Originally posted by Xalimopatra: Question-I know the independence from the British was 26th June and the 1st July from the Italians. So why do I only hear about the 1st?I'm sure there are many people who are not Somalilanders and pledge their alliance to Soomaalia but were under the thumb of the British waagi hore.Like my family for instance from Laas Caanood. Is the 1st of July one a joint affair?Two for the price of one miya? Labadda gobol ee Waqooyi iyo Koonfur isku soo noqday, oo xoriyadooda buuxda helay, without bogus 'border' iyo gumeysigii. The day is Kowda Luulyo [First July]. Saas ayee Kowda Luulyo u qiimo badantahay than the South per se getting independence. That was why calanka baluugga laga suray at Hargeysa in 26th of Juun, since they too knew in calankaas laga suri doono Xamar in a just short few days later. Calanka baluugga was created in 1954 at Xamar, as a pan-Soomaali flag. It was the unofficial flag during the later years of trusteeship in the south and other colonized Soomaali territories.

Jacaylbaro...It seems to me you are against Arabs for not supporting Maamulka Riyaale. I don't think they caused a particular harm to Hargeysa or supported Mogadishu and elsewhere separately. Aaheey. Dadka qaarkood Carab maba maqli karaan because the Carabs steadfastly refused to recognize their little deegaan as a sovereign nation. Magac Carab markee maqlaan dhiiga ayaa karo, xataa meesha haddeeba yaalin Carab. The same people, ironically, day in and day out noo faaliyo Xabasho, lehna they are a neighbourly 'country,' blinding themselves about how Xabasho occupies a considerable land of Soomaalida leh and now the whole country. NB - The shir was not organized by Carab. It was by daljecel Soomaalis for Soomaalis dalkooda jecel arrimahooda ka tashanaayo, not Soomaali isku sheeg, oo "useless, useless" lasoo taagan thread walba. Anagaa ku rabno "useless" or not, anagee na quseysaa taas.

Eebbe ha u naxariisto. Samir iyo iimaan, Sophist.

We all heard the shocking news and the death of the former and the first president of Somalia. Even though I was somehow aware of his old age and ill-health, it really caught me by surprise. We are all mortal and death is unavoidable. Like a sand spilling out of an hourglass, our life will end the day our lord calls us to come home. The death of the former president may have relieved him of the debilitating effects of an old age and he might be in a better place today, however, I have a mixed feeling of what to make of the sad the news from Nairobi. Should we mourn his death or rejoice the good memory of a great leader? Should we celebrate his life and leadership or should we grieve the loss of an eminent statesman? Should we commemorate a life well-lived or bemoan its sudden and unexpected departure? Should we thank Allah for the providence of giving us this great political icon that guided us through a difficult period of our political history, or should we lament the unexpected passing of a beloved man who through his remarkable leadership became near and dear to all of us? How we feel or deem his death is a true testament of how he lived his life. One of the amazing characteristics of President Aden Abdulle as relayed to us by those who knew him well is his aura of grace and his unpretentious personality. While some political leaders would relish their time in the lime light, Aden led a new nation and never sought fame, fortune, or a notoriety of any kind. Although there has always been a certain virtue in vagueness when it comes to presidential piety, Aden’s extraordinary leadership would always be remembered not because we sang the never-fading songs of praise (guulwadow) but out of an admiration of a simple man who led us with absolute resolve; a man who assumed leadership without fanfare, and relinquished it with dignity; a man of reason who aimed high and reached the pinnacle of his political career, not through the barrel of the gun but through the fairness of the paper ballot. I am sure a tiny minority of my countrymen would not share my feeling for President Aden, but I have yet to encounter anyone with any ill-feeling toward him except of course few misguided souls whose their none-too-veiled attack of his presidency is born out of barely hidden bias but not based on an objective evaluation of his presidential tenure. Aden understood the ebb and the flow of power, but never abused it or used it improperly. His humble beginning from Belet-Wein and the lack of the superfluities of a formal education never handicapped him but allowed him to avoid the pitfalls of the presidential powers. From what I can garner from his contemporaries, Aden was a man of conviction who was tough as nails (remember his Iisho remarks) yet courtly in his courtesy. His unbending principles defined his presidency and his courage and inner grace shaped his character and individuality. Even though the rudeness of some of his political opponents turned the political dialogue into a veritable concerto of below-the-belt attacks, Aden was always gracious, cordial and polite. He never transgressed in exercising his democratic and presidential prerogatives and was never tempted to abuse his custodial duty. President Aden Abdulle was such a rarity and the real face that goes with the picture of a good leader. He was a quintessential, and very simply, a Somali hero and a great example to follow. I sometimes wonder of whether today’s Somalia was ever deserving of his leadership. There is never a good way to die, but Aden Adde taught us a grand way to live. May Allah bless his soul? C/weli M. Cali Assistant Professor of Economics College of Business Administration Niagara University, NY

A Word Of Respect To Late Aaden Cabdille Cismaan I received with greatest shock the news of the passing away of Aden Abdulle Osman, former President and a beloved son of Somalia. He was first ever President of the free Republic of Somalia from 1960 to 1967. A man of highest sterling qualities, caliber and character. He set an example to the Somali people as well as to other countries in the continent of Africa, the way to democracy. While under his leadership Somalia showed other countries how a democratic country should function. While Somalia led the way there was many countries which were languishing under dictatorship and totalitarian regimes. Aden Abdulle Osman, unlike most of his contemporaries in Africa, knew that power belonged to the people and not to an individual. In 1967, When he lost the election he gracefully relinquished power. I had the great honour of knowing Aden Abdulle Osman, from the days when was the President of the Constituent Assembly til he was elected as the First President of the Somali Republic in July 1960. I happened to be part of his staff until the midnight of July 1, 1960. I had the pleasure of seeing him hoist the national flag at the top of the National Assembly building. I was there on the roof of the Parliament, together with the rest of the staff of the various departments of the Parliament . I was among the lucky masses that had the chance to be present at that night, the fist moment of our independence. The cry of Soomaali Hannoolato, Soomaali ha midowdo, midnimada ha waarto, filled the square outside the Parliament House. And we, looking at the flag moving up higher and higher. Tears welled in our eyes with joy . Somalia has lost a great statesman. Not only the family members or close relatives will miss him, but all of us, especially those of us who knew him personally and working under his dynamic and wise leadership. We will all remember him as the most dedicated citizen and the father figure of the Somalis. The Almighty will reward him for his great services to the Somalis. I wish to convey my deepest sorrow and heartfelt condolences to my brothers Eng. Cabdulqaadir and Dr. Osman Aden Abdulle and through them to the rest of the family and relatives. May his soul rest in peace. Innaa Lllaahi wa inna Ilahay Rajicuun. - Ambassador Max'ed Cismaan Cumar

Jaamac Maxamed Qaalib Dooxa, Qadar Juun 09, 2007 T he recent invasion of Somalia sanctioned by the United States was primarily motivated by a deep rooted aversion to Islam on the part of neoconservatives of the Bush administration. The alleged presence of Al-Qaeda operatives in Somalia was a myth, not unlike Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction. The object of this myth was to create the rationale for that invasion. After all, US proxy forces have taken over the Somali capital and no trace of such Al-Qaeda operatives have been found, although claims of the US myth still continue. An uprising of the citizenry in Mogadishu under the leadership of Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) established a rule of law by the Islamic Sharia that wiped out anarchy and misery within the short time of their authority with no cost to the international community. The uprising also removed United States clientele of warlords who had been preying on the people for more than a decade and a half. Under that rule of law both the Mogadishu seaport and international airport were re-opened after being closed for more than a decade and rehabilitation programmes were in progress when the new order was not only aborted, but was also defamed as a terrorist organization in order to justify that sinister invasion. Furthermore, the US ambassador to Kenya, Michael Ranneberger’s comments in an interview on or about 23 May 2007 that the UIC did not have broad based support inside Somalia was an insult to human intelligence. What the ambassador wanted to be believed was a total denial of the popular uprising mentioned here-above that had supported the UIC, ending 16-year war-lordism, banditry, kidnapping, hostage taking for ransom, sea-piracy and overall anarchy that had visited misery on the Somali people. All those heinous crimes have resumed unabated since ending the authority of UIC by the US sanctioned foreign aggression, despite ubiquitous US proxy forces. Another absurd comment of the ambassador during that same interview was that the Ethiopian foisted Trojan horse, the so-called TFG that had not been able to function for nearly three years since its inception and only survives under Ethiopian protective care had legitimacy that the UIC with such a homegrown popular uprising of support had not! And thirdly, the ambassador’s other remark that the US was helping the Somali people after sanctioning the cause (invasion) of the ongoing mayhem and misery that is being visited on the same people was not only ironic, but it is construed as a euphemism for the destruction of the social fabric of the Somali people. And adding insult to injury, the US neoconservative administration chose Ethiopian authorities, a perennial arch enemy of the Somali people of nearly five-century standing and still colonizing a large segment of the Somali people and their homeland, as its US proxy to execute that invasion, determined to destroy the essential structures in Somalia lest there ever be another Islamic rule. They could not have chosen a worse proxy than Meles Zenawi whose misrule had turned Ethiopia itself into a police state. The Ethiopian US proxy forces have been afforded free rein vis-à-vis their occupation of Somalia where they visit havoc on the Somali people, especially in the national capital, Mogadishu. They act independent of their foisted Trojan horse, the so-called Somali government or TFG. This is easily explained by the well publicized fact of Ethiopian forces commanders’ freedom to negotiate with or coerce various Somali community leaders by passing those TFG. Traditionally, since their early conquests of non-Abyssinian (Amhara and Tigre) Ethiopian nationalities, Ethiopian forces were never given regular budgets since the Menelik II era, but instead they had lived upon the spoils of those conquests and thereafter upon the resources of the conquered people. That Abyssinian culture has not changed up to the present time. They have since their occupation of Somalia been looting whatever they can lay their hands on, especially snatching any moveable items. In particular, they target cash of money, Mobile phones and laptops (personal computers). The last two items upon the pretext of checking them for terrorist connections, but they never come back. Instead they end up in black markets in Addis Ababa. The Orphanage hospital, SOS, was ransacked of all its stock of medicines. Many people have been kidnapped from their homes at night and their whereabouts are unknown, while others have bought their release by paying bribes. It is a common practice that people believed to have some income or wealth are easily accused of terrorist connections, or even arrested and blackmailed to ransom themselves. The above plundering acts and also the illegal occupation naturally invite resistance from the local populace. The Ethiopian forces always respond brutally with unproportionate greater force including the use of tanks, heavy artillery and war planes in built up areas that impose collective punishments and spare no quarter. Consequently, they cause a great deal of suffering mainly to the civilian population and have so far inflicted a minimum death toll of over one thousand six hundred and seventy (1,670) and wounding twice as many, as well as displacement of between 400,000 and half a million people made homeless, according to humanitarian and media sources. The Ethiopian invaders/occupiers and their Trojan horse, the so-called TFG, in order to justify their savage actions, claim all those victims were terrorists, even those killed in their sleep who perished under the rubble of their bombarded and destroyed homes by Ethiopian indiscriminate fire-power in the middle of the night. A number of Mogadishu quarters were continuously bombed and emptied of any human survivors. Even health clinics were not spared. All schools were closed down and health services were very severely curtailed. Humanitarian relief efforts were obstructed at best or totally denied. A great deal of the infrastructure has been destroyed by Ethiopian heavy fire-power and the overall economy is devastated. At the above backdrop, the commission of war crimes is obvious and beyond any reasonable doubt. However, the UN Security Council is most unlikely to authorize the setting up of war crimes tribunal unlike those of Rwanda, Sierra Leone and other similar situations since the United States, a key permanent member, is actually a party to the above diabolic scenario from which resulted the war crimes. And after all, neither Meles Zenawi nor Abdullahi Yusuf, or Ali Mohamed Gedi, the principal perpetrators of the war crimes, are Charles Taylors. It is, therefore, left to the Somali people both inside and outside the country to seek humanitarian assistance and also raise local resources for the pursuit of remedial legal action to present complaints on behalf of the victims of the war crimes and/or their families to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Rome. Urgent solutions to Somalia’s salvation lie in a genuine all-inclusive reconciliation process. However, no such meaningful process can be put in motion unless and until Ethiopian occupation is ended and their forces totally withdraw from Somali soil. Even holding such reconciliation forum in a neutral venue outside Somalia will not suffice while Ethiopian forces still remain in the country. This is because the attendance of many people inside the country will be indispensably required at any such forum and they will be harassed and intimidated when leaving or returning to the country. Nor can any viable agreements be reached even outside the country, much less to implement them later inside the country, while Ethiopian forces are still there. Again, no independent fair investigation can be conducted into the war crimes while Ethiopian forces remain in the country. Any solutions to salvation, therefore, depend on the immediate and total withdrawal of Ethiopian forces from Somali soil. However, some quarters justify their continued occupation of Somalia for what they term, ‘to avoid a security vacuum’. This reasoning is baseless and ignores the fact that Mogadishu was a secured environment and only the foreign occupation has made it insecure. And secondly, their continued occupation is insecurity prone, but never fosters peace. The justification is, therefore, not only groundless but also bankrupt. Another daljecelnimo article from the one and only Md. Jaamac Max'ed Qaalib. Waligaa jir, Jaamacoow.

Shirkii Dooxa Oo Dhamaaday Iyo Baaq Kasoo Baxay Shirka 09-06-2007 Shirkii dooxa ee 7-8 bisha June ka socday magaalada Dooxa ee dalka Qadar ayaa soo gabageboobay iyadoo laga soo saaray baaq loogu magac daray "BAAQII DOOXA". Shirka ayaa lagu heshiiyey in lagu dhiso gudi 15 xubnood ah oo ka kooban Golaha Maxmadaha, Barlamaanka Xorta ah, Jaaliyadda Debedda kuwaasoo soo dhisa urur wayne dalka dib u xereeya dawlad qaranna u baadi gooba. Baaqii Dooxa Inta u dhexaysay 7-8 Juun waxaa shir ku yeeshay magaalada Dooxa ee dalka Qadar xubno ka kala socda Maxakmadaha Islaamiga ah, Barlamaanka xorta ah iyo aqoonyahano Soomaaliyeed oo gudaha iyo debedda Soomaaliya ka kala yimid. Shirka oo ay martigelisay Xarunta Caalamiga ah ee la Dagalaanka Xadgudubka ayaa looga hadlay Faragelinta Ajnabiga iyo Mustaqbalka Geeska Afrika. Kadib dood dheer oo laga yeeshay lana soo bandhigay dhibaatooyinka iyo mushkilooyinka ku habsaday Bulshadda Soomaaliyeed kuwaasoo dhamaantood uu sabab u yahay gumaysiga Itoobiya oo laayey, dhacay qixiyey shacabkii Soomaaliyeed ayaa shirku wuxuu soo saaray baaqan: In Soomaaliya tahay dal gumaysi ku jira In canbaarayn buuxda dusha looga tuuro cadowga Itoobiya In loo aqoosado hawgaladda dadka lagu laynayo kuwooda nidaamsan iyo kuwa aan nidaamsanayn xasuuq lala beegsanayo shacabka Soomaaliya, bulshadda caalamkanna laga doonayo dhismaha maxkamad caalami ah oo baarta danbiyadda dagaalka iyo xasuuqii Soomaaliya ka dhacay In dawlada Itoobiya ay ciidankeeda sida ugu dhaqsaha badan shuruud la’aan ciidankeeda Soomaaliya kala baxdo, hadii kale ay masuul ka tahay burburka ku dhaca Geeska Afrika In dalwada Itoobiya iyo kuwa la shaqeeya ee isku magacaabday dawlada federlaaka kumeel gaarka ah ay masuul ka yihiin xadgudubka lala beegsanayo shacabka Soomaaliyeed. In dawladaha iyo hay’adaha samafalka caalamiga iyo shakhsiyaadka samofalayaasha ah ay shacabka Soomaaliyeed lasoo gaaraan gargaar deg deg ah. In la sameeyo urur lagu midaysanyahay kaasoo u istaaga inuu dalka ka xoreeyo gumaysiga Itoobiya, si loo helo ururkaasna waa in la qaadaa talaabooyinka soo socda: --- (A) In la dhiso gudi ka kooban 15 xubnoo oo isugu jira Maxkamadaha Islaamiga ah, Barlamaanka xorta ah, Jaaliyadaha dibedda iyo qaybaha kale ee Bulshadda si shirkaas u hirgalanna waa in la qaadaa. --- (B)In shirka ururka lagu dhisayo la qabto 45 maalmood gudahood Ugu danbayntii ka qaybgalayaashu waxay mahad balaaran u jeedinayaan dawlada aan walaaalaha nahay ee Qadar iyo Amiirkeeda kuwaasoo markasta u taagan garab istaaga shacabka Soomaaliyeed, waxaa kaloo mahad gaar ah loo jeedinayaa Xarunta La Dagalaanka Xadgudubka oo iyadu kaalin wayn ku lahayd hirgelinta shirka. Goobjoog

Isbahaysi cusub oo ay ku mideysan yihiin Golihii Maxkamadaha Islaamka, Barlaamaanka Xorta iyo Jabhadaha ONLF iyo OLF, oo looga dhawaaqay Caasimaada dalka Eriteria ee Asmara Jimco 09/06/07 Muqdisho - Isbahaysi Kooxo ku kacsan Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya iyo tan Dowladda Ethiopia, oo taageero ka helaya Dowladda Eriteria, ayaa lagu asaasay Caasimadda dalka Eriteria ee Asmara. Ilo-wareedyo ay Idaacadda Codka Maraykanka soo xooraansatay, ayaa lagu ogaaday inay Kooxo ku kacsan Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya iyo tan Dowladda Itoobiya ay Isbahaysi ay ku mideysan yihiin kaga dhawaaqeen dabayaaqadii bishii hore ee May Shirweyne ay ku yeesheen Caasimadda dalka Eriteria ee Asmara. Warbixinadda laga helayo ilo-wareedyo ku dhow xubnaha ugu muhiimsan Kooxaha ku dhawaaaqay Isbahaysiga, waxay Shirweynahaasi ugu magac-dareen “Kulankii Midowga iyo Heshiiska”, iyadoo uu Madaxweynaha dalka Eriteria, Issias Efewerki uu si wadajir isugu keenay ugu yaraan Afar Koxoood oo kala ah Golaha Maxkamadaha Islaamka Soomaaliya, Xubnihii hore ee Barlaamaanka Soomaaliya ee la magac baxay Barlamaanka xorta ah iyo Jabhadaha Xoreynta [soomaali Galbeed] National Liberation Front “ONLF” iyo tan Oromadda ee Oroma Liberation Front “OLF”. Wararku, waxay sheegayaan inay Kulaankaasi ka soo qeyb gaaleen Hoggaamiyaha Guddigii Fulinta ee GMIS, Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed iyo Taliyaha Ciiddamadda ee Jabhadda Xoreynta [soomaali Galbeed] “ONLF” Admiral Maxamed Cumar Cismaan iyo Ra’isul-wasaare-ku-xigeenka Koowaad ee DFKMGS ee gadoodsan, Engineer Xuseen Maxamed Caydiid. Warar lagu kalsoon yahay ayaa waxay tilmaamayaan in Sheekh Shariif Sheekh Axmed loo magacaabay Madaxa Garabka Siyaasadda ee Isbahaysiga Cusub, halka Admiral Maxamed Cumar Cismaan loo magacaabay Madaxa Garabka Milliteri ee Isbahaysiga mucaadka ku ah Dowladaha Federalka Soomaaliya iyo tan Itoobiya. Dhinaca kale, Isbahaysiga u midoobay la-dagaalanka Dowladaha Somalia iyo Ethiopia, ayaa waxa uu asaaskiisa ku soo beegmay iyadoo ay Kumanaan Ciiddamo Somali iyo Ethiopian ah ay hawlgallo xooggan ka wadaan gudaha Magaalladda Muqdishu, isla markaana ay ku soo qabteen shixnaddo hub ah oo aad u fara badan, oo qaarkood lagu qariyey dhulka hoostiisa. Xeeldheerayaasha, ayaa rumeysan in dhismaha Isbahaysigaasi uu carqalladeyn xooggan ku noqon karo dadaalka loogu jiro Deganaanshaha iyo Dib-u-hehsiisiinta dalka Somalia , isla markaana uu dagaalku u xuub-siiban karo Dagaal Saddex Geesood ah oo saamayn ku yeelan doona qeybo ka mid ah dalalka Somalia, Ethiopia iyo Eriteria. Soomaaliweyn , oo xiganeyso idaacadda Codka Mareykanka .

This will be the saddest Kowda Luulyo, runtii, Soomaalida soo marto. Xabashi, the poorest of the poor, who can hardly afford to feed her citizens, occupying us, the quondam proud Soomaalida. Dad badan ayaa ka quursaday xaalka maanta Soomaaliya ku sugantahay. Ani hasa yeeshee kama quursan, waligeeyna Soomaalinimo iyo Soomaaliya kama quursanaayo, sidee awoowyaasheen ugu quursan.

Abwaan, kuwaan camal lama xayirsiiyo. Bilooyin kahor aan arkay shabakadaan, xataa waaba i sireen maadaama google kasoo raacay qoraal dadka waaninaayo. Waxaa isdhahay shabakadaan dadka ayba waanisaa ee qoraaladeeda kale fiiri. Ooh, boy! Kuwaan waa laba qof ama sadex qof oo dad badan iska dhigo. Xataa 'blog' ayee lahaan jireen, oo sawiro been intee soo giliyaan, oo foolalkooda [wajiyadooda] qarsan ayee leeyihiin anaga waaye oo kaniisado ku yaalo Nayroobi laga soo qaaday. Haddee karti leeyihiin, oo run ka tahay foolalkooda ma qarsadeen, siiba iyagoo ku sugan dhul aan Soomaali ahayn. Nolol cusub indeed. Meeshee gaaraan hala arko. Mar labaad aan ku celiyo, kuwaan camal waqti laguma dhumiyo.

Internet la iska barto, then la isku guursado indhaheey ayaan ku arkay. My close friend met his oofa from the net, and the last time I knew he had two baby wiil. Wax weyn ma'aha. Another communication tool lee waaye, sida awal u jireen other tools. Dad ayaa suuq isku baran jiray; dad ayaa xaflad isku baran jiray; dad ayaa munaasabad isku baran jiray; dad ayaa qaraabo isbaray; dad ayaa waalidkooda isku keenay, isbaray; dad baa telefoon ku nasiibso isku barto ...

Original caption: Summit meeting of neutrals. Belgrade, Yugoslavia: The chiefs of the neutral nations meeting here, Sept. 5th, pose for this group photo. Shown (left to right) are: Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia; Saeb Salaam of Lebanon; President Adan Abdullah Osman of the Republic of Somali; Lieutenant General Ibrahim Abboud of Sudan; Sheik Sowayel of Saudi Arabia; King Hassan of Morocco; Marshal Josip Tito of Yugoslavia; Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, prime minister of Ceylon [sri Lanka]; President Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia; President Achmad Sukarno of Indonesia; President Oswaldo Dorticos of Cuba; President Kwame Nkrumak of Ghana; President Gamal Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic; Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia; Prime Minister Mohammed Daud of Afghanistan; President Modibo Keita of Mali; and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India. The conference of nonaligned nations. [september 5, 1961, Belgrade, Yugoslavia.] He was a founding member of Non-aligned Movement [NAM] of nations.

[sNIP] Xushmadda uu Mudane Aadan Cadde ka mudanyahay shacbiga Soomaaliyeed daraaddeed ayay ila qumanaatay inaan waxyar ka iftiimiyo shaqsiyaddiisii oo laga yaabo in aysan in badani ku baraarugsaneyn. Inta aanan gudagalin ubucda qoraalka, waxaan ka sii afeefanayaa in aanan anigu aheyn taariikhyahan dabagalay taariikhda Madaxweynaha, taasoo ay mudnaanteeda leeyihiin aqoonyahannada arrimahaas baaritaannada ku sameeyay. Waxaanse jecleystay inaan si kooban u soo bandhigo qaar ka mid ah dhacdooyinkiisa ka marqaati kacaya tayada mas'uuliyeed ee mudane Aadan Cadde oo la dhihi karo waa mid naadir ku ah mujtamaca Soomaaliyeed. Hubaal, dhacdooyinkaani ma aha kuwii ugu wanaagsanaa amaba xulkii mas’uuliyad wanaaggii Madaxweynaha, laakiin waxaan shaki ku jirin iney yihiin kuwo xiiso badan oo tixgelintooda leh. Mudane Aadan Cabdulle wuxuu ku dhashay magaalada Baladweyne ee gobolka Hiiraan sanadkii 1908dii. Wuxuu ka mid ahaa halyeeyadii Ururkii Dhallinyarada Soomaaliyeed ee SYL iyo aabbeyaashii salka u dhigay qaranka Soomaaliyeed. Mudane Aadan , waxaa loo doortay Madaxweynihii ugu horreeyay ee Soomaaliya markii ay midoobeen labadii qaybood ee waqooyiga iyo koofurta, laguna dhawaaqay Jamhuuriyaddii Soomaaliya ee xorowday 1dii luulyo 1960. Sanadkii 1967, ayuu mudane Aadan Cadde xilkii ku wareejiyay Madaxweyne C/Rashiid Cali Sharma'arke(AHN), ka dib markii doorasho looga guuleystay. Wuxuu Mudane Aadan Cadde sidaas ku noqday Madaxweynihii ugu horreeyay qaaradda Afrika ee si xor ah loo doorto, si xor ahna xukunka uga dega. Arrinkaasi wuxuu sharaf iyo qaddarinba u soo jiidday guud ahaan umadda Soomaaliyeed, gaar ahaanna Mas’uulka indheergaradka ah. Madaxweyne Aadan cadde waxaa kale oo uu ka mid ahaa aasaasayaashii Ururka Midowga Afrika. Waxaa aad loo xusuustaa khudbaddii taariikhiga aheyd ee uu ka jeediyay shirkaas, kuna sheegay : in aysan Soomaaliya marnaba aqbaleynin in dhulka Soomaaligalbeed loo aqoonsado Itoobiya, isagoo si aad ahna uga soo horjeestay in xuduudaha Afrika loo daayo sidii uu gumeysigii u calaamadiyay, taasoo uu arkayay arrin lagu duudsiinayo umadda Soomaaliyeed ee dulman. Dhacdooyinka wanaagga ah ee laga soo tabiyay Madaxweyne Aadan waa kuwo aad u fara badan, waxaanse jecleystay inaan akhristeyaasha u soo gudbiyo labo ka mid ah dhacdooyinkiisii naftiis-hurennimo, oo dhab ahaan laga dheehan karo, kartidii iyo niyadsamaantii uu Madaxweyne Aadan u hayay, uguna adeegayay dalkiisa iyo dadkiisa. Dhacdada koowaad, waxay muujineysa doorkii uu Mudane Aadan Cadde ku lahaa aasaaskii xoogga dalka Soomaaliyeed iyo waliba dhiirrigelintii iyo taageeradii uu mar walba la barbar taagnaa. Dhacdadaan xiisaha leh, waxaan in yar ka soo xiganeynaa qoraal dheer ku saabsanaa asaaskii Ciidanka Cirka Soomaaliyeed oo uu diyaariyay Mudane Axmed Sh. Xasan ( Hareed ) oo ka mid ahaa xubnihii lagu aasaasay ciidankaas. Waxaana qoraalkii Mudane Hareed uu uga hadlayay asaaskii Ciidanka Cirka Soomaaliyeed ka mid ahaa: " ...... Waxaa taas ka sii xasuus iyo muhimad weyn, 24/05/63, waqtigii ciidanku qaaday Madaxweynihii ugu horreeyay ee Soomaaliya mudane Aadan Cabdulle Cismaan iyo wafdi ballaran oo uu hoggaaminayay oo ka qayb galayey furitaanki shirkii lagu aasaasay Ururkii Midowga Afrika 25/05/63dii oo uu mudane Aadan Cadde noqday Madaxweynaha qura ee Afrikada madow oo watay diyaarad khaas ah oo wadatay astaantii dalkiisa oo misna ay duulinayeen ciidankiisu. Taasna waxay dalka iyo Madaxweynahaba u soo hoysay sharaf iyo qaddarin dheeraad ah kolkii ay arkeen wufuuddii soo dhaweyneysay ,dadweynihii iyo suxufiyiinti dunida inay diyaaradda wadeen duuliyeyaal dhuudhuuban oo Soomaali ah. Madaxweynuhu markuu dalka dib ugu soo laabtay wuxuu saraakiishii diyaaradda ku qaadday mid mid ugu soo diray ammaan qoraal ah halka uu ciidanka u soo diray ammaan guud (solenne encamio)..... " Dhab ahaantii, ma fududa in waddan uu calanka xornimadu ka dulbabannayay muddo ka yar saddex sano uu ku tillaabsado guulo tan oo kale ah. Arrimaha sidaan oo kale taariikhiga ahi waxay u baahanyihiin geesinnimo iyo iskukalsooni lagu jiiro oo looga dultillaabsado caqabadaha ku horgudban guulaha lama illoobaanka ah ee la tiigsanayo. Mudane Hareed oo ka warramaya go'aankii naftiishurennimada ahaa ee uu Madaxweyne Aadan Cadde qaatay ka dib markii xoogaa shaki ah la geliyay khibraddii duuliyeyaashii dhallinyarada ahaa ee Soomaaliyeed, sidoo kalena la sheegay in diyaaradda loo diyaariyay wafdiga ruuxeedu ay tahay mid gabowday oo aan lasyku halleyn karin, wuxuu qoray: ".... Waagaas xog lagu kalsoonaan karay ayaan ka ogaannay in rag ka tirsanaa wafdiga Madaxweynahu ay u soo jeediyeen inay nabad gelyadiisu ku jirto inuu Talyaaniga waydiisto diyaarad, intii uu raaci lahaa diyaaradda gaboowday oo ay duulinayaan rag khibraddoodu ku siman tahay saddex sano. Soo jeedintaas madaxweynuhu wuxuu uga jawaabay, “ Oo yaa annaga ka wanaagsan oo ay ku barbaran lahaayeen . ”." Cajiib!! Madaxweynihii Qaranka ayaa naftiisii u hibeeyey in ay wax ku bartaan dhallinyaro uu u diyaarinayo in mustaqbalka ay difaacaan dalka, dadka iyo diinta. Wuxuu diiddanyahay inuu niyadjebiyo dhallinyaradii u dhaaratay badbaadinta qarankooda, kana doorbido duuliye shisheeye. Diyaarad gabowday oo shaki la geliyay iney masaafo dheer duuli karo ayuu ka doorbidayaa inuu dalbado diyaarad shisheeye oo loogu deeqo amaba uu doollar badan oo ay danyartu u baahneyd ku bixiyo. Maalinba waa maalinteedee, meesha uu maanta xaal marayana Soomaaliyey ishaa macallin ah!! Malaayiin ayaa la sheegayaa iney ku baxday, safarro loo galay magaalooyin Soomaaliyeed oo isku Muuqda. Raqba waa ku raggeed !! Waxaa haddaba in la is weydiiyo mudan, saameyn intee la eg ayuu go'aankaas geesinnimada leh ee Madaxweynuhu ku yeeshay dhallinyaradii uu maalintaas naftiisa ku aaminay iyo guud ahaan Ciidanka Cirka Soomaaliyeed? Waa kan mar kale, Mudane Axmed Sh. Xasan ( Hareed) oo arrinkaas wax ka qoray: "Geesinimadii Madaxweynuhu aad bay noo dhiiri gelisay, waxayna nagu abuurtay farxad, isku kalsoonaan iyo isxilqaamid dheeraad ah, maantana Rabbi wuxuu idmay inuu asagii weli noolyahay, halka saraakiishii maalintaas diyaaradda ku wadday iyo kuwii ra’yiga u soo jeediyayba aan waqtigaan midna ka nooleyn. Diyaaraddiina waxaa hawlgab laga dhigay Juun 1972dii iyadoo weli hawl gal ah, laguna beddelay diyaaradihii AN 24 ee ku caanka baxay “Shabeelleeyda." Rabbi (swt), ayaa qofkuu doono dila, kuu doonana daaya. Dabaabbaad lagu dhuunto iyo ciidan laysku deyro midna geerida loogama gabbado, waxayna dadnimadu ku jirtaa in qofka mas’uuliyaddu ay saarantahay intii uu geeri ka baqi lahaa, uu ka baqo guullihii uumay. Aakhiro waa lama huraan. Dhacdada labaad, ee aan rabo inaan qoraalkaan ku xuso waa mid dhacday biloowgii sanadkii 1991dii, oo ka mid ahaa xilliyadii ay dagaallada sokeeye ee Soomaalidu ugu ba'naayeen. Waxay aheyd xilli boob iyo bililiqo baahday ay jirtay, haba ugu sii darnaato hantidii guud een qarankuye. Waxaa waliba la yaab iyo amakaag sii lahaa in kuwa ugu darnaa ee boobka geysanayay ay ugu horreeyeen dad mas’uuliyiin ku magacownaa iyo ciidamadoodu. Kuwaas oo ku qamaamayay meelihii ay hantida qaranku ku keydsaneyd sida bangiyada. Runtii wuxuu ahaa waqti culus oo ay adkeyd inuu qofna ku fekero badbaadin hanti qaran, xaalna wuxuu taagnaa, i bixiyow i bixi !! . Bal aan qiyaasno, qofka maalintaas inta bangi hor istaaga yiraahda " Waa hanti qaran ee ha la badbaadiyo ". Haddiise uu qofi sidaas ku dhiirrado oo uu naftiisaba quuro, ma dhici kartaa in dadka qamaamaya ee boobka u soo xaydxaydtay ay u dhago nuglaadaan oo ay dhawaaqiisa maqlaan? Haddey jawaabtaadu tahay maya , fadlan ha degdegin !! Febraayo 16, sanadkii 1991dii, labaatan maalmood ka dib burburkii maamulkii kacaanka, waxaa Muqdisho kulan isugu yimid mas'uuliyiin ka socda maamulkii kumeelgaarka ahaa ee xilligaas la dhisay oo uu horkacayay Ra'iisulwasaarihii maamulkaas Mudane Cumar Carte Qaalib iyo guddi ay iska soo xuleen ardaydii Jaamacadda Umadda Soomaaliyeed iyo Machadyada la siman. Ujeeddada kulanku waxay aheyd in laga doodo qorshaha ammaanka caasimadda oo ay nabadgalyadeedu faraha ka sii baxaysay. Waxay ardaydu soo jeediyeen in gebi ahaanba ciidamada beelaha laga saaro caasimadda oo ay dhac,dilal iyo kufsi fara badanba ka geysteen, laguna aruuriyo xerooyin magaalada bannaankeeda ku yaallay. Taas baddalkeedana caasimadda ay si iskaa-wax-u-qabso ah uga howlgalaan kumannaan ardaydii gurmadka qaranka soo martay ah, oo xilligaas tiro badan oo ka mid ahi ay muddo todobaad gudihiis ah isku soo diiwaangeliyeen. Dood dheer ka dib, Mudane Cumar Carte ayaa gabagabdii shirka ka sheegay In uu si aad ah ugu qanacsanyahay abaabulka ay sameeyeen ardaydu, uusanna fileynin iney jiraan dhallinyaro xilligaas ciriiriga ahaa ka fekereysa badbaadin qaran. Isagoo muujinaya taageeradii uu arrinkaas u hayay ayuuna sii raaciyay: " Haddaan runta idiin sheego maanta hanti qaran Soomaaliyeed waxaa ka badbaadday oo dhaqaale laga hayaa, 90 Milyan oo Shilin Soomaali ah, oo uu madaxweyne Aadan Cadde ku badbaadiyay bangiga Qoryooley . Dhaqaalahaas isaga ah ayaanan ku taageeri doonnaa qorshaha nabadgelyada caasimadda ee aad soo jeediseen. Waayo Muqdisho oo hagaagtaa waa waddanka oo hagaagay". Nasiibdarro, Qorshahaas nabadgelyo oo ahaa mid wax badan lagu badbaadin karay, waxaa si aan gabbasho laheyn u hor istaagay xooggagii loollamayay ee ururkii USC oo u arkay mashruuc aan waafaqsaneyn danahoodii gaarka ahaa ee dahsoonaa. Hantidii qaran ee uu Madaxweyne Aadan Cadde badbaadiyayna Alle iyo intii ay gacanta u gashay ayaa meeshii u dambeysay og. Sida kor ku xusan, waxaa noo cad in mar kale mudane Aadan isagoo ay da' diisu kor u dhaaftay 80 sano uu u tukubay bangigii Qoryooley una u bareeray halista noo wada muuqata si uu u badbaadiyo hanti qaran. Isxilqaankaas Alle weyne wuu ku garabgalay, wuuna ku xiltiray! Geesi Alle ma xilo !! Isaga iyo intii arrintaan taariikhiga ah kala shaqeysayba Rabbi ha ka abaalmariyo wanaaggii ay dadkooda u faleen. Madaxweyne Aadan, xilliyadii dagaallada sokeeye marna kama qaxin dalkiisa, wuxuuna si kalsooni leh ugu noolaa beertiisa ku taalla Jannaale, gobolka SH/Hoose. Aaminnimadii iyo adeegiisii hufnaa ee umaddiisa ku maamulayna wuxuu ku muteytay qaddarin heer qaran ah iyo waliba mid heer caalami ah. Dagaalladii sokeeye, qabiilooyinkii dagaallamayay ee beertiisa marba dhan iskula dhaafay dhibkoodii Rabbi waa dhinac mariyay. Magaciisa la xushmeeyo iyo maamuuska uu ku dhexleeyahay mujtamaca Soomaaliyeed ayaana u noqday madfac cabbeysan oo ay cid walbaaba ka gabbato. Taariikhda Madaxweyne Aadan ma aha mid hal qoraal wax looga iftiimin karo, waana mid mudan in la qoro oo la keydiyo si ay duruus ugu noqoto jiilka soo koraya ee mustaqbalka. Taariikhda halyeeyadii Soomaaliyeed iyo waxqabadkoodii oo la qoraa waxay qayb ka noqon kartaa soo nooleynta niyadda sii dhimaneysa ee dadka Soomaaliyeed. Jiilasha mustaqbalkuna waxay yeelan doonaan kalsooni iyo ku dayasho wanaagsan oo ay asaaggood wax kula qaybsadaan. Gabagabadii, mid ka mid ah maahmaahyada Soomaaliyeed ee xikmadda badan ayaa leh "Nin xilqaaday eed qaad". Macnuhu waa ninkii xil qaadaa waa eedeysane. Eeddaasi ha ahaato mid jirta ama yeysanba jirine. Marka taas la qiimeeyo waxaa hubaal ah in ay jiraan gefaf iyo eedo laga tirsanayo intii maamulka uu hayay Madaxweyne Aadan Cadde. Waxayse ila tahay in caddaaladdu ay tahay in qof walba la miisaamo oo la is barbardhigo wixii uu sameeyay iyo wixii uu halleeyay, natiijada halkaas ka soo baxdana wax lagu xukmiyo oo wax lagu qiimeeyo. Ugu dambeyntii, Madaxweyne Aadan, wuxuu isagoo waayeel ah da’siisuna ay 100 sano sii cagacageyneyso ( Alle ha u barakeeyee) ku xanuunsanayaa dal shisheeye. Waxaa haddaba ila habboon inaan u duceyno , una rajeyno caafimaad degdeg ah. Intii uu maamulka waddanka hayay iyo wixii ka dambeeyayba, waxaa la sheegaa inuu Mudane Aadan goor walba u duceyn jiray dadkiisa. “ Ilaahayow Soomaalida dad ka dhig !! “ ayaana ka mid ahayd ducooyinkii ay ka soo wariyeen taariikhyahannadu. Waxaan Madaxweynaha Alle weyne uga rajeynayaa caafimaad degdeg ah. Sidoo kalena, waxaan Rabbi ka baryayaa inuu degdeg umadda Soomaaliyeed iyo guud ahaan umadda Islaamka ah ee dulmanba uga dulqaado culeyka uu cadowgoodu ku hayo, kuna hanuuniyo jidkii ay aakhiro iyo adduunba ku badbaadi lahaayeen. Xigasho

His ceremony of the first day of Luulyo in 1960 of the indepedence day.

This thread is re-dedicated once again the father of the nation. Eebba mar kale ha u naxariisto Aabaheen, Marxuum Mudane Aaden Cabdille Cismaan. Geeridiis qof walba oo damiir iyo dhiig Soomaaliyeed ayee taabaneysaa.

Eebba ha u naxariisto Aabaheen Marxuum Madaxweyne Md. Aaden Cabdille Cismaan (Aaden Cadde). Eebboow ka waraabi janadaada Fardowso. Dhamaan waxaan rajeynaa dadweynaha Soomaaliyeed, qaas ahaan dadka dalkooda, diintooda iyo dadkooda si wanaagsan u wada jecel, iyo gaar ahaan reerkiisa iyo qaraabadiis soke in uu Eebbe ka siiyo samir iyo iimaan, anagana naga wada siiyo. Aamiin, aamiin, aamiin. The flag is not half-staff for his memory, but it is the closest. NB - This thread will remain a 'sticky' one on the coming week in his memory and tacsi.

Originally posted by Ladif: Xaq = daw ama gar Kursi = Fadhi gambadh/gambar/wambar I am not sure abt this. Macalin = Ba-re Xabsi = saldhig? not sure abt this Qayaano = dhagar Taajir = maal-qabeen, badar-kunoole Qani waa carabi rasmi ah waayo there is this aayah where Allah CW says: Walaahul Qaniyu Wa antumul Fuqaraa a" so waa carabi saxiix ah Maal = Hanti Qadarin = tix-galin Taajir maalqabeen ma dhihi kartid maadaama 'maal' oo Carabi ah ku jiro meesha. Kursi fadhi waa noqon karaa ama gambar, inkastoo aan inaa u micneeyo rabay ka dhaafay marka damba maxaa yeelay gambar hadda micno gooni ayuu yeeshay. Xabsi waa saldhig anaa taas kuu haayo. About macalin, waa isla garan weynay aan u maleynaa. Mutacalin ayaan ula jeeday, oo waxgarad aan aan u sharxay. Xaq gar ma noqon karto. Xaw waa 'truth,' garna truth ma laga wado. The closest meaning in English to gar is 'reason.' And I don't think xaq and reason have the same meaning. So, I still stand with my old definition oo ahayd dhab ama run. Maalna xoole ama hanti waa noqon karaan, ee adigaa diidanayd xoola in loo fasiro. Ereyaddaan soo socda kuwa u dhigmo Afsoomaaliga waaku yaryihiin ama qaarkoodba waa siibteen marhore: Fasir, micneyn, laakiin, fahan [inkastoo 'laakiin' badanaa loo micneeyo sidaa daraadeed and fahan as garasho]. Kuwa kale ayaa jiro aan hadda xasuusan. Xiinfaniin, waa iswada barnaa afkeena, duqa, oo in la wada bartana anagee noo wada fiicantahay. Adigaba yaa kugu gaaro xataa horta. Jimcaale, Carabigeey eber waaye oo shaki aa iiga jiray in uu miis ahaa erey Carabi. Shakigeey inaa iska raacaa ii dhaantay. Ereyga kale shakiga iiga jiro waa sariirta aan u maleeyo Carabi yahay. Xaliimo, hokey.

Anwar, baliis give sources. You have a tendency copy-paste without acknowledging the original sources. Where it was published by a fella by the name of Axmed Sh. Cumar Good.

Originally posted by Dhulqarnayn -alSumaale: Bajunis Boni people Oromo's Somali Bantu Ethnic Somalis etc etc =Somalians the way Azeris Farsis Kurds Arabs etc etc =Iranians first they said ethnic Somalis are those who fall under the so-called ''noble'' clan system hence making it easier for revisionists to give every historical figure born on the Somali peninsula an ambiguous origin because the persons ''clan'' is unknown ignoring the fact that there many groups of Ethnic Somalis who do not fall under this system so i use it as a heterogenerous term that includes multiple groups of Somalia You've a little problem in this thinking, brother. Intaa islahayd to dispel the myth propagated by others who tried to differentiate Soomaalis, you fell in their trap. The problem is that if you use this incorrect term "Somalian," it only then will refer those who live in Soomaaliya proper, which will exclude the residents of the current occupied territories of Soomaali Galbeed and NFD because the occupiers of these regions will say you are not citizens of Soomaaliya since the citizens of that country are called "Somalian" and you Soomaalis. Do you see what I see? The residents of these occupied region are automatic citizens of Soomaaliya proper and can live anywhere they wish to, a right given in the original constitution. The other people you named on the list are Soomaalis. Just Soomaali. No need to differentiate. And should one differentiate, well, clans too are differentiated into numerous different clans, and no one asks their Soomaalinimo. It is non-Soomaalis who keep and refer those terms of "Soomaali Bantu" and such. It is Soomaali, we always were Soomaali. Our language being Soomaali, the country Soomaaliya. There is no confusion in this and should not be. Comparing Soomaalida to Reer Iiraan, with its multi-ethnicities was as an unfortunate choice too. You should have perhaps used Reer Jabaan, who are closest to Soomaalis in terms of single ethnicity dominating a country. Few people know Jabaan has few minorities that they forcefully or not assimilated into Japanese culture in the past eras.

The guy is Soomaali, as Soomaali as me and you. Bantuga aad sheegeysid is a foreign-imported term implied to them by distinguishing them from other Soomaalis. They don't even call themselves Bantu. They lived that land they farmed for generations.

United about what? Let's see that colonial created fictional border between two Soomaali walaala ah. Let's see about that. Reer Awdal are indifferent, ambivalent to goosashadda who care and are making the advancement of their region [which I commend every Soomaali region's people to follow, instead wax aan loo baahneen intii la isku wareerin lahaa] and most are somewhat into unity in a just, fair Soomaaliya, at least those many I socialize with on here daily. Reer Sanaag iyo Soolna iskaba dhaaf warkooda taas. Reer Waqooyi Galbeed [including Togdheer] ayaa soo haray. They are not even united on secession, not even on SOL. On SOL alone, you have staunch pro-unity, like Rudy and Peacenow, and you also have the pragmatics that does not mind a unified Soomaaliya in a just, sharing power on the future, including Notherner and Baddacase to say a few. Marka what exactly unity are you talking about? What you are advocating creates more problem than it seems to you solves. Fifty years ayaa tiri or whatever it takes, well, fifty years Koonfurta kuma jireysa saas. And you should know Koonfurtaas oo burbursan ayaa aqoonsi imaan waaye, imagine Koonfur dowlad la isku wada raacsanyahay ka dhisan, that can lobby international community or even come to rule the land separatists claim, invited by locals who are pro-unity. Will this be "occupation" to you and like-minded then? We need to see without the smoke and emotion. Some men made mistake and misled the community into secession, whose members have yet to buy the idea fully; the men are Tuur, Sifir and others who have realized their mistakes later. They realized it does not work that easily.

Originally posted by Mj: Red Sea: Note: It's illegal in the States, but actually legal in the UK, where mr. me resides . Are you suggesting what I think you are suggesting? Hoosta aala isku gilinaa ka waran. Maalin caddeey. Jaad uma baahno aqoonbaaris in uu ibtilo iyo balaayo baas ku haayo Soomaalida, ha noqoto dhaqaale, mid caafimaad, burburka qoyska, wasting countless hours wax lagu qabsan lahaa iyo wixii lamid ah. Few chew it responsibly, on weekends only. Kuwaas too dhaqaalahooda meel bilaash ah ugu qasaareen. I am against this coos -- yes, it is crassy grass -- primarily for the simple reason making Soomaali men addicted to it and the dollars ending not to another Soomaali jeeb, but a shisheeye, ugu daranba Keenyaati iyo Xabashi pockets. To those wannabe Carabs iyagana bahalkaas shiishaha la dhaho u jeestay, waxba ma dhaamaan kuwa jaadka cuno, especially the girls who think it is cool to do that. Both groups wasting countless hours sitting and dollars, not to mention mouth cancer. I would rather tolerate a jaad-chewer than a shiisha-smoker, particularly if she is girl, at least jaad is assumed to be a cultural and is mainly chewed by men.

High school diploma is not that such a big deal for most of us, but heey, dadka isku meel maku soo wada korin. Some were not that fortunate to attend primary schools, let alone graduating from American high schools and going to colleges, and top of that while still married with a child. So hambalyo to walaalkeen Cabdicasiis Mubaarak. -------------- City’s 1st Somali Bantu refugee to graduate Abdiaziz Moburuk will join 1,846 students graduating from Fort Wayne Community Schools this week when he walks across the stage at Memorial Coliseum tonight. The event is a long way from Somalia, where he was born 21 years ago, and from the refugee camps in Kenya, where he spent 12 years of his life. In the three years since he came to Fort Wayne, Moburuk has grown from a teenager who didn’t know what an elevator or a paycheck was to a married father of one preparing to study international studies at Manchester College in the fall. When he receives his diploma tonight from North Side High School, it will not only be a milestone for him but for an entire community who came to the United States seeking a better life. Moburuk is the first of the Somali Bantu refugees in Fort Wayne to graduate from high school. He is a quiet, unassuming student with a short beard and dark, almost black eyes. He is proud of what he has accomplished at North Side, and North Side is proud of him. “It’s a celebration for us, too, because we work with a lot of refugee groups,” English as a Second Language teacher Maureen Reidenbach said. “We’re thrilled for him because he’s the first one. We’re proud of him. We know his background, and we know how hard he’s worked. He committed and devoted himself to doing as well as he has done.” Moburuk has no trouble recalling the day he and his family, including three other siblings now at North Side, came to Fort Wayne: It was March 12, 2004, just a day after he arrived in the United States and a week after his family was notified that they had been accepted into the country. He was 18 when he arrived in Fort Wayne, a dozen years since his family fled Somalia when he was just 6 years old. “I was young. There was fighting,” he said, his accent instantly giving away that he comes from somewhere far from the Midwest. He doesn’t remember much about Somalia, but he knows his family had to leave. For nearly 15 years, the country on the eastern side of Africa was the site of fighting between warring clans. Thousands of Somali Bantus fled their homeland where they were a persecuted minority. They escaped to refugee camps in Kenya, where life wasn’t great, Moburuk said. “There was jobs, but not like good jobs,” he said. “My people used to go to the forest and cut the trees and build the houses.” But in the forest, there were people with guns. Food was scarce. And there wasn’t enough security, Moburuk said. He is quiet when he talks about the fighting and the danger in Somalia and Kenya. Images of people being killed, including his friend’s father, will never leave his mind, he said. Moburuk went to school, but he didn’t learn much, he said. The headmaster hired his friends and relatives, and they weren’t skilled as teachers, he said. It was much different than his experience at North Side. “We used to sit on the floor,” Moburuk said. “The teachers were not good teachers. If you ask them a question, they would say, ‘Don’t ask me,’ because they don’t know.” In 2002, the Moburuk family moved to a different refugee camp in Kenya, but some of the same problems persisted, he said. The family had corn and oil, but no way to cook the food unless they traded food for charcoal with those living in the nearby forests. His family didn’t have much money, so he had to work. One of his first jobs was to transport people on a bicycle. Later, he worked teaching young children. When he arrived in Fort Wayne, there was much he didn’t know. He knew little English. And he laughs when he recalls how he didn’t know how an elevator works or that his paycheck was worth money. “The first year (in school) was too hard for me, even the math class,” Moburuk said. “I got F’s.” His second year he did better, getting B’s and C’s. And by his third year he was doing well, even taking an Advanced Placement math class for a while. He dropped the class because he got married and his wife had a baby. Taking care of his daughter and getting his school work done proved to be too much at times. Even during the times he struggled the most, however, he knew he couldn’t quit. “When I was in Africa, my people, they don’t know education,” Moburuk said. “I saw how education was important. I’ve seen how the teachers were. They didn’t know how to teach. I just told myself you should learn better than them. “When I came here I said, ‘You have a chance to learn something. You have to learn something right now.’ ” Reidenbach said Moburuk’s appreciation of education is different from that of many of his American peers. “He knows what it’s like to not have the opportunity,” she said. “He knows what it’s like to have the opportunity for an education and the life that an education can give you. He intends not to waste any of that.” This fall, Moburuk will start classes at Manchester College. His wife, Hindiyo Hassan, will continue at North Side, where she just finished her sophomore year. When he finishes at Manchester, Moburuk hopes he can work with new immigrants and refugees and help them adjust to the new world where they are living. Fort Wayne, Indiana

Puuja, Reer Koonfurta saan ayee u kala isticmaalaan: Qareer = bitter, sour. Those are the literal meaning. It can also implied in the sense of being in the state of resentment, begrudging and envious about others. Qaraar = go'aan. Resolution. Mostly used in the context of the statements from governmental and nongovernmental organizations, such as Gollaha Ammaanka [security Council]. "Gollaha Ammaanka ayaa maanta qaraar 1456 kasoo saaray ..." It is a borrowed Carabi word, that is why I the only closest word I could find being to go'aan, the closest Soomaali equivalent. ------------- Xaliimo, it is awlaad, not 'awaad.' But I've realized it is Carabi as I suspected, so that leaves us only word known being ilmo. Ilmo is fine. ------------- ...for example. if its from the word "abaaso" for a snake (or adder - i don't know if we differentiate between them) - it could literally mean "snakes children" and the 'oow' ending like Ciyaaloow can be used in many terms for example 'Ciyaalkeygoow' to mean o' my children .. but then you could also say "Cilyaalkiisoow" to mean o' his children, however it sounds wrong. Does anyone have an idea on the restrictions on the 'oow' ending? Baas and abeeso waa kala duwanyihiin, duqa. It is abeeso, not abaaso. Baas, on the other hand, has the connotation and on the sense of being one cursed, one who seems to always have some bad, evil spell happening to him or her. Unwanten or miser news, as "wax baas" or "war baas." About oow. Oow laba ayuu u kala baxaa: a prefix and suffix. When it is a prefix, it is spelled aw [i.e., Awkuuku, Awkoombe, awoowe being examples] and oow as a suffix, dhibloow, gaaboow, etc. Aw/oow are gender specific. Solely used to a male gender. Ay/eey [same as ay being a prefix and eey being a suffix] is for female gender and follow the same lexical laws. Ayeeyo, Aymaayo, Ayfaay, etc. Caddeey, macaaneey being the other examples. Aw is used in the context, mostly, when it accompanied by real names or well-known nicks attributed to persons, some real, such as Awfaarax, and others being nicks, such as Awmaar, [Raage Awmaare's surname, though he spells 'Oomaar' where most wrongly assume a corrupted name of Cumar.] Aw means, literal or not, "the father of ..." So when we hear the names or nicks like Awkoombe, it literaly means 'the father of koombe' [koombe which means qasac = can] since he is short. However, it is not strictly literal since he is not exactly the father of can. Or one can also say 'koomboow,' but it has a more aura in the aw context. Oow, though having the same base meaning -- i.e., "the father of ..." -- and unlike the aw, has the unfortunate of having a less connotation, less aura surrounding the it, thus we have yariisoow, kuusoow [awkoombe and kuusoow having the same meaning, but you can see it feels different], etc. It is same explanation and natural language as above with ay/eey. Ay follows the same context and way as aw, and eey [yariiseey, kuuseey] as oow. This is even extended to 'aboow' and abaay' words, which interestingly has the same root word of ab, only oow/eey (aay) being different, following the grammatical rule. What is more interesting, though, is that 'ab' is believed by some where Soomaalida kasoo faractameen as an ethnicity, that is why you heard that well-used phrase of "ab iyo isir uma lihin," meaning it is and was not the dhaqan of our forefathers. Ab also has the base root of 'abti' and 'abtirsi,' which the latter is obvious, meaning 'counting the forefathers.' ------------ Saldhig Carabi ma'aha, taas anaa kuu haayo. Laba erey 'sal' iyo 'dhig' ayuu ka koobanyahay. 'Xoolana' goormee noqotay Afcarabi? Xoole dhowr micno [Carabi kale] ayuu yeelan karaa, oo laga wado xoolaha, laakiin aniga kan maalka ayaa keenay ama wealth. In Soomaali context, it is used xoole as a wealth. Fadhi kursi waala dhihi karaa, oo fadhi kaliya ma laga wado living room. About waxgarad being macalin, that is the closest meaning we have in Soomaali. Macalin kama wadin the sense Soomaalida use as a dugsi macalin, but qof waxbartay in a sense of 'mutacalin.' About qani, it is an old Cushitic word. Perhaps it is them, the Carabs who borrowed, not vice versa.

Deception [qayaano] = sirid, which I should have probably used. Xaq is truth, which in Afsoomaali is run/dhab, which I used both. Caddaalad, another borrowed one, is for justice. The borrowed word of 'xaq' changes into many forms in Soomaali. Xuquuq means rights; xaqiiq is dhab ahaantii or authenticating or making sure.