Gunther IV at a board meeting, supposedly discussing his "investments, trusts" and "portfolios." Gunther at an exclusive resort, with the hired "young, sexually active, euphoric" workers. ------------- The absurdities bini'aadenka qaarkood ku dhacaan -- well, then again, mar horaa ka quursaday if anything that will ever surprise me again.

Gunther the Dog Gunther IV, a totally atypical German Shepherd well known as the "millionaire Dog", has been a controversial media event since 1993. He is the beneficiary of a multi-million dollar trust which owns, among other assets, Madonna's ex-Miami mansion. Gunther IV was chosen and appointed as the beneficiary of the trust because he was the best and most efficient example among a new type of "Joyful Dogs" a group of German Shepherds prepared and trained for specific purposes. In collaboration with expert breeders and trainers of German Sheperds, a scientific method was formulated in order to select a group of dogs not inclined towards obedience or aggressiveness. Rather, the selection sought dogs which were spontaneously looking for joy and amusement and an increased tendency for sexual activity. Gunther IV has become a symbol of those dogs and is jokingly referred to as the "Material Dog." He certainly is not the classic police dog or guardian in that he does not exhibit the classic symbols of defense, aggressiveness, protectionism or order. Rin Tin Tin, Lassie and Rex's style are all very far from Gunther's. In fact, Gunther does not have owners. He has trustees. Thus, Gunther and the other dogs of the group's whole life and training are oriented towards the achievement of joy, pleasure, amusement and improvement of their sexual activity. Recall that Gunther and the other dogs were originally chosen because of their spontaneous inclination towards these types of behavior. Another element which the experts believe is necessary in order to raise the quality of a dog's life is for the dog to live without a specific "owner." Rather, the animal should live together with young euphoric people. These youngsters should be as dynamic, joyful and clever as possible. The experts contend that the company of young, joyful and sexually very active people operates to increase the drive, mood, alertness and other cerebral processes of the dog which in turn generates its happiness and, ultimately, better psychological health [ ]. Additionally, the company of these youngsters "pleases" the dog and brings him to fulfillment. From Gunther's own, dedicated site.

Baliis note the report was published on two weeks ago, long before the so-called "national reconciliation conference" hastily concluded in failure; thus the report is giving some positive aspects of that soon to fail conference.

Faint Signs of Political Evolution Appear in Somalia's Devolutionary Cycle F rom mid-July through mid-August, the political picture in Somalia became mixed, as insurgent violence spiked in the country's official capital Mogadishu at the same time that a National Reconciliation Conference (N.R.C.) was held without interruption in the city. The image of the conference as an island in a sea of strife captures the current dynamics of Somalia's politics, in which the devolutionary cycle into primary solidarities deepens, yet hints of evolutionary processes emerge. Since the ouster of the Islamic Courts Council (I.C.C.) in December, which had gained control of much of Somalia south of the sub-state of Puntland in 2006, by an Ethiopian military intervention backing the country's weak and internationally-recognized Transitional Federal Government (T.F.G.), and supported by the United States, PINR has consistently argued that Somalia is reverting to a condition of political fragmentation and conflict. Now, for the first time, counter-tendencies have appeared, although they do not necessarily indicate evolutionary momentum. PINR's analysis of Somalia's politics is based on the polar variables evolution-devolution, consolidation-fragmentation, convergence-divergence, and integration-disintegration, all of which define -- with slightly different shades of meaning -- movement of a political community toward regularized processes of conflict resolution and movement toward self-help by sub-units of the community in conflict situations, respectively. Unlike most conflict-analysis organizations, PINR does not advocate peaceful conflict resolution; it simply describes the interplay of tendencies. During the past 15 months, PINR emphasized evolution during the rise of the I.C.C. and devolution since its fall, depending on its assessments of events on the ground and in the conference chambers. The justification of a sustained conflict-monitoring project is the value of grasping change in the making, which provides resources for predictive intelligence. Devolution Deepens As Congo's ambassador to the United Nations, Pascal Gayama, said on August 14 -- in an unsuccessful attempt to persuade the U.N. Security Council to intervene more robustly in Somalia -- the country "is one of the most difficult among all the conflict situations pervading the world." During July and August, the level of violence rose in Mogadishu as insurgents spearheaded by the radical jihadist Youth Mujahideen Movement (Y.M.M.) attempted to disrupt the N.R.C. and undermine its credibility, and the Ethiopian occupiers and T.F.G. forces mounted crackdowns in order to protect the N.R.C. and provide it with at least a semblance of credibility. The result was that the Y.M.M. and its hardcore ******-clan and nationalist allies were unable to torpedo the conference, and the Ethiopian and T.F.G. forces were unable to pacify the city. After the opening of the N.R.C. on July 15 was disrupted by eight rounds of mortar fire, the Ethiopian and T.F.G. forces began intensive weapons searches, going house to house and through markets, arresting suspected insurgents, closing commercial roads and reportedly engaging in looting, beatings and shootings. The insurgents responded by launching grenade and mortar attacks on occupation and government patrols and bases, engaging in shoot outs and roadside bombings, and carrying out targeted assassinations of government officials. A cycle of violence ensued in which an insurgent attack would be met by indiscriminate return fire, searches and lockdowns, followed by new attacks spreading throughout the city. The majority of killed and wounded in the violence were civilians caught in the crossfire or in the attacks. Residents began to flee Mogadishu, hospitals were over-strained, and aid deliveries were impeded, leading to a humanitarian crisis that continues. PINR logs violent incidents day by day from multiple sources, checking them against one another and sorting them out. On an average day, at least five incidents are recorded; there has not been a day without violence and on some days there have been more than ten incidents. A sense of the conditions on the ground can be gained by listing the incidents recorded for a single day. August 9 was one of the more violent days and is chosen because it includes a representative sample of the kinds of incidents characteristic of the conflict in Mogadishu. The major incident on August 9 was a two-hour gun battle in the northern Huriwa district sparked by an attack on a government battlewagon and leading to face-to-face combat. Men and young boys reportedly fled the neighborhood to escape arrest. No casualty figures were available. In other incidents, one person died and three were injured when Ethiopian forces opened fire on civilians after they were attacked near the SOS Hospital. Three people died when Ethiopian troops fired on people in the Suuq Holaha livestock market in an attempt to disperse them during a search operation. A government battlewagon was attacked in the Suuq Holaha neighborhood and two grocers were killed in the return fire. An officer with the T.F.G. security forces was assassinated in a home invasion. A former official in the Darkinley district was gunned down after he left a mosque. Two people -- one of them an employee of a currency exchange -- were gunned own in the Yaqshid neighborhood with no apparent motive. The events of August 9 illustrate the conditions on the ground in Mogadishu by spotlighting the unremitting insecurity brought on by the cycle of attack, counter-attack and preemptive operations. Abstracting from the severe human costs, which have been documented by several U.N. agencies and non-governmental organizations, the inability of the occupation and the government to quash the insurgency, despite proactive measures, marks a defeat on the security front. PINR's monitoring of Y.M.M. statements indicates that the jihadist element of the opposition is becoming ever more radical and uncompromising and is taking credit for more incidents. Meanwhile, the measures of Ethiopian and T.F.G. forces increasingly alienate the residents of Mogadishu, making the ability to protect the N.R.C. come at a steep price. PINR sees no early end to the insurgency in Mogadishu because the Ethiopian-T.F.G. crackdown cannot be sustained indefinitely and is not succeeding in any case. Signs of a deepening devolutionary cycle also were evident in Somalia's regions, which are covered almost exclusively by local media and escape international attention. In the strategically important central Hiraan region, which borders Ethiopia, there have been persistent problems with roadblocks set up by militias to extort money from travelers, leading to efforts by Ethiopian and T.F.G. forces to eliminate them. On July 21, a major operation took down ten roadblocks, but has not stopped the practice. In order to tighten control over Hiraan and to build a machine co-opting former warlords, the T.F.G.'s president, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, appointed Yusuf Dabaged -- an ally of Mogadishu's mayor, Mohamed Dheere -- as governor of the region, sparking opposition from the incumbent governor, Hussein Ahmed Moalim and sectors of the population allied with him. On July 30, a truck transporting water to an Ethiopian base on the outskirts of Hiraan's capital Beledweyne was attacked by grenades. The Ethiopians responded with intensive searches for suspects and weapons, and then shelled parts of Beledweyne, killing three people. Local media also reported an attack on an Ethiopian convoy and on the Ethiopian base. On August 4, Dabaged was in the Jalalaksi district of Hiraan meeting with district officials and militias loyal to him in order to mobilize support against Moalim who asserted his claim to be the "legitimate" governor. Local media reported that factions in Beledweyne were preparing for a showdown as 1,000 Ethiopian troops waited in the wings. Meanwhile, five people were killed in inter-clan fighting in the Mahas district. On August 6, Dabaged was back in Beledweyne announcing that members of the I.C.C. would not be harmed if they "lived peacefully." On August 7, Dabaged took a tougher line, threatening to arrest families and relatives of criminals and insurgents if the latter evaded arrest, and defended the Ethiopian shelling as a necessary response to attacks. In the past two weeks, the situation in Hiraan has remained tense, but there have been no reports of clashes between Dabaged's and Moalim's supporters. In the deep-southern Lower Jubba region, dominated by the key port city of Kismayo, the administration of the city remained under the control of militias of the ******* sub-clan of the ***** clan family, which had ousted the region's governor from the ********* sub-clan of the *****, who had been appointed by President Yusuf, also a *********, as part of his machine-building project. Through late July and into August, inter-clan fighting occurred in different towns of the Middle and Lower Jubba regions. On August 14, the former ******* warlord of the Jubba regions and ex-T.F.G. defense minister, Barre Hirale Shire, was reportedly in Addis Ababa, attempting to convince Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, not to permit the T.F.G. to launch an armed operation against Kismayo. Hirale's aim is to establish an autonomous "Jubbaland region" that would recreate his Jubba Valley Alliance, which ruled the Jubba regions before the rise of the I.C.C. The situation in the Jubba regions was further complicated on August 17 by the visit of Abdulqadir Haji Mohamud Dhaqane -- one of the dissident members of the T.F.G.'s parliament who are based in Eritrea -- to the capital of Middle Jubba, Buale, where he conferred with local leaders on the transfer of their allegiance from the T.F.G to its exiled political opposition. Dhaqane vowed that the political opposition would take control of the Jubba regions. Apparent sectarian violence flared up in the central Mudug region on August 14, when two people were killed and seven were wounded in an attack on a religious center run by the moderate Ahlu Sunna wal Jama'a movement in the region's capital Galkayo. Local officials blamed the incident on the fundamentalist al-Ittihad al-Islami movement, a predecessor of the I.C.C. Inter-clan fighting was reported over the past month in the Mudug, Galgadud and Bay regions. Extortionate roadblocks were reported on major roads throughout Somalia. The return of warlords to prominence in Hiraan and the Jubba regions, widespread inter-clan violence and criminal activity throughout the country, the appearance of sectarian violence, and instability where warlords are attempting to assert control, either under the T.F.G.'s aegis or against the government, point to the deepening of the devolutionary cycle in much of Somalia outside Mogadishu. Coupled with the unabated insurgency in Mogadishu, conditions in the regions indicate that the T.F.G. remains weak and dependent on Ethiopian support, and has not made headway toward effective governance. Signs of Political Evolution After opening on July 15 and then being abruptly adjourned after insurgent mortar fire targeted its venue, the N.R.C. resumed on July 19 and conducted regular sessions into the second week of August when it adjourned for a week after discussions on resource policy broke down into acrimonious disputes and elements of the ****** clan family participating in the conference began talks with ****** rejectionists in order to find "common ground." The fact that the clan-based conference is taking place at all and has not been disrupted by violence shows the limits of the insurgency and indicates that substantial sectors of Somali society have at least acquiesced in the reconciliation process and are willing to try to see if it can work. Although the political opposition to the T.F.G. has boycotted the N.R.C. and has its own clan support, the N.R.C. is not entirely composed of President Yusuf's allies. There has been genuine debate and the conference has not served as a rubber stamp for the T.F.G. executive. It is on the basis of the appearance of serious political debate -- not any concrete steps toward reconciliation -- that PINR counts the N.R.C. on the side of evolution. That opposing actors are willing to air their interests and encounter one another in discussion constitutes the germ of the genuinely political process that the N.R.C.'s international backers -- the U.S., European Union and U.N. donors to the T.F.G. -- wanted to engender and hoped for when they pressured Yusuf to hold the conference. Having noted that the N.R.C. is being taken seriously by its participants, it is necessary to add that it has not produced impressive results and has been confused and confusing. Staged by Yusuf as an attempt to reconcile clans and not to address questions of political organization, the N.R.C. has shifted -- under pressure from donor powers -- to embrace a political agenda, rendering its future uncertain. Originally scheduled to spend its projected 45 days on inter-clan issues, such as disarmament of clan and sub-clan militias, and compensation for property stolen in previous clan conflicts, the chair of the N.R.C.'s organizing committee, Ali Mahdi Mohamed, announced on August 1 that the conference had concluded that work and would now move on to political issues. Mahdi's announcement was met with surprise by local analysts and observers, and ****** conference participants, because none of the issues among clans had been practically resolved. Instead, the N.R.C. came to broad agreements on principles: a cease-fire was declared without enforcement mechanisms, an intent to disarm clan militias was proclaimed -- again without enforcement mechanisms, and promises were made to restore looted property to its original owners. Implementation of property compensation is to be vested in a committee that would hear and adjudicate claims. In sum, nothing concrete came out of the "first phase" of the N.R.C., and inter-clan conflict has continued since Mahdi's declaration of "Cease-Fire Day." On August 9, the spokesperson for ****** participants in the N.R.C., Abdullahi Sheikh Hassan, disputed Mahdi's claim that the conference had successfully addressed inter-clan issues, noting that non-participating ****** elders had not signed on, and calling for an extension of the first phase, triggering the conference's adjournment for a week. Even before the ****** withdrawal, the N.R.C. was bogging down on the political issues. The first of those to be considered was the definition of religious extremism, which touched off debates between delegates in favor of isolating radical Islamists and those who did not want to endorse a politically-defined interpretation of what forms of Islam are legitimate. The delegates decided to defer the issue by setting up a committee of clerics to discuss it. The next issue -- resource policy -- was even more contentious, and discussion of it was compromised by the T.F.G. executive's effort to enact a hydrocarbons law that would preempt any decisions of the N.R.C. Garowe Online reported on August 9 that debate over a proposed Somali Petroleum Corporation (S.P.C.) became so heated that "the N.R.C. hall burst into dispute," leading to the suspension of deliberations. As the N.R.C. entered its "second phase," donor powers pressured Mahdi to reach out to the political opposition, based in Eritrea and composed of the political wing of the I.C.C. led by Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, the dissident "Free Parliament" led by former speaker of the T.F.G. parliament, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Adan, nationalists, and some ex-warlords. On July 29, Mahdi invited the political opposition to meet with him anywhere except Asmara, and the T.F.G.'s prime minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi, said that the N.R.C. was "still open" to the T.F.G.'s opponents. On August 5, Mahdi stated that he had been contacted by the opposition, which proposed a meeting in Djibouti. The opposition quickly denied Mahdi's statement and repeated its objections to the N.R.C. Sharif called Mahdi's offer a "ploy" to gain donor support, and Hassan said that although he welcomed dialogue, it would have to focus on removing Ethiopian occupiers from Somalia. Both leaders remained firm in their plans to convene an alternative national conference on September 1 in Asmara. On balance, the N.R.C. has thus far been a practical failure, having achieved neither concrete agreements nor inclusiveness. Skeptics argue that the delegates have remained at the meetings because they are being compensated financially for their attendance, a point that is not discounted by PINR. Yet, it is worth repeating that elements of a political process have been present in the N.R.C., tenuous though they may be. Another faint sign of political evolution in Somalia has been the assertion of factions in the T.F.G.'s parliament attempting to check the powers of the T.F.G.'s executive, which is unprecedented since the ouster of the Asmara group of parliamentarians and has gone unreported in international media. As in the case of the N.R.C., PINR counts the emergence of political opposition within the T.F.G. as evolutionary because it represents an institutional assertion of divergent interests -- a political process. On July 23, parliament began debating a motion to hold the executive accountable by requiring timely reports on its activities. Discussion of the motion, which had been signed by 100 of parliament's 225 members, became acrimonious and, on July 30, a parliamentary session was adjourned when no compromise on the motion could be reached. Meanwhile, Gedi met with parliamentary speaker, Sheikh Adan Mohamed Nuur -- an ally of the T.F.G. executive -- on how to deal with the revolt. On August 1, debate resumed with Deputy Defense Minister Salad Ali Jeele saying that "the time is not right" for accountability and adding that he "rather expected compliments from the transitional parliament." Dissident parliamentarians responded by calling for a vote of confidence on Gedi and urging Yusuf to come to parliament to attempt to resolve the issue. On August 5, Gedi addressed parliament and said that his "government is ready to be taken into accountability," although it had been doing a "great job." Madobe announced the formation of a nine-member committee to study the accountability motion. Since then, parliament has been gearing up to debate a controversial media law and the proposed hydrocarbons law, including the terms of exploration agreements with foreign energy companies, which have begun trying to make deals with the T.F.G., generating confusion and opposition. Although Somalia's oil reserves are unproven, small energy companies, the Chinese National Offshore Oil Corporation (C.N. .C.) and reported proxies for energy multinationals are interested in assessing the country's potential. At present the situation is clouded, with reported splits between Gedi and Yusuf; tensions with Puntland, where previous agreements have been signed; and mounting political resistance based on suspicious that Yusuf and Gedi are planning power and money grabs. PINR will explore Somalia's oil policy when the political configuration becomes clear; the looming debate on the hydrocarbons law will be a test of parliament's independence. It is too early to tell whether the transitional parliament will function effectively as an independent institution that can check the executive and represent broad sectors of Somali society. Parliament's track record in the past has been poor, but its use as a tool of political opposition indicates incipient political processes. The most marked evolutionary development in Somalia came on August 1, when a locally chosen governor was installed in the west-central Bakool region, with the blessing of the T.F.G. According to the new governor, Mohamed Abdi Mohed, the electoral process, which was aided by the Center for Research and Dialogue (an N.G.O.), the Italian government and the United Nations Development Program, was based on "interest and principle" rather than clan divisions. In contrast to other regions in Somalia, Bakool appears to have institutionalized a political process from the bottom up and the T.F.G. has had to acquiesce in it. Given the more unstable conditions in the other regions of Somalia, where governors have been imposed by the T.F.G. -- as in Hiraan -- or local warlords are bidding for control in the name of clan or sub-clan loyalty, the probability is low that the Bakool model will be replicated elsewhere in the short run. Nonetheless, if a political process becomes rooted in Bakool, its example would be influential in the long term. Conclusion On balance, the devolutionary cycle in Somalia has deepened from mid-July through mid-August, with an unabated insurgency in Mogadishu led by increasingly militant jihadists, an external domestic opposition adamant in its refusal to participate in the N.R.C., persistent inter-clan conflict in the regions, the appearance of sectarian violence, and resistance to the T.F.G.'s authority in key regions. With the exception of the Bakool region, where opposition has begun to be regularized in a political process, signs of political evolution reside in the emergence of institutionalized opposition in the N.R.C. and the transitional parliament. The latter developments are not yet sufficiently rooted to alter PINR's consistent forecast that devolution is likely to persist, yet they indicate alternative possibilities for Somalia if they gain momentum and become strong enough to provide a check on the T.F.G. executive. Report Drafted By: Dr. Michael A. Weinstein [August 20, 2007]

Ciyaal xaafadda, from every age group, naaneysyadooda soo xasuustay, aad u badnaa. Intaa ka xasuusto: Juuni, Malmali, Codey [oo walaalo ahaa] Wardheere, Dhuub, Xuseen Afeey, Shooble [oo iyagana walaala kala ahaa] Dumeeniko, Cumar Galey, Amad Jiiji, Cali Aash [kuwa kale walaalo ahaa] Mahad Qooreey Mahad Huunyo C/casiis Madaxeey Ismaaciil Dooro Abaloota Qaloowqaloow Jameyka Yuusuf Shiine Yuusuf Dhilqaaye Yuusuf Qaliiroow Khaalid Qal-daan Liibaan Baac Axmedeey Aalkole Ibraahim Goobe Uunlaaye Maatamaata Caloow Kunciil Uuseey Awkuuku Niinoow Wariiri Buunshe Jeeri Taamoow Qaraaye Bowlac Cuti Caliingoow Ar inta ku jirto oo geeriyooday Eebba ha u naxariisto. That was a wonderful xaafad.

Soomaalida qaarkood iyo plagiarism maxaa kala heysto. Let's compare the two versions supposedly from two defferent, though tabloid and unreliable, sites. barafasooro iyo madax aad u farabadan oo ay kamid yihiin Prof Axmed Ismaaciil samatar ayaa siweyn u taageeray hindise uu soo badnhigay Prof Cali Khaliif Galaydh kaas oo gundhigiisu yahay in Col. Xasan Daahir Aweys laga saaro maxkamadaha islaamka. Garabyadda Isbahaysi siyaasadeedka ee Asmara ayaa markii ugu horeeysay xogag dheeriya laga helay sababihii ay shirweynahii lagu waday inuu furmo 1-da bishan Setember dib ugu dhigeen. Madaxda sare ee Isbahaysigga Asmara ayaa la xaqiijiyay inay shirka dib ugu dhigeen,go-aan siyaasadeed ay isla qaateen,kaas oo ay ku doonayaan inay liiska ergada kaga saaraan madax sare oo ka tirsan golaha Maxaakiimta ,ayna ka mid yihiin Xasan Dahir Aweys iyo Abuu Maansuur oo dowlada Mareykanka ay ku dartay liiska argagixisada . Xasan Dahir Aweys oo golahii Maxaakiimta u qabtay hogaanka sare ee Gudoomiyenimada golaha Shuurada, haatana degan Xaafada Mai Jax jax ee Asmara ayaa todobaadkii la soo dhaafay isu sharaxay inuu noqdo shirgudoonka shirweyne jabhadeedka Asmara ee la qorsheeynayo inuu ka soo baxo urur weyne dalka Soomaaliya awood Melleteri kaga saara Ciidamada Itoobiyaanka ee ku sugan. Madax ay ka mid yihiin ,Proff Axmed Ismaaciil Samatar, Proff Cali Khaliif Galaydh,Dr Cabdi Risaaq Xaaji Xuseen, Gen. Jaamac Maxamed Qaalib,Xuseen Maxamed Ceydiid,Shariifkii xilka gudoomiyenimada baarlamaanka laga qaaday iyo Shariif Axmedka Maxaakiimta ayaa isku fikir ka noqday,hindise qabya ah oo Cali Khaliif Galaydh soo bandhigay,kaas oo gundhigiisu yahay inaan Xasan Dahir la joogin xilligii uu ka soo dhexmuuqan lahaa shaashada shirweynaha Asmara . Madax ka badan 160 masuul,ayna ku jiraan kuwa dowlada Ereteria ayaa Xasan Dahir kula taliyay inuu iska nasto,oo uusan qeyb ka noqon ergada iyo hoowlwadeenada shirweynaha loo balansan yahay Khamiista ,hase yeeshee Korneyl Aweys waxaa uu codsaday in la siiyo sedex maalmood oo ka fiirsi ah. Proff Cali Khaliif Galaydh ayaa ku taliyay in maamulka laga yagleelo Asmara uusan noqon mid ku shaqeeyo hanaankii Maxaakiimta oo kale,balse uu noqdo maamul beesha Caalamka door diblomaasiyadeed la Ciyaari kara si aan loo helin jaanisyo,lagula shabadeyn karo muuqaal argagixiso iyo cid la shaqeeysa. ------------- Garabyadda Isbahaysiga siyaasadeedka Soomaalida Casmara ayaa markii ugu horeeysay xogag dheeriya laga helay sababihii ay shirweynahii lagu waday inuu furmo 1-da bishaan Setember dib ugu dhigeen. Madaxda sare ee Isbahaysigga Casmara ayaa la xaqiijiyay inay shirka dib ugu madleen,go-aan siyaasadeed ay isla qaateen,kaas oo ay ku doonayaan inay liiska ergada kaga saaraan madax sare oo ka tirsan golaha Maxaakiimta, ayna ka mid yihiin Xasan Dahir Aweys iyo Abuu Maansuur oo dowlada Mareykanka ay ku dartay liiska argagixisada . Xasan Dahir Aweys oo golahii Maxaakiimta u qabtay hogaanka sare ee Gudoomiyenimada golaha Shuurada, haatana degan Xaafada Mai Jax jax ee Caasimadda Casmara ayaa todobaadkii la soo dhaafay isu sharaxay inuu noqdo shirgudoonka shirweyne jabhadeedka Casmara ee la qorsheeynayo inuu ka soo baxo urur weyne dalka Soomaaliya awood Melleteri kaga saara Ciidamada Itoobiyaanka ee ku sugan. Madax ay ka mid yihiin ,Proff Axmed Ismaaciil Samatar, Proff Cali Khaliif Galeydh,Dr Cabdi Risaaq Xaaji Xuseen, Jeneral Jaamac Maxamed Qaalib,Xuseen Maxamed Ceydiid,Shariifkii xilka gudoomiyenimada baarlamaanka laga qaaday iyo Shariif Axmedka Maxaakiimta ayaa isku fikir ka noqday,hindise qabyaa oo Cali Khaliif soo bandhigay,kaas oo gundhigiisu yahay inaan Xasan Dahir la joogin xilligii uu ka soo dhexmuuqan lahaa shaashada shirweynaha Casmara. Madax ka badan 160 masuul,ayna ku jiraan kuwa dowlada Ereteria ayaa Xasan Dahir kula taliyay inuu iska nasto,oo uusan qeyb ka noqon ergada iyo hoowlwadeenada shirweynaha loo madlan yahay Khamiista maalmaha inaga xigaan ,hasse yeeshee Korneyl Aweys waxaa uu codsaday in la siiyo sedex maalmood oo ka fiirsi ah. Proff Galeydh ayaa ku taliyay in maamulka lagu dhidbo Casmara uusan noqon mid ku shaqeeyo hanaankii Maxaakiimta oo kale,balse uu noqdo maamul beesha Caalamka door diblomaasiyadeed la Ciyaari kara si aan loo helin jaanisyo,lagula shabadeyn karo muuqaal argagixiso iyo cid la shaqeeyso. Si kastaba ha ahaatee,dhamaan ergada isugu tagtay Casmara waa kuwa ka dhisan dhinacyada dhaqaalaha,siyaasada,aqoonta iyo diinta,taas oo beesha Caalamka ku abuurtay walaac ku saleeysan,suurtagalnimada inay Casmara foolaneyso dowlad adag oo Soomaaliya yeelato. So before we believe the crap these two sensational yellow journalist sites report, we need to verify which one copied from the other.

It seems like dad meeshaan ka buuxo inay waligoodba muufo maqlin, iskaba dhaaf tasting it. Muufo sadex ayee u kala baxdaa: Muufo baraawe, muufadii Xamar laga yaqaanay and a special one Marka laga cuno. All need tinaar lagu dubo. Unlike rooti, foorno kuma haboona, that is why kuwa qurbaha laga helo does not taste anything close kuwaa Xamar ku cuni jirnay, the fresh off the tinaar ones. According to this new book -- Soomaali Cuisine -- here is muufo baraawe's recipe: Muufo Baraawe (Somali Bread) 2 cups of white semolina or farina flour 1/4 cup all purpose flour 1 tablespoon sugar (optional) 1 teaspoon onion powder 1 clove garlic, minced 1/2 teaspoon active dry yeast 1 1/4 cup lukewarm water Salt to taste Combine all the ingredients (except water) together and mix them well in a bowl. Add the water and knead to make to a dough. Cover the bowl tightly, put it in a warm place (such as the kitchen) for at least 6 hours until the dough doubles in volume; then work the dough gently with your hands. Cover and let it rise again. Preheat oven to 400 degrees Fahrenheit. When the dough has risen second time, pick about half a handful with wet fingers and drop them on an oiled baking pan, spacing them 2 - 3 inches apart. Cover the pan tightly with aluminum foil and put it in the lower rack of the oven for about 15 minutes or until the bottom side of the muufo is golden in color. When done, the top of the muufo will stay white. If you want the top side to be golden, flip the muffo over and bake for 3 to 4 minutes more. Serve with any kind of sauce. Yummy with maraq bilaash! -------------- This is probably the muufo version most Soomaalis eat in qurbaha, though it never tastes the same as those that were made in Baraawe.

Kashafa, waa ogahay, walaaloow, laakiin honestly waxa Xamar ka socdo inaa inta ku sheego ma rabo, mar marka qaarkood waxee ku dhaqmayaan dadkaas kasoo horjeedo dowlad ku sheega, you too wouldn't have believed. Anyone baahi heyso oo isleh meeshaa maanta shaxaad kasoo heli kartid telefoon qarsan hanjabaad ayaa loo soo diraa, hadduu telefoon lahayna fariin socoto. Wiil dhalinyara ah oo guriga aabaheey joogo ayee ku dhacday taas bishii hore. Qof qabanqaabiye sare ka ah ayaa ugu yeeray meeshii lagu sheegay shirka dib u heshiinta beenta ah ka socday in uu iska imaado oo shaqo yar laga siin doono, oo $20 ka helaayo. Haye uu yiri. Laba bari markuu aaday, the third day a discreet call was made to him, threatening and warning if he does not stay away, in meydkiis jidka laga soo qaadi doono. They are not joking. They have a list, told him so he is on the list and on the top. Markuu a couple days guriga ka bixin cabsi daraadiis, they called him back, saying, "Congratulations for heeding our warnings and that you are from now on are a free man, not on the targeted list anymore." Waxyaabahaas iyo wax ka daran ayaa ka dhaco, that I don't want inaa ka sheego meeshaan. I call that misplaced priorities, targeting dad waxee cunaan iyo nolol maalmeedkooda raadsanaayo.

Beenhawaas habeena badan oo aan la tirin karin hooyo nagu seexin jirtay ciyaalkeena sheekadihiisa beenta badan, uultimo beentiis soo baxdo ama qaraxdo mar walba. Saan u jeclaa sheekadihiis xariiriga ahaa. Alas, hal kama xasuusto.

Wariyaal ka howlgali jiray Idaacadaha Muqdisho qaarkood oo dalka isaga tagay kadib markii la soo gaarsiyay fariimo hanjabaad ah Ilaa iyo 10 Wariye oo ka shaqeyn jireen qaar ka mid ah Idaacadaha FM-yada Muqdisho iyo Bogaga Internd-yada ayaa isaga cararay Magaalada Caasimadda ah ee Soomaaliya kadib markii la soo gaarsiiyay fariimo isugu hira hanjabaad iyo Digniino. 5 Wariye oo ka shaqeyn jirtay Idaacadda Hornafrik iyo Wariyaal kale oo Madax bannaan ayaa la ii xaqiijiyay inay u baqooleen dhinaca iyo Magaalada Nairobi kuwaas oo ka cararay xaaladda xun ee ka jirta Magaalada Muqdisho. 11-bishii hore ayaa falal laga naxo waxaa lagu dilay Labo Agaasime oo midna ka mid ahaa Milkiilayaasha Shirkadda Warfaafinta Hornafrik iyo midna madax ka ahaa Idaacadda Codka Caasimadda oo Hornafrik hoos tagta waa Cali Iimaan Sharma’arke iyo Mahad Axmed Cilmi. Wariye Mahad ayaa subaxnimadii 11-Agost waxaa Madaxa rasaas uga furay dablay hubeysan, isagoo markaasi ku sii jeeday Xafiiskiisa, halka Ali Iimaan Sharma’arke gaarigiisa Bam lala helay mar uu ka soo laabtay aaska Mahad Axmed Cilmi oo saaxiibo wada shaqeeya ahaayeen. In kastoo Ahmed C/salaam oo ka mid ah Agaasimiyaasha Shirkadda Warfaafinta Hornafrik isagoo Canada jooga sheegay inay sii wadi doonaan shaqada ayaa haddana idaacadda laga dareemay inay isaga tageen wariyaal fara badan oo qaarkood hadda ku sugan Magaalada Hargeysa ee Maamulka Somaliland halka Wariyaal kale mar sii horeysa tageen Magaalada Nairobi qaar kalena hadda ku sii jiraan wadada u dhaxeysa Muqdisho iyo Nairobi kadib markii la soo gaarsiiyay fariimo hanjabaad ah. Dowladda Federaalka Soomaaliya ayaa ku fashilantay inay sugto ammaanka Wariyaasha iyo mawaadininta Soomaaliyed. Wariyaasha u shaqeeya Bogga Internedka Dayniile ayaa si dhuumaaleysi ah ku jooga Magaalada Muqdisho ee Caasimadda Soomaaliya, kadib markii nin ay deris yihiin Xafiiska Dayniile Muqisho soo gaarsiiyay fariin ah in la raadinayo Wariyaashaas, wax yar kadib Xafiiska Dayniile Muqdisho waxaa tagay niman Bustoolado ku hubeysan oo dhar cad ah kuwaas oo watay gaari waxayna doonayeen inay fal ku sameeyaan wariyaasha . Mar sii horeysay ayaa Wakiilada Bogga Midnimo ee Muqdisho hanjabaad waxay kala kulmeen Maamulada Dowladda Federaalka, kuwaas oo ku hanjabay inay tallaabo ka qaadi doonaan Wariyaasha Bogga Midnimo . Xaaladda Wariyaasha Soomaaliyed ee Muqdisho jooga ayaa khatar badan ku jirta loona baahan yahay in ay helaan gurmad deg deg ah si looga badbaadiyo hanjabaadaha ka kala imaanaya kooxaha isku haaya Magaalada Muqdisho. Mid ka mid ah Wariyaasha u shaqeeya Wakaalada wararka Dibadda ayaa isna isaga cararay Magaalada Muqdisho isagoo haatan ku sugan dalka Jabuuti, wariyahaas ayaa fariin dhinaca telefoonka la soo gaarsiiyay mar walba waxaa loo sheegayay meesha uu ku sugan yahay iyo dharka uu wato, loona sheegay In la dili karo waqtigii a doono. Qalqal fara badan ayaa hadda soo food saaray Wariyaasha ku haray Muqdisho kuwaas oo qaarkood damiyay telefoonada gacanta kuna sugan guriyahooda, qaar kale ayaaba howshoda hakiyay, laakiin saas oo ay tahayna waxaa jira kuwa ku dadaalaya inay shaqadoodan sii wataan. Xigasho Inkastoo this site, Midnimo.com, is pro-Geedi, xataa this wariye soo qoray this warbixin waa ka garan gartaa inay cabsi ka muuqato. Xamar marxaladdo badan oo xun soo martay toban iyo dhowrii sane duliga lagu jiray, laakiin wariyaashii Soomaaliyeed la ugaarsanaayo had never been part of it. Waxaaba la rabaa in war dhan laga waayo dalka, siiba warka shaqsiyada qaarkood dhibaayo ee xasuuqa ah. Wariyaashii warbaahinta caalamka u shaqeynaaye, sida kuwii kusoo caan baxay labadii sane u dambeysay ee Sahal Cabdulle iyo Guuleed Max'ed of Reuters, Salaad Dhuxul and Max'ed Colaad Xasan of Associated Press iyo C/llaahi Caddoow of Aljasiira, kuligood hadalkooda laba maqlin toddobaadyo, oo inay ka wada carareen dalka, siiba Xamar, tahay. Sahal Cabdulle Kanada uu ka tagay ayuu iskaga soo noqday.

Saan ka daa, widaayoow. Ninba maalintiis ayee soo gishaa. There are as many reasons as why some join ciidamadda ama dowlad ku sheega itself. Dadka qaarkood baahi ayaa heyso, oo shaqana ma jirto. Daruufaadka iska adag. Ninkaan in ilmo yar ka tagay oo agoon ah ayaa laga yaabaa, marka ma'aha inaa ku alalaastid geeridiis, si walba haloo kala aragti duwanaadee. Hadduu ahaan lahaa the big shots, like Max'ed Dheere iyo wixii lamid ah, waaba la kasay.

Ask hooyo if she knows Beenhawaas.

Originally posted by Dahia al Kahina: You all make this sound like a computer game or playstation games,am sure you all know whatever actions these so called leaders take has an impact on those poor souls on homelands? I honestly dont get the ,oh perhaps am taking this too serious,I mean the so called somali politics and their politicians For some, sister, they need to get their daily dose of qabiil-induced drugs. To them, promoting, defending and buun buunis their qabiil is just same as taking a breath. They cannot live without it. It is an addicted abstract drug, a mental issue. They are so anxious about it as a wadaad is anxious of missing a prayer, thus the reason spending countless hours online searching their obscure clans and if not available, inventing bogus history or starting blogs on it. It also tells us the the low self-esteem they have for themselves and their clans. If their clans were this mighty and powerful as they portray to, you wouldnt' have seen this daily bombardment and tit-for-tat responses.

Terrier? Maxaa jiro uu Dalxaa ku noqday the Xabashi stooge's dog? All are Xabashi's dogs and stooges. Dalxaa is just airing what is apparent, and I don't think anybody sent him to do that. Dowlad ku sheegaan 4.5 formula ayee kusoo dhisteen, yet they are not even following that. All abaanduuliyaasha iyo guutooyinka madaxdooda laba ama sadex ama afar qabiil ayee wada yihiin, oo Soomaalida dhan meesha lagu wada qadiye. Sidaas camal daljirayaasha magac u yaalka ah, siiba kuwa dalalka Galbeedka loo magacaabay aanan wali la aqoonsan. The likes of Max'ed Kooshins, Cali Ameerikas, C/rashiid Seeds.

Originally posted by Jimcaale: Interesting. Does the name Moqdisho has any meaning? "The meaning of Mogadishu's name is uncertain. Some render it as a Somali version of the Arabic "maqad shah," or "imperial seat of the shah," thus hinting at a Persian role in the city's founding." [Source] There is also a clip [i think it is this , though not that certain since the speaker is not working] on Youtube by the respected Canadian Islamic scholar C/llaahi Xakiim Quick where he explains meanings behind some far and wide certain regions that Muslims have landed. Included was Muqdisho [same explanation as given above], Hawaii, Siberia, Burtuqiiska and others -- all which are based original Carabi words. The most surprising for me was the Siberia origining from a Carabi word. Also, Jimcaale, Muqdisho relating to ancient Persian people, it is not that impossible. In fact, the other word associated with Xamar -- Banaadir -- too is a Persian origin. Banaadir derives from the Persian word for port -- bandar.

My cousin taas lagu xaman jiray asagana, that one day ku dhici doonto in mid uu dhalay oo uu ka warqabin ku weynaato shukaansado.

She was not called "Queen of Mean" by American tabloids for no reason even before hear death.

Soo Soomaalida waxaan 'long distance' la leeyahay waxee ku dhaleen boqolaal kun oo ciyaal ma'ahoo? Waxaa soo xasuustay a second cousin of mine who was in the military. From what I've heard others say about him, the story goes meeshii loo badalaba in uu mid ku qaban jiray -- yacni guursado -- and ka dhali jiray jiil, kana socon jiray. Ciyaalkiis saas ayee Soomaaliya dhan ugu wada faafeen, xataa maba oga inta uu dhalay iyo waxee yihiin. I had met him once, and what was even weirder was that his Afsoomaali -- a combination of different lahjado la isku wada qasay. Apparently, though, his ku dhufo ka dhaqaaq philosophy of guur, he was not alone. Soomaali badan ayaaba saas u dhaqmi jiray, still u dhaqantana.

The Malagasy alphabet has 21 letters found in the English alphabet. Malagasy lacks C, Q, U, W, and X. Thus "Madagascar" is not a Malagasy word -- as Peter Tyson points out -- since Malagasy lacks "c" and all words end in a vowel. The Malagasy word for their country is "Madagasikara," a name in itself that is somewhat unwarranted. Tyson explains that Marco Polo, the European explorer who never actually saw the island but named it, probably confused the island with the Somali town Mogadishu and corrupted the name as "Madagascar." Malagasy themselves called Madagascar Nosin-dambo, Izao tontolo, or Ny aninvon' ny riaka. Xigasho Madagascar gets its current name from Marco Polo, (1254 — 1324), the Venetian explorer, who described an African island of untold wealth called Madeigascar in his memoirs (1298 - 1320). Polo heard about the island second-hand during his travels in Asia (1271 - 1295). Most scholars believe that he described Mogadishu, the port located in present-day Somalia. Nevertheless, Italian cartographers attached the name "Madagascar" to the island during the Renaissance. Xigasho II Marco Polo (1298) heard rumors of the mysterious land as he crossed Arabia. He was told of "the biggest and best [island] in the whole world" by Islamic traders (Shoumatoff 1988: 5 1). Polo is often credited with naming the island as he supposedly confused the island with other Arabic descriptions of Mogadishu and bestowed it with its name, Madagascar. Xigasho III

Dankis, Bilaal. We appreciate your informing news articles, brother.

Daa'uud Waraaqle, you've already signed a statement like this without anyone asking you. You are a very few daljecel ku jiro forumkaan. Keep wanaaga, do against xumaanta and qabyaaladda. ------------ Originally posted by AYOUB: quote:You may excuse and call this has nothing to do with qabiil and everything to do with politics, but in Soomaali politics, everything is qabiil and has to do with it. if that's case, how could anyone involved in politics (including contributors of this section of SOL) claim they can put their hand on the Qur'an regarding this issue? I am talking about the dowlad ku sheeg, whose own basis axdi is based on qabiil-sharing formula. Ee marka if we had a dowlad whose leaders ka daartaan qabyaalad as in this case, qabiil kuma dhaqmi lahayn, and wouldn't have been necessary.

kubaayad:? i had asked the waiter this when a xalimoo ordered this in resturant! he had no clue what it was, neither did I. your turn. Sabaayad maa ka wadaa? Haddee tahay taas, 'chapati' ee Hindida ugu wacaan ayee ku dhahaan ayaan u maleynaa Afingiriiska.

Here's the first one and whoever gets all three should post the next word. Yaa bilaabay? Duray: hargab?? Duray, hargab iyo qaboob amee wadayihiin. Hadda kahor aan qol saan camal furay. Oo aan kasoo guuriyo qaarkood. (Wife) Oori Afo Maranti Xilo Xaas Bilcaan Arad (Window) Daaqad Dariishad Shabaako Qalfad [Carabi?] (Woman/en) Naag Bilcaan Haween Dumar Islaan Ganbooleey (Word) Oraah Kalmad [Carabi] Erey qowl (Sack) Kiish Loor Ceemad Mandad Juuni (Safe/safety) Bariin Badbaado Kabaro Bed (All) Giddi Dunji Dhamaan (Worry/ing - anxiety) Murug Caloolyow Hami Sakati Uurkutaalo Welwel Walbahaar (Wound) Nabar Heer Humaaji Qoon Halakee Dhiban (Measure) Cabir Qayd Kiil Dhereri Jimee Miisaan [Carabi] (Walk/ing) Socod Luggeen Hadaaf Dareer Leeg leegso Hunbaalle Hudan Cagajiidid Huleel Dabandeeb Cidijiid (Milk) Caano Wan Maal Lebeen (Wave/wavelength) Haati Mowjad [Carabi] Hir Lul Maskar (Weak/ness) Liidasho Tabaryari Uduufo Cabanaan Diif (Wealth) Hodantooyo Qabno Baydi Cood Maaliyad [Carabi] Hanti (Weapon/s) Aalad Salab Hub Silaax (Search) Fennid Baar Faaqidaad Raadgoob Eegeeg Raadin (Weight) Culaab Habiso Culays (West) Galbeed Qoraxsiin Bugux (Size/width) Balaar Balac Baaxad (Wealthy) Qani Hodan Maalqabeen (Marriage) Tagsi Guur Aroos [Carabi] (Meet/ing) Kulan Madar Lajnad [Carabi?] (Mixture) Dhafdhaf Lufluf Qoosh Murug Iskujir (Stup!d/fool) Doqon Dabaal Nac-as Dhaandhaan (Murmuring/muttering) Gunuunac Nuunaas Hunu hunu Hugan (Saliva) Calyo Balqan Candhuuf (Search for) Raadi Goob Jeri (Self) Qur Is Duunyo (Separate) Faquuq Kalasaar Kalasooc Feeraari Fiindhee Baandhee

Imagine those two grandchildren, who were deliberately la qadiye. How would they fair and feel? When a dog is more valued -- literally -- than you, then waxba kuuma harin. They should take a lesson from here that they probably should have been a more loyal and friendly, which the dog probably was to its owner. ---------------- Super-rich furry animals: Four-legged legacies (and other pet payouts) When the New York socialite Leona Helmsley left much of her fortune to her poodle rather than her grandchildren, she was following in a long – if odd – tradition. Rob Sharp discovers some notable beneficiaries The US property billionaire Leona Helmsley was not known as New York's "queen of mean" for nothing. With her devilish reputation as a ball-crusher, she epitomised 1980s greed and indifference to the feelings of the "little people". But she did care about at least one living creature apart from herself: when her will was published this week, it was revealed that she had left more than $12m (£6m) to her white Maltese dog "Trouble". Like her mistress, the rich b!tch has a reputation for tearing strips off people. But was this bizarre gesture quite as abnormal as it seems? Not necessarily. There have, over the years, been surprisingly many examples of legacies to non-human beneficiaries, and a whole pack of domesticated animals have been on the receiving end of gargantuan endowments. For jealous humans, this provokes the question: what on earth do they spend it on? For obvious reasons, it is impossible to ask the pets themselves. But the evidence does suggest they have no difficulty spending the stuff. The most notorious heir of the dog variety is a German Shepherd called Gunther IV. Pictured on his website sitting proudly with a bevy of leathered up hero-worshippers the canine is reportedly worth $180m. He inherited the money from his father, the imaginatively-named Gunther III, who was given $60m when German countess Karlotta Libenstein died in 1992. According to one of a spate of websites that have sprung up in homage to the moneyed mutt, "Gunther does not have owners. He has trustees." The dog is now thought to "live a jet-setter's existence". He jumped into the public eye when the BBC reported in 2000 that he had rustled up $7.5m to buy Madonna's Florida villa; the dog even threw down dibs for the master bedroom. Ever ravenous for doggy bling, on 11 November 2001, Gunther appeared at an auction in northern Italy where through his "associates" – an obscure euro-pop rock band called The Burgundians (who have released only one single which is not available in stores) – he successfully bid three million lira (£1,050) for a truffle. It has to be said that some have denounced Gunther as a hoax, or possibly performance art, but the dignified, enigmatic canine picture on the opposite page looks real enough to us. There are, in any case, many other examples. Another pet with a notorious – and huge – windfall is Kalu the chimpanzee, who stands to inherit a fortune worth £40m. The animal was rescued from a tree in South Africa by owner Patricia O'Neill. Then, while her husband Frank, an Australian swimmer, was competing in the Sydney Olympics in 2000, she changed her will so that Kalu would inherit her estate near Cape Town. "I couldn't bear the thought of what might happen to her after I died," she said. Her husband, however, was less affectionate, saying that he had hated the monkey ever since he caught it smoking his cigarettes and drinking his booze. Then there is the poodle Toby Rimes, a descendant of a dog that inherited £15m from New York owner Ella Wendel. There is Tinker, an eight-year-old moggy from North London, who came into £450,000 when Margaret Layne, an elderly lady who found him as a stray, left him a three-bedroom house in Harrow – along with a £100,000 trust fund when she died in 2002. And there are Eileen, Hamish, Paris, Tuffnel, Boon and Coco, the cats of Beryl Reid, the actress, who died in 1996. She left her £900,000 cottage on the Thames to her friend Paul Strike, asking him to look after them. Big Tibby, a 52-year-old tortoise, can enjoy his dotage in style after his millionaire owner Donald Moss, director of a family-owned mattress company in Stockport, left him £50,000. An African parrot called Csoki was reportedly left £50,000 by London millionairess Victoria Brown. Fluffy, a ginger tomcat, inherited £30,000 from his owner Mary Burton, a church organist from Great Paxton, Cambridgeshire, who left her estate to the Wood Green Animal Shelter in Hertfordshire provided that staff take good care of her pet. Her will decreed he, "should have a home in the sun and be provided with a diet of fresh pilchards, steamed cod, tail ends, no bones, best lean roast beef and vegetables and only milk no water." Why do people make such legacies? Essentially, because their animals occupy a pre-eminent part in their owners' lives. The RSPCA's David Grant said: "Pets can be an important companion to older people. Our research reveals the over-60s rate them as a more important part of their lives than their friends." The most important motive is usually to make sure that the pet in question is looked after, and a crucial point in such wills is the identity of the person who will administer the legacy on the animal's behalf. Thus Helmsley's Trouble will be cared for by Leona's brother Alvin Rosenthal (who was left $10m). The will also calls for Trouble to be entombed alongside Helmsley and her husband Harry Helmsley, who died in 1997, in their $1.4m mausoleum, for which Helmsley set aside $3m for upkeep including annual cleanings. "I have not made any provisions in this will for my grandson Craig Panzirer or my granddaughter Meegan Panzirer for reasons which are known to them," Helmsley wrote. A spokesman for Helmsley declined to comment. According to the RSPCA, some owners don't give sufficient thought to the question of how their pets will live after they have gone. Of the 90,000 pet owners who die in the UK each year 70,000 do not make arrangements for their pets. RSPCA spokeswoman Nicky Richardson said: "We encourage people if they care about animals to give generously to us to improve the lives of animals. What's of primary importance is to make sure that there is someone there to look after their animal." Most Brits admit they would not be happy to take on an animal if a friend or relative died. Furthermore, many do not consider the possibility that their pets might outlive them. While cats generally live up to 16 years old, Macaws can live for 80 years and a tortoise that died last year was thought to be 250 years old. Meanwhile, it is clear that a well-placed legacy can do wonders. A labrador cross called Jasper , for example, was abandoned and left to die at Battersea Dogs Home and was about to be put to sleep when he caught the eye of Ramsden Brewery heiress Diana Myburgh. He had barely settled in his new home when his new owner died, in 1995, at the age of 74, leaving him and another dog, Jason, £25,000 each. He has lived in the lap of luxury ever since, on a 500 hectare estate, and is thought to have inherited around £25,000. He eats nothing but sirloin steak, Dover sole and fresh mussels and wears a diamond collar. Ridiculous? Perhaps. Yet after his earlier sufferings it seems mean to begrudge him his good fortune. The Independent

Lucky dog inherits $12m fortune New York hotelier and real estate billionaire Leona Helmsley has left $12m (£5.97m) to her pet dog, Trouble. The pampered pooch received the largest bequest from Mrs Helmsley's will. The will also says that when Trouble dies, she is to be buried alongside Mrs Helmsley, who died last week, and her late husband in their mausoleum. But some human members of Mrs Helmsley's family fared less well, with two of her four grandchildren cut out of the will entirely . Mrs Helmsley, who died last week, was dubbed the "Queen of Mean" by the US media, and was known for her tough approach to business. She and her late husband, Harry, built a company which managed some of New York's most prestigious addresses, including the Empire State Building, as well as hotels across the country. The money for Trouble's upkeep was left in the hands of her brother, Alvin Rosenthal, who himself inherited $10m. Two grandchildren, David and Walter Panzirer, were left $5m each on condition that they visit their father's grave at least once a year. Their father, Mrs Helmsley's son Jay Panzirer, died in 1982. But grandchildren Craig and Meegan Panzirer received nothing - "for reasons which are known to them", according to Mrs Helmsley's will. Mrs Helmsley left her chauffeur $100,000. She also set aside $3m for the upkeep of her and her husband's final resting place. Proceeds from the sale of Mrs Helmsley's residences and belongings will go to a charitable trust. Beenbeensii