abaaro xun iyo xalad adag ayaa lagu jira.ilaahi ha sahlo

Multiculturalism: What does it mean? http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/magazine-12381027

If you feel little bored, little sick, little sad, or lose.. You know what's wrong? You are suffering from lack of vitamin "ME".. so stay in touch with ME always.

awesome

the results of being a fan or supporter of arsenal is Headache (Maskax xanuun),Niyad Jab (Bad intensions),Dhig kar (Blood Pressure) iyo qar kale oo badan.

ilaaahi ha qaboojiyo dagaladaan.

he went to germany for medical reason on march 2010.waxa ba laga yaba inu aad u xanuusaday intii mudarahadku ay socadeen.

actually it is gudoomiyaha gudidda siyaasada

nuune;693392 wrote: My dear Layzie-Gaal , how do you identify yourself in the Canadian society, I assume you are: Canadian, Cali Beesteen, Dabanyuluq, Somali, Muslim. Integrating with the British society is easy, drink alcohol and pass out four times a day, attend their crazy naked parties, consume pork and say bad things about Islam, and say I don't practice Islam but I am just Muslim, if that is what Mr Cameroon wanted to happen, then Multiculturalism has failed cuz no Muslim will do that. I woov you too there is nothing 2 add.thats complete answer

jb, duufaan,xaji and thanksful could we bring some ideas indorder to stop this fighting.

‘..Madaxweynuhu Ma Caafimaad Qabo Mana Talin Karo..' "...Dunida intaa leeg Majiro Meelna sharci kagama Taalo Nin Buka oo la Yidhaahdo Talo noo Hay.." Guddoomiyaha siyaasada ee UDUB Muj Yuusuf Talaabo Hargeysa(Yool)-Guddoomiyaha siyaasada Xisbiga mucaaridka ee UDUB Md. Yuusuf Ciise Du'caale (Talaabo), ayaa ku tilmaamay xaalada Caafimaad ee Madaxweyne Siilaanyo mid aan caadi ahayn, sidaa darteed-na Madaxweynuhu aanu hadda lahayn awood uu dalka taladiisa ku maamulo. Md. Talaabo oo hadalkan ka sheegay Shir-jaraa'id oo isaga iyo Ku-simaha Xoghayaha Guud ee Xisbigu Md. Cabdixaliim Maxamed Muuse Shalay ku qabteen xarunta dhexe ee Magaalada Hargeysa, waxa kaloo uu beesha caalamka ka dalbaday in baadhitaan Caafimaad lagu sameeyo Madaxweynaha si loo ogaado xaladiisa dhabta ah. Sidoo kale, waxa Md. Talaabo uu sheegay in Xukuumada Siilaanyo ay si cad u marin habaabisay shacabkii oo ay bilowday qorshayaal lagu burburinayo qaranka, isla markaasna ay ku guuldaraystay dhamaanba ballanqaadayadii ay samaysay. Guddoomiyaha siyaasadda ee Xisbiga UDUB Yuusuf Ciise Talaabo, ayaa sheegay in meesha ay ka baxday kalsoonidii ay dadku ku qabeen dawlada, ka dib markii ay soo ifbaxeen calaamado muujiyeen barnaamijyo dhagaraysan oo ay ku hawlan tahay Xukuumada talada haysa, waxa uu yidhi: "...Waxa maanta jira waxyaabo badan oo aan anaga qarsoonayn waxa socda hawlo qaranimadeenii baabiinaya oo waxa muuqda shirar soconaya oo la doonayo in dib loogu mideeyo Soomaaliya, dawladeenu waxa ay qayb ka tahay arrimahaas oo niman Soomaaliweyn ah ayaa jooga oo Wasiirkii Arrimaha dibada waxa uu maanta u duulay London si uu ug qayb galo shir loo qabanayo qolaada Koonfurtaa oo la yidhi waa idin ku heshaysiinaynaa, waxa kale taa ka sii daran Odayga (Madaxweynaha) barigii dhowayd ee uu tegay Jabuuti waxa lagu soo siiyey Afartan Milyan qaado oo baabii Xisbiyada dalka markaad hawshaas fuliso waxa lagu siin doonaa Afartan kale oo waxa lagaaga baahan yahay in aad meesha ka dhigtaa cidla aad kaligaa ka talisaa, nasiib darose maanta Madaxweynuhu ma Caafimaad qabo mana talin karo ee waxa aanu aduunka ka codsanaynaa in la baadho Caafimaadkiisa oo dunida intaa leeg majiro meelna sharci kagama taalo nin buka oo la yidhaahdo talo noo hay..." Waxa kaloo, isna halkaas ka hadlay Ku-simaha Xoghaya Guud ee Xisbigaa Md Cabdixaliim Maxamed Muuse, waxa uu sheegay in Xukuumadu ku guudaraysatay dhammaan ballan qaadyadii ay u samaysay dadkii doortay, isla markaasna ay ugu abaal guday xadhig, caga juglayn iyo shaqo ka eryid, waxa yidhi: ".. Anagu waxa aanu ku wareejinay dal ay xuduudihiisa la wada gaadhay, laakiin waxa dhacday in dhulki Galbeed la wada qabsaday oo ay soo galeen saddex boqol oo askari oo aan la ogayn waxa ay dalka ka samaynayeen, shaqaalihii dawalad ee ay meesha ugu yimaadeem waxa lagu badelay qaar kale ee maaha shaqaale nidaamin sida ay dawladu ku doodayso.."

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B0SJntBzrns

waa in qurba jooga laba side aay joojiyeen lacaqaha aay so dirayan.markas ayu dagalku dhamanaya

noow,kooow,booow

british somaliland

CAJAA'IB – Waxaa markii ugu horeysay Jagada Madaxweynanimada Somalia ee Jahwareerka badan isku soo sharxay mid ka mid ah Dhallinyarada Soomaaliyeed oo ku nool dalka dibadiisa. Mustafa C/raxmaan Sheekh oo ku magac dheer *Mustaf Ajakis*, ayaa sheegay in ka dib markii uu arkay inuu dayacan yahay dalka Somalia, isqabqabsiga siyaasadeedna uu madax-maray kuwa xilalka Dowladnimo haya iminka ee aan u turaynin Umadda Soomaaliyeed, ayna taasi dhibaatooyin baaxad leh usii horseedayso shacabka tabaalaysan uu go’aansaday inuu Mas’uul ka noqdo dalka si uu uga shaqeeyo inay shacabka gacmaha is qabsadaan oo ay meel qura kasoo wada jeestaan. Mustaf Ajakis oo 26-jir ah, ayaa mar uu ka hadlayey goorta ay ku dhalatay inuu xil ka qabto Somalia, ayaa ii sheegay in uu ku taamayey in badan inuu mansiirka talada u qabto Umadda Soomaaliyeed, maadaama buu yiri ay kuwa iminka joogo ka badin la’yihiin “Ijiid-aan ku jiido” oo uu ula jeeday is qabqabsi iyaga dhaxdooda ah ee aan loogu diir-naxaynin Shacabka ay matalaan, marka laga reebo inay maalka ay ku helaan magaca Shacabka Soomaaliyeed ay farqaha ku shubtaan. Waxa uu ugu baaqay Madaxweyne Shariif Sheikh Axmed, inuu jagada isaga dago maadaama uu kazoo bixi waayey mas’uuliyadii shacabka soomaaliyeed ka saarneyd, isalamarkaana uu xilkiisa dhamaaday, waxaana uu sheegay inuu wax badan ka bali doono xaaladda iminka murugsan haddii isaga la doonto bisha Augost ee soo socota, xilligaasi oo uu ku eg yahay waqtiga Dowladda. “Bal eega Soomaaliyeey raggii Siyaasiyiinta Soomaaliyeed meesha ay iminka na dhigeen, maxaa noo diidan inaan dhallinyaradeena la marin habaabiyey isku soo ururino oo aan hal far noqono, islamarkaana aan ku shaqayno baraarujin iyo isku duubnaan nabadeed, sidii ururkii Dhaliyarada Soomaaliyeed (SYL) ee xurnimada u horseeday dalkeena hooyo, manta waxaa la joogaa xilligii aan kici laheyn oo aan kacdoon sameyn laheyn, sida shacabka Masar, waaba dhimanee si karti leh nafta hanooga baxdo walaalayaal” ayuu yiri Mustaf. “Ma ahi Siyaasi, mana ahi Hantiile, laakiin waxaan ahay shaqsi u danqaday dalkiisa iyo dadkiisa abaaraha iyo colaadaha ay halakeeyeen, doonayana inuu ka wax wayn u qabto” ayuu hadalkiisa kusii daray. Musharaxan da’da yar, ayaa sheegay inuu ku dhashay Magaalada Muqdisho sanadka markuu ahaa 1985-tii, islamarkaana uu kusoo barbaaray isla Caasimadda, waxaana uu sheegay inuu ka xun yahay in isagoo 6-jir ah ay burburtay Xukuumaddii dhexe ee uu madaxda ka ahaa Marxuum Janaraal Maxamed Siyaad Barre. Mustafa C/raxmaan Sheekh oo ku magac dheer *Mustaf Ajakis*, ayaa waxaa aad loogu yaqaanaa in goobta uu soo istaago ay dhegta uwa raariciyaan dadka goobta jooga, waana shaqsi boqolaal ruux wax fahamsiin kara oo af-maal ah. C/risaaq C/laahi Maxamed (Indha-Jaceyl) indhojaceel2003@hotmail.com http://www.somaliweyn.org/pages/news/Feb_11/5Feb25.html

Egypt and Indonesia As Mubarak teeters, lessons can be drawn from Suharto's ouster. As mass protests sweep through Cairo and Hosni Mubarak teeters, some U.S. observers have turned almost reflexively to the analogy of Iran and the Shah in 1979. “Just look at Iran,” Leslie Gelb wrote earlier this week: If the Muslim Brotherhood takes control in Egypt, which Gelb believes may be at hand, “it’s going to be almost impossible for the people to take it back.” At times of unexpected but momentous political change in distant countries, we grasp onto political analogies to help get our bearings. Even if we know they are imperfect, we can’t resist their tempting suggestiveness. But, if we cannot resist them, we can at least choose them thoughtfully. Invoking Iran after the Shah is scary indeed, but dangerously misleading. A different analogy that provides more useful grist for our unsettled analytic mill concerning Egypt is Indonesia and Suharto in the late 1990s. The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt today is significantly different from the Islamist movement driven by Ayatollah Khomeini that ended up grabbing power in Tehran. It has renounced violence in both word and deed for decades and undergone a significant process of moderation. It lacks a charismatic leader such as Khomeini and has already confronted limits to its popular backing through its unofficial participation in parliamentary elections. The current protests in Egypt have focused on non-religious concerns and not featured Islamist slogans or objectives. The Muslim Brotherhood will certainly play an important role in post-Mubarak Egyptian politics, but Egypt is not ripe for a radical Islamist revolution. In Indonesia, a dictator who had ruled for more than two decades—holding himself out as the only guarantor of his nation’s stability and serving as Washington’s steadfast ally—tumbled from power after a brief but intense surge of protests led by students and a smattering of NGOs that had managed to survive in the narrow margins of Indonesian political life. The Clinton administration stayed with the aging tyrant almost to the bitter end, issuing tepid calls for reform, refusing to believe he could fall so quickly and worrying deeply about what might follow—chaos, an Islamist takeover, or an actual breakup of the country. Yet, despite its abrupt, unprepared transition, absence of any deep experience with democracy, entrenched security forces with blood on their hands, and location in a largely undemocratic neighborhood, Indonesia navigated a shaky but remarkably successful passage to democracy. Today, it is the largest democracy in the Muslim world, enjoying rapid economic growth at home and actively supporting democracy in its region. Four Islamic political parties are represented in Indonesia’s parliament and the president’s cabinet, but their vote share has diminished over the past ten years, dropping below 30 percent in the last parliamentary elections. Moderate Islamic values have gained ground in the society generally; Islamic radicalism, after lashing out violently, is marginalized. Of course, Egypt’s historical path, societal makeup, economic conditions, and national character differ in many ways from Indonesia’s. Nevertheless, enough of its socio-political experiences and structures bear resemblance to Indonesia’s ten years ago—from its newly assertive mix of idealistic young protestors, civic groups, and political opposition parties to its longstanding effort to balance secular and Islamist values—that Indonesia’s democratization offers some hope for Egypt. Accordingly, it is worth noting some of the keys to Indonesia’s successful transition. First, the post-Suharto political renovation was inclusive despite the powerful mass rejection of the prior dictatorial order. The interim president moved quickly to allow freedom of expression and open the political space. Apparatchiks around the dictator managed to find a new political role for themselves through a transformed former ruling party that emphasized its technocratic capabilities. The army, which had played a key role in facilitating Suharto’s stepping down by refusing to violently repress the protesters, saw its political role greatly reduced but only bit by bit, through constant negotiations and compromises. Political parties of all sorts were allowed to flourish, despite the messiness of the initial elections and governments. Second, once Suharto’s abrupt ouster was achieved, the transition became intensely legalistic and iterative. Indonesia put itself through seemingly endless phases of constitutional, electoral, and other legal reforms, carried out in a spirit of compromise. The vague but emotive reformasi ideal was gradually translated into concrete institutions, rules, and procedures. The serious pursuit of this detailed reform agenda helped Indonesians tolerate a transition period marked early on by a dubious post-dictator leader, disturbing outbursts of violence, economic woes, and the breaking off of East Timor. Third, the United States and Europe overcame their suspicions of a political transition they had long dreaded and offered valuable assistance in support of elections, political party development, civil society strengthening, and legal reform. Perhaps in part because of Indonesia’s large size and relative geographic isolation, the outside actors never tried to guide the process, but instead accepted a modest, quiet, yet also persistent role as helpful partners. Indonesians’ positive experience with this external assistance helped contribute to their own noteworthy determination to become active supporters of democracy in their own region. No analogy will see Egypt fully through the difficult times it faces ahead. Its path will be a complex amalgam of political transitions from many parts. But, as we search for ways to make sense of what has been unthinkable for so long in U.S. policy circles, we should avoid the simplistic scare scenarios that come from poorly chosen analogies. They are, after all, the same scenarios that led U.S. policy to avoid realities it should have started facing seriously in Egypt, and the Arab world more generally, years ago. We would be wiser to look to Indonesia as an example of how a democratic transition in a Muslim country can be successful. Thomas Carothers is vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and has written extensively on democratic transitions and international support for democracy. http://www.tnr.com/article/world/82650/egypt-and-indonesia

kuwabe karbaashi laha isagi ba la karbashay

when it comes to truth somaliland MPs waa dalxiisyaal

both

Xildhibaano la Baafinayo, Xildhibaanadan ayaa ka maqndaa kana soo xadiriin kalfadhiga Golaha Wakiilada ee Socda, Xildhibaanadan ayaan iyagu wax cudur daar ah ka soo gudbin maqnaashahooda waxayna tiradoodu dhan tahay 16 Mudane 1.Xildhibaan Maxamed Jaamac Cabdi 2.Xildhibaan CabdiRaxmaan Maxamed Talyanle 3.Xildhibaan Axmed Maxamed Maxamuud Afweyne 4.Xildhibaan Axmed Maxamed Cali Beegsi 5.Xildhibaan Khadar Aden Xuseen Ambassador 6.Xildhibaan Maxamed Axmed Maxamuud Dhakool 7.Xildhibaan Saleebaan Cali Yuusuf Koore 8.Xildhibaan Jaamac Xasan Aden 9.Xildhibaan Naasir Xaji Cali Shire 10.Xildhibaan Maxamed Cismaan Bulqas 11.Xildhibaan Maxamuud Dhunkaal Guutaale 12.Xildhibaan Maxamed Yaasiin Sheekh Cali 13.Xildhibaan Maxamed Cali Jibriil 14.Xildhibaan Maxamed Xaaji Xasan Sugaal 15.Xildhibaan Ikraan Xaji Daa'uud Warsame 16.Xildhibaan Cali Sheekh Ibraahim Aareeye http://www.togaherer.com/2011/02/06/xildhibaano-ka-tirsan-golaha-wakiiladda-somaliland-oo-la-baafinayo/

dadka meshaan joga they are like caruur isku faanaysa qof walba in uu ka kale u faano ayuu rabaa

Jacaylbaro;693161 wrote: loooooooooooooooooooooooooool

An excellent article,worth reading. i wish so called somali politicans may read it.