veritable blue-ribbon panel of world-class experts. Chaired by Sir Elihu Lauterpracht, director emeritus of the Lauterpracht Centre for International Law at Cambridge University and son of the legendary international jurist Sir Hersh Lauterpracht, its members included Prince Bola Adesumbo Ajibola, a former judge of the International Court of Justice; Professor W. Michael Reisman of Yale Law School; Stephen Schwebel, former president of the International Court of Justice; and Sir Arthur Watts, a former British diplomat who has represented various European, African, American, and Asian states before the International Court of Justice. In April 2002, the EEBC issued its 135-page decision awarding Badme to Eritrea on the basis of the colonial era frontiers. Ethiopia objected, but could not prevail upon the commissioners to revisit their ruling, despite prolonged entreaties and considerable foot-dragging on implementation. Finally, in November 2004, Prime Minister Meles accepted the ruling in principle, but proposed opening negotiations with his counterpart given the on-the-ground realities of local communities which the proposed lines would divide. President Isaias, however, insisted that the demarcation proceed and took measures aimed at forcing the process forward, including banning helicopter flights by UNMEE, halting the peacekeepers’ demining activities, and forcing their withdrawal from certain sectors. The Eritrean ruler became even more intransigent when, at the end of 2005, an international claims commission ruled that even though Badme belonged to his country, its aggressive actions to secure it when the ownership was still unresolved violated the UN Charter and thus Asmara was liable for damages Addis Ababa incurred as a result of the conflict. Subsequently, as I reported in August, Eritrea ratcheted up its practice, begun during the war, of supporting various rebel movements in fighting proxy wars with Ethiopia and other states in the sub region, including the ****** National Liberation Front (ONLF) and Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) in Ethiopia and the Alliance for the Liberation of Somalia (ALS), whose founding was, as chronicled in this column two weeks ago, an Asmara-sponsored affair. After a visit to the region, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazier, who had in August revealed that a dossier was being assembled with a view toward formally designating the Eritrea a “state sponsor of terrorism” for its activities, described the country’s leaders to an international conference in Rome as “spoilers, extremists, and insurgents.” Meanwhile, events have been cascading at a dizzying pace: ▪ On September 12th, after meeting with representatives from both Eritrea and Ethiopia, the EEBC issued a statement lamenting the fact that the conditions were such that the commission could not actually install the pillars demarcating the border as arbitrated and hence, per the Algiers Agreement, at the end of next month “the boundary will automatically stand as demarcated by the boundary points listed in the Annex [of the 2002 decision] and the mandate of the Commission can then be regarded as fulfilled.” ▪ On September 25th, the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced that, three days earlier, Foreign Minister Seyoum Mesfin had sent a letter to his Eritrean counterpart – with copies to the President of the UN Security Council, the UN Secretary-General, the Chairperson of the African Union Commission, the Foreign Minister of Algeria, the U.S. Secretary of State, and the Foreign Minister of Portugal (Portugal holding the rotating presidency of the European Union) – and, citing Eritrea’s “material breaches” of the Algiers Agreement, including the occupation of the transitional security zone that was supposed to be demilitarized, threatening to terminate or suspend the accord. ▪ On September 27th, Eritrean Foreign Minister Osman Saleh responded with a public letter of his own accusing Ethiopia of trying “to create maximum disruption” as “a precursor for initiation of renewed hostilities.” With both countries armed to the teeth – thanks, in no small part, to the estimated $1 billion in arms which, as I have previously noted, the People’s Republic of China has sold them – the danger of war is very real. And therein lies the problem. On Tuesday, in my testimony before the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health of the U.S. House of Representatives, I argued: We have to exert every effort to prevent war from breaking out, not only because of the incalculable humanitarian toll that the fight would exact on the peoples of the Horn, but of the severe damage to our security interests that it would entail. The reason is that most significant national interest at stake for the United States in the Horn of Africa is to prevent al Qaeda (or another like-minded international terrorist network) from acquiring a new base and opening a new front in its war against us and our allies as they have repeatedly sought to do, most recently through the radical Islamist elements within the Islamic Courts Union which had seized control of large parts of Somalia last year. This is certainly the danger posed once more by Eritrea’s dangerous sponsorship of anti-Ethiopian forces which include elements clearly linked to al Qaeda and other Jihadist movements. What I noted to the congressional panel regarding the Eritrean-sponsored proxy conflict in Somalia applies even more to direct Eritrean-Ethiopian hostilities: [it] creates an ideal operating space in for Islamist terrorists like [al Qaeda-trained Adan Hashi] ‘Ayro and Fazul Abdullah Muhammad, a long-time member of al Qaeda in East Africa who figures on the FBI’s “Most Wanted Terrorists” list with a $5 million bounty on his head for his role in the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, and Nairobi, Kenya; as well as Hassan Abdullah Hersi al-Turki, an al-Itihaad veteran who is reputed to lead al Qaeda’s East Africa cell; Mukhtar Robow, a.k.a. Abu Mansur, the former deputy defense minister of the ICU who fought with the Taliban in Afghanistan; Issa Osman Issa, another al-Qaeda member wanted for his role in the East Africa embassy bombings; Ahmad Abdi Godane, an al-Shabaab [“the youth,” an armed radical Somali Islamist group] leader trained by al-Qaeda in Afghanistan wanted for his role in the murders of Western aid workers in the Republic of Somaliland; and Ibrahim Haji Jama, a.k.a. “al-Afghani,” another al-Shabaab leader who trained with al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and is a veteran of terrorist campaigns there as well as in Kashmir and in Somaliland. While the Ethiopian intervention last year disrupted al Qaeda’s effort to establish a base of operations in Somalia, renewed conflict could give the terrorists another go-around. And there are already indications that the terrorists are spreading out across the sub region. Less than two weeks ago, six al Qaeda members were arrested by Ethiopian forces in the Somaliland town of Buholde, where they had stopped off en route to staging areas as yet undetermined. And these are the terrorists who were caught. In recent years, U.S. counterterrorism efforts in the Horn of Africa – both the occasional spectacular action and the less-heralded, daily “hearts and minds” work – have made significant progress. In June, the U.S. Department of Defense acknowledged that that a “dangerous terror suspect” by the name of Abdullahi Sudi Arale had been transferred to the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. Arale, who served as a courier between the al Qaeda network in Pakistan and what intelligence officials have dubbed “East Africa Al Qaeda” (EAAQ), was captured presumably with the involvement with personnel from the Djibouti-based Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA). The newest enemy combatant detainee had, since his return to the Horn sub region from South Asia a year ago, had been part of the leadership of the al Qaeda-linked Islamic Courts Union. According to Pentagon spokesman Bryan Whitman, “there is significant information available indicating that Arale has been assisting various EAAQ-affiliated extremists in acquiring weapons and explosives, and has facilitated terrorist travel by providing false documents for [al Qaeda] and EAAQ-affiliates and foreign fighters traveling into Somalia.” What was Arale up to? As I reported in a column over a year ago, a remarkable Jihadi strategy document entitled “Al Qaeda is Moving to Africa” candidly outlined how the terrorists were increasingly setting their sights on Africa as the venue of choice for future operational bases, especially as they continue to be rooted out of their havens by increasingly successful counterterrorism operations in Afghanistan, Iraq, and parts of the Arabian peninsula. That’s why we have to ensure that the spat between Ethiopia and Eritrea over a literal scab of a border zone does not metastasize into a runaway infection consumes everything in its path, including the gains America has made in recent years against Islamist terrorists in the region. SOURCE

In early 2005, as soon as Abdullahi Yussuf was parachuted into the presidential seat in Baidabo,Somalia, defeating the Islamic Court Union ICU and warlords in Mogadishu, the capital of Somalia, seemed to be in his priority. However, the Mogadishu battle was just a smokescreen to hide his real motive. The ultimate fight! From the get go, a showdown between the Transitional ?Federal? Government of Somalia TFG and Somaliland seemed inevitable. And no sooner has Mr. Yussuf barely quelled his opponents in Mogadishu, of course while he hid behind the Ethiopian tanks, than he has daringly attempted to expand his authority into Somaliland territory. No time wasted! But who is going to fight for him this time? Recently, Mr. Yussuf not only opened an immigration office which would soon issue Somali passports and traveling documents to travelers, in Laasannod (the provincial capital of the disputed Sool region, in Somaliland), but he also sent thousands of the TFG troops stationed in central Somalia to Sool in order to test Somaliland?s strength. As a result, although rarely reported by the media, a showdown between Somaliland and the TFG troops has been looming on the horizon for past few months. So as the battle fields grow so are the minefields. Thousands of troops from both sides with their deadly weapons flooded the region. An interview with widhwidhonline radio (a pro-TFG radio), a Puntland frontline commander even confirmed the TFG forces have been fighting along Puntland's in Sool region. The commander states, The Darawhish (Puntland militias) and the TFG forces are battling against Somaliland troops.? Also, according to radiowidhwidh, "Heavily armed TFG forces from the central regions of Somalia have been pouring into the battle fields in Sool and fighting against Somaliland troops." Furthermore, wardheernews website also reported the influx of the TFG troops pouring into Sool region. Additionally, a Puntland website reports, "The fight between Somaliland and Puntland troops has been the heaviest yet." What is going on? If Puntland forces were supposedly spread throughout Southern Somalia to protect Mr.Yussuf?a former warlord of Puntland and now the president wannabe of Somalia?then the mind-boggling question is: where did these new and heavily armed troops come from? During the Mogadishu massacre in which over 2000 citizens were slaughtered by the brutal Ethiopian troops, Gen. Adde Musse, the current president of Puntland, signed an agreement with Mr. Yussuf in the battered capital. And despite the chaos and mass civilian killings in the city, for Abdullahi Yussuf and for Gen. Adde Musse (cousins of shame) it was business as usual. Nothing to worry about! In this agreement, the entire Puntland forces would operate under the TFG?s scrutiny, but if need be these forces would be deployed to the battle fields in the disputed regions of Sool and Eastern Sanag. So, in April, 2007 when Somaliland and Puntland forces were locked into a deadly battle for control of Dhahar, a small town in Eastern Sanag region, the Prime Minster of Somalia, Mr. Geedi, quickly flew to Bosaso, the capital of Puntland, and not only expressed his unequivocal support for Puntland but also, as reinforcement, he deployed a fresh batch of the TFG troops from Mogadishu to Puntland. And once again, in light of Sool crisis, the TFG deployed thousands of heavily armed forces to another prone-conflict area?Laasanod, the provincial capital of Sool. So in essence, the TFG and Puntland forces are one and the same. These forces are led by Mr. Yussuf who, in the first place, invaded Sool region in 2003, and Gen. Adde Musse who is now left to carry the legacy of Mr. Yussuf. Surely enough, these forces received much needed training and weapons, so war will inevitably engulf the region soon. Much of the training provided for Puntland militias disguised as the new Somali National Army SNA was based on clan loyalty. In the heat of battle and clan politics loyalty is crucial, so is the U.S. support. Since the ill-conceived U.S. sponsored plan to lift the UN arms embargo imposed on Somalia succeeded, the new SNA (predominantly former Puntland militias) received lots of weapons from Ethiopia, Yemen and other players. Having much needed logistics, i.e. superior military machines and the backing of International funding, these heavily equipped but barley disciplined and remotely motivated SNA or TFG forces finally gained some confidence to attack Somaliland forces which they previously considered a formidable army. On the other hand, Somaliland has had its arms tied behind its back. The arms embargo is still imposed on it, however; it luckily lost few soldiers for the past 17 years, and its field commanders are mainly from former SNA forces of during Gen. Siad Barre?s era. (By the way, the rest of the former SNA commanders in Mogadishu were assassinated one by one before the invasion of Ethiopia. No wonders there!) Without a doubt, the Somaliland Army is highly disciplined and well trained. Not to mention, the army maintains a high moral standards consistently. But the unfair arms embargo against Somaliland as well as the absence of millions of dollars from the so-called International community would compel the troops to fight their hands tied behind their back. Nonetheless, make no mistake?as history attests, they would pose to be a formidable army. Now another question comes to mind: who instigated the latest fight in Sool? Though the latest flare-up in Sool was the result of two opposing local militias from Sool region as reported by the BBC, nonetheless, Puntland and TFG regimes sought this conflict as an opportunity to distort the reality on the ground and to test Somaliland?s defense capability. As part of Mr. Yussuf and Gen. Adde Musse?s grand strategy, while the Ethiopian forces quell the upraising against the TFG and the occupation itself, the TFG forces would continue provoking Somaliland, at the same time the terrorist card would be played exhaustively to draw the attention of gullible Americans. Shamelessly, the TFG and Puntland have over-played the terrorist card. (Surely, by now George Bush is saying, "Hell with your terrorist crap, it never works"). During the battled between Somaliland and Puntland forces, in Dhahar, Eastren Sanag, Mr. Geedi, while in Bosaso, accused Somaliland of harboring terrorists and attacking Puntland. He states, "The conflict in Dhahar is the work of the terrorists "the Islamic Court Union and Somaliland forces who want to destabilize Puntland and the TFG.? As part of his rescue efforts, Mr. Geedi is once again in Puntland to prop up support for the war in Sool region where he is expected to spit out nails and label Somaliland as a safe heaven for terrorists. Maybe out of either pure frustration or sheer ignorance, Mr. Geedi "a die-hard Ethiopian stooge" reflexively tantamount everything, including bird droppings, to an act of terrorism. Also, in these latest fights, Puntland quickly accused the Somali Liberation group whom both the TFG and the Puntland authorities consider a terrorist group formed in Eritrea and Somaliland of attacking Sool region. Ever wonder if the TFG' Puntland quisling leaders would give up their terrorist crap. It is all about: terrorists! terrorists! terrorists! But no vision! Sadly enough, with their spectacular belly-dances they shamelessly continue entertaining the U.S. and voluntarily keep recycling its regurgitated vomit-worthy propaganda of war on ghost terrorists. Finally, despite enjoying the International backing, the TFG is obviously commiting suicide by attacking Somaliland. But Hargaisa (Somaliland capital) won't give up an inch of its territory, nor will it budge on its quest for International recognition. Paradoxically, in its efforts to promote democracy and to fight against terrorism, the International community inadvertently continues to destabilize Somaliland not only for withholding its recognition but also by providing arms and resources to the TFG. Clearly, the majority of the TFG forces are former Puntland militias because Gen. Adde himself singed an agreement, which placed the entire Puntland militias under the TFG's command, with Mr. Yussuf. Now these combined forces (former Puntland militias and TFG?s non-Puntland forces) are used as a bulwark against Somaliland forces. So, it does not require a rocket scientist to figure out the thousands of heavily armed forces from the central region of Somalia that have been pouring into Sool region, as reported by various sources, belong to the TFG. Undoubtedly, the presence of the TFG troops in Sool and opening an immigration office in Laasanod confirms the TFG ultimate goal?creating chaos in Somaliland. Interestingly enough, no immigration offices has been opened in Bossaso or in Garowe (major Putland cities), but opening one in the heart of a conflict-prone area like Laasanod seemed more appealing to the TFG. That is, provoking and destabilizing Somaliland is in the TFG?s top priority list. As for Mr. Geedi?s poorly rehearsed terrorism propaganda, from the start, he voluntarily jumped on the bandwagon of war on imagined ?terrorists? (but he evidently landed on the wrong side) and desperately attempted to ingratiate with the U.S. He constantly screams so loud and shrill?the typical crying wolf. But his pathetic transparent lies and shameless fear-mongering tactics now made him more of a nuisance than an alliance. Jimma Times

U live in the old days sxb ...... u need to pay a visit.

Is there anyone who can marry this girl ? i mean Ayan Hirsi ? ,,,,,, I think she needs a somali man that can keep her mouth shut forever.

Now i'm hungry ,,,,,,,, if i break my fasting then blame the topic author.

Originally posted by Kool_Kat: ^^Well lacagta aaqiraan ugu diri lahaa...lol hahahaha ,, .. Istaqfurullah ,,,, So u think Aakhir has Dahabshiil too ,,, tolow yaa ka shaqeeeya ?