This is an attempt to free your country from the evil hands. Baddacase, waa our country, duqa. To asaga, adiga iyo anigaba Soomaaliya, the currently occupied Soomaaliya, waa dalkeena.

Originally posted by Jacaylbaro: Waxaabad moodaa arday school ka soo dareertay Sawirkaan Xamar waaye ee ma'aha Asmara. Ubaxyadda Soomaaliya laga helo ka muuqdo ayaaba ka garan kartaa. The picture was taken last summer at Isbitaalka Soos [sOS] ee ciyaalka, oo degmadda Huriwaa ku yaalo.

From "white a kid to a Soomaali." Maba u ega Soomaali.

Ethiopia alleges Eritrea is doing the same for the Oromo National Liberation Front (ONLF), an Ethiopian separatist rebel group in the country's eastern ****** region, which killed 74 civilians at an oil exploration site there in May. Maxaa ka qaldan waxaan? How did Time's editors elude this?

Well, according to this Reuters news report seems it has your answer: "DJIBOUTI, Sept 9 (Reuters) - A Somali businessman who financed the ousted Islamic Courts said on Sunday he had cut ties with the group after meeting Somali Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi. Gedi had flown to Djibouti to ask businessman Abukar Omar Adan to use his influence to encourage armed remnants of the movement to accept a government amnesty. "I am not anymore with the Islamic Courts," Adan told reporters after meeting Gedi amid tight security at a Djibouti hotel. He did not elaborate." ------------ I don't think in uu Caddaani sameynaayo waxaas ama ku dhaqaaqi doono, even at the pathetic begging by desperate Geedi. The Xabashi stooge Geedi thinks since he -- Caddaani -- is a close "tolka," so can be influenced and persuaded to join his "tol" dowladda ku jiro and what Geedi thinks are their clan interests. Will Caddaani believe that crap? Methinks not.

The last clip ilin kaa keenaayo. Dankis for sharing, Daa'uud. Heestii la jeclaa ee Saliim Saciid Saliim aan soo xasuustay. Xamar caddeey Xeebteeda u xiisayee Xamar Caddeey Xaalkeeda xasuustayee Xamar caddeey Xudunteeda ku duuganee Xamar caddeey Xamareey waa lagu xumeeye yaa ku xaal marinaa. O' Xamar, forgive us.

Xildhibaana Max'ed Cabdi Yuusuf iyo Yuusuf Dheeg oo safka ku jiro; they are both wearing the koofi barawaani. Dr. Raabi waiting in the line as well. Xildhibaan Saleebaan Colaad Rooble and Xildhibaanad Fowsiya Max'ed Sheekh in the middle. More sawiro.

Qofkaan Buuxo miyaana? Maxaa, diracii hore ma nacday? Adaa mudan abaayadiis. Laakiin maku sheegi kartaa markaa dhalatay bisha Soomaaliyeed? Isku tijaabi.

Originally posted by Caamir: Maakhir is for the people by the people and of the people. MMA, All you needed is to remember this little concept. People, power, and government are all interchangeable. Also, it is important to know the difference between state and government . Even if government collapses , the state remains and lives, so government comes from compact or agreement from the people to organize and rule their own affairs. According to former Somali government, Four out of the five districts in Sanaag are inhabited by Maakhir people, but the community also reside the western side of Bari including Bosaso. You hadn't answered my specific questions, Caamir. I have a Soomaali map on the wall of my room, and according to this map -- it is an official one, published by the regime, don't sure the date, though -- it has four districts, namely Ceerigaabo, Laaqorey, Badhan and Ceelafweyn. This so-called state, which seems to be all but on paper, claims to represent the entire Sanaag gobol, yet, I don't see or none answered on here, that it has yet reached Ceelafweyn or more importantly, Ceerigaabo, the gobol's xarun. That is two out of four. That is sad, because instead of uniting Reer Sanaag -- one of the two gobols from the original 1960 government, the other being Hiiraan, that was untouched by the subsequent creations of other gobols or carves -- this state has now is even more dividing the people of the gobol. Let me be clear on myself: I am on a principle against the further division of Soomaaliya, whether into clan-based federal states or autonomous states. This state, which again seems to be on paper only, is not the first, nor will it be the last, to hastily proclaim to be a provincial state, without a clearly defined provincial boundary, constitution and intergovernmental relationships between the other gobols. All other before it failed -- such as Shaatigaduud's Southwestern State, Hiiraan's Midland and the recent Kiimiko's Galmudug. They all failed because most were reactionary, hastily reached decisions, without no political consultations other people who live the lands they claim to include. This new phenomenon fathom state is no different. It is just a phenomena. Anyway, all the best.

Nugaaleed, mar labaad aan ku weydiinaa, what firm evidence do you have that Zionist citizens were at present? According a brief sentence in a Reuters report? You still haven't still answered my questions, ee marka let me requote myself again: "Ka waran kan Xabashka asalkiis in uu Yahuud madoowyahay aaminsan keenay Xamar, oo u horseeday, una sahlay Xamar inay ku xaar xaaraan, ku xasuuqaan maatidii Soomaaliyeed? What do you call those shamed people, with those undisputed real facts? And what, Eebboow, would you call these who support those Xabashi stooges and puppets for a clan reason?" PS - Xabasho iyo Falasha aniga iskuma qaldin. Xabashada [and Tigrey for that matter] too believe a special relationship inay ka dhaxeyso Yahuuda, believing being Semitic to begin with and speaking a Semitic language, despite Carabs too being Semitic, who would have been more closer to them than Yahuuda. That relationship waa mida Zionist state ku qasabtay inay usoo diraan advisers, military aid and other military experts in taht '77 war of Soomaali Galbeed. PS - Yahuud too are humans. Not all of them are Zionists, ee taas muran kuma jirin, so if even some Yahuuds were present, they are humans and be can be guests. Adigaa "Isra'iil" ku heysid, as though you recognize that state.

Ka waran kan Xabashka asalkiis in uu Yahuud madoowyahay aaminsan keenay Xamar, oo u horseeday, una sahlay Xamar inay ku xaar xaaraan, ku xasuuqaan maatidii Soomaaliyeed? What do you call those shamed people, with those undisputed real facts? And what, Eebboow, would you call these who support those Xabashi stooges and puppets for a clan reason? Markaas war aan la hubin noo keenaayo meeshaan. Reuters, for your own information, is not Quraanka that has a final answer and always correct.

His Honourable ku dar. Where is this so-called state seated at horta? Xaruntooda intee waaye? Baran? Meeqo degmo ayee maamulaan, as opposed those claimed, but not controlled by them. Is Ceerigaabo included, too?

Bogga uu maqaalkaan uu fiiriya leeyahay aanba aaday, oo taariiqda Soomaalida bishaan dhashay ka helay. Waa wareey iga dheh. Maalin Jimco aan dhashay, ku beegan 18 Dago [sako]. Meeshaan waaye meesha aad isla barbardhigi kartid. Noo sheeg goortaa dhalatay ee bisha Soomaalida.

Habeentiris: Islaamka ka hor, Soomalidu miyey lahayd Kaalendar dhaqameed soo jireen ah? Hordhac Soomaalida waa dad dhaqan ahaan aan hidde u lahaan jirin inay wax qoraan. Taasi waxay had iyo jeer sababtaa inay lumaan taariikhda asalraaca ah ee ay leeyihiin bulshooyinka noocan oo kale ah “oral society”. Gaar ahaan somalida oo ay u dheer tahay reer guuraanimo, malaha wax hadhaa reeba oo loo qaadan karo tixraac. Maqaalakan oo bar bilow u ah taxane aan kaga hadli doono cilmi-dhaqameedka xiddigiska ee somalida, waxaan si dulkaxaadis ah ugu eegi doonaa hababka tirsiimo ee taariikh ee saamayn ku yeeshay kaalendarka Soomaalida. [Ka eeg barmaamij isugu kaa beddelaya taariikh Soomaali, Islam iyo Gregorian.] [Kabooday] Habeentiriska Soomaalida (Somali Calendar) Dhulka Soomaalidu ku nooshahay badankiisa hadda waxaa laga isticmaalaa labada tirsiimo ee Gregorian-ka iyo Islaamka. Halka had iyo jeer dowladuhu ka isticmaalaan habeentiriska Gregorianka, dadwaynuhu waxay gooraynta ku xusan diinta Islaamka (ramadaanka, bixinta sekada, xajka, ciidaha, iwm), iyo goobaha diinta (Masaajidka, Malcaamadaha qaarkood, iwm) u isticmaalaan habeentiriska islaamka. Waxay taasi in badan ku riddaa jaha wareer dadwaynaha, oo lagaba yaabo inaanay da'yartu aqooninba tirsiimada kaalendarka islaamka. Waxaa kale oo jirta iyana in ay somalidii hore lahaan jirtey tirsiimo u gaar ah. Habeentiriska somalida oo ka horeeyey intii aan diinta islaamka soo gaadhin. Habeentiriskaas oo u baahan baadhitaan xooggan waxaa waxoogaa ka daah furay alle ha u naxariistee Musse X. Ismail Galaal. Gooraynta Soomaalidu ma lahayn bar bilow, sidaa darteed malaha tirsiimo sannadeed. Somalidu waxay tirsan jirtay xilli, dhererka xilligaasi wuxuu ku xidhnaa dhacdo gaar ah. Waxaa inta badan lagu magaacaabi jirey xilli kasta dhacdooyinka yimaadda (xilli barwaaqo ah, mid abaareed, mid colaadeed, dayax madoobaad, iwm.). Tusaale ahaan waxaad maqlaysaa hebel wuxuu dhashay “xaaraame-cune” hortii yar, ama “abaartii daba-dheer” dabadeed. Hayeeshee Soomaalidu waxay lahayd habtiris waadix marka loo eego bilaha iyo maalmaha. Marka ay Soomaalidu iswaydiinayso taariikhda waxaa sida caadi ah la iswaydiiyaa “waar maanta bishu waa imisa?” iyadoo loo jeedo “taariikhdu waa imisa?”. Arrintanu waxay sal ku leedahay habdhaqameedka habeentiriska Soomaalida oo ku koobnaa bisha iyo maalmaha. Habeentirska biluha ee Soomaalidu wuxuu ku salaysanyahay dayaxa, waxaanuu la bah wadaagaa kan islaamka. Magacyada loo yaqaano biluhu waxay ku kala duwan yihiin degmooyinka ay somalidu degto. Tusaale ahaan Somaliland, gaar ahaan magaalada burco iyo agagaarkeeda, ilaa hawd, waxaa loo yaqaanaa: Afsoomaali: Tirsiga Soomaalida sida Burco looga yaqaan [Afcarabi: Tirsiga Islaamka] Dago (ama Sako) [Muxaram] Bildhurohore [safar] Bildhurodambe [Rabi`al-Awwal] Rajalhore [Rabi`ath-Thani] Rajaldhexe [Jumada l-Ula] Rajaldambe [Jumada t-Tania] Sabuux [Rajab] Waaberis [shacbaan] Soon [Ramadaan] Soonfur [shawal] Sidataal [Dhu l-Qa`da] Carafo [Dhu l-Hijja] Maadaama ay hadaba bilaha Soomaalida ku salaysan yihiin dayaxa, islamarkaana aad ugu dhowyihiin kuwan habeentiriska islaamka, waxaynu iswaydiinaynaa siday u xisaabin jireen kalgalka maalmaha ku salaysan qorraxda ee ay caado-xusi jireen ee aan diinta islaamka shaqo ku lahayn. Tusaale waxaynu usoo qadanaysnaa “Dabshidka” ama “Nawriishka”. Dabshidku waa bilowga sannadka habeentiriska Soomaalida. Aqoonyahan dhaqameedka bulsho reer guura ah u go’aamiya habeenka dabshidku wuxuu isticmaali jirey, sida uu xusay Musse Ismail Galaal, isugaynta bilaha qun-dhalad iyo kuwa toomman oo isku noqda 354 cisho, markaas buu ku dari jirey 11 cisho dhammaadka bisha carrafo. Halkaas buu wuxuu si lama-ilduufaan ah ugu simi jirey bilowga sannad qorrexeedka (xilliga roobka). Markaa, tusaale ahaan, bisha dabshidku soo galayaa wuxuu is beddelaa saddexdii sannadoodba mar. Marka kowaad wuxuu dhacaa bisha horraanteed, sannadka ku xigana bisha badhtankeeda, sannadka saddexaadna dhammaadka bisha. Sannadka afraad buu u gudbaa bishaa bisha ku xigata, kuna nagaadaa saddex sannadood. John A. Hunt wuxuu leeyahay habeentiriska Soomaalidu wuxuu ku salaysan yahay isku-dhaf ah: 1. Habkii hore ee Persianka (oo aanaynu halkan kaga hadal) 2. Babeentiriska islaamka 3. Hab lagu saxo tirsiga dayaxa oo saddexdii sannadoodba ku sima tirsiga qorraxda si ay isu waafaqaan xilliyada roobka. Waxaa jirta aragtiyo kala duwan oo midkood odhanayso habeentiriska Soomaalida ee sannadku waa mid kalgal 7'aadle ah, oo toddobadii sannadoodba waxaa loo tiriyaa sannad. Xigasho ------------- Waan tifaftiray maqaalkaan, oo suu aqriska maqaalka u sahlanaado ama u fududaado.

Bilooyinka iyo sidahii [calender] hore ee Soomaalida laba ayee u kala baxaan: Kuwii hore oo hadda badankood dhumay iyo kuwa hadda sii dhumaayo oo aan Muslimiinta kale aan la wadaagno, inkastoo la Soomaaliyeeye oo magacyadda qaarkood kuwii hore kasoo haray. Soomaalida bilooyinkeeda dayaxa ayee raacaan, sida tan Islaamka. Koley magacyadooda ayaan rabaa inaa inta kusoo dhigo. Haddee qalad ku jiraan, waa sixi kartiin. Dago [dadka qaarkood Sako dhahaan] Bildhurohore [Miira] Bildhurodambe [Mowliid] Rajalhore [Maalmadoone] Rajaldhexe [bandhexe] Rajaldambe [bandambe] Sabuux Waaberis [soondheere/Gasayar] Soon Soonfur Sidataal Carafo ------------- Bari oo Axad ah waxee ku beegantahay 27 Waaberis ee bisha Soomaaliyeed, la soco. Soon maalma yar kaliya ka hartay.

Magacaagana xaa helay, ee riigadda yar qaanjeerta u eg xee ahayd?

Sawiradda from shirka. Yuusuf Dheeg, Cumar Iimaan iyo Gaashaanlesare Jaamac Max'ed Qaalib. The Soomaali flag can be impressive, more impressive in the right colours and in the right venue. The thick, dark blue some Soomaalis use is not the calanka dhabta ah.

Dacaayad can be raqiis. What do you really expect if we can criticize the gathering like this? You don't have to support the individuals who gathered there, but the meaning and idea behind the shir. One needs a common ground, a common voice, instead of myriad opposition voices. That is what always ku dhici jirtay Soomaalida, never ka fiirsan jireen waxa soo socdo. They, the then jabhado, never planned or agreed to who will lead the country after the last Kacaan regime is toppled. They never planned what will be done and when from any of those 14 peace conferences. We are a hasty society, meel aan ka socono iyo meel aan u socono ma naqaano. Hokey, if this conference is not arranged and the concerned issues are not addresed at a venue, what then will you suggest? That any one can speak for those who are fighting against Xabashadda? Meeqo voice ayaa jireyso markaas? This conference was suggested and it was a by-product of suggestions made some semi-conferences held in UK during the past couple months. The likes of Cabdi Ismaaciil Samatar and Cali Khaliif Galeyr suggested the opposition groups to have a common, agreed voice, if not unified party. Marka in laga fiirsado waaye waca dhici doono. They need to form a single, well-meaning and strongly united voice against Xabasho occupation. Nothing to do with ideology or a single individual.

This, in a nutshell, has always been the aggressive Xabashi policies, endlessly in dream-like pursuit and obsession, when it comes to Soomaaliya and Soomaali people. They always have had this hostile, emperialist policies toward to non-Xabashi lands, especially to Soomaalis. This is what the then Xabashi prime minister, Tsehafe Tizaz Aklilu, said at the opening of Organization of African Unity in 1963: "The Somali delegation apparently wishes to apply in all conference the well-known adage "If you throw enough mud, some of it will stick," but I had not expected him to apply it as this major conference, attending by great Heads of states from our continent. Whence comes this accusation? I shall restrict myself to a few facts only, so that every one may know the truth (for) once for all. Ethiopia has always existed in history for centuries as an independent state and as a nation, for more than 3000 years. That is a fact. Second fact: The historical frontiers of Ethiopia stretched from the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean, including all the territory between them. Third fact: There is no record in history either of a Somali State or a Somali Nation. That is too a fact. I apologize for stating it." What agitated our Xabashi man, being on the verge of almost hysterical, was an opening remarks by Eebba ha u naxariistee, halyeey, Aabihii Dalka, Marxuum Aaden Cabdille Cismaan, whose partial open remarks at that crucial conference were: "The present State of agitation and ferment in those areas will continue to fester, unless an equitable solution is found. If the wound is not healed, it will constitute a constant source of trouble in the region, and may affect adversely the friendly relations between the Somali Republic and her neighbors. Let there be no misunderstanding about our intentions. The Somali Government has no ambitions or claims for the territorial aggrandizement. At the same time the people of the Republic cannot be expected to remain indifferent to the appeal of its brethren. The Somali Government, therefore, must press for self-determination for the inhabitants of the Somali areas adjacent to the Somali Republic. Self-determination is a cornerstone of the United Nation Charter, to which we all subscribe. If the Somalis in those areas are given the opportunity to express their will freely, the Government of the Republic pledges itself to accept the verdict." He was lucky, for he faced Aaden Cadde, Eebba janadiis haka waraabiyee, a very diplomatic man and well-aware of where he was at -- for OAU being located in Adisababa -- and not one of hard-core Soomaaliweyn nationalists. The Xabashi man was even on the verge of denying the very existence of Soomaalis, almost trying to wipe out their historically chronicled contribution in the Horn. Bold and bullshuud lies. Ma Axmed Gurey Xabashi ayuu ahaa? Soomaali nation kulahaa. He and his current Xabashi ilk probably did not know the definition of a 'nation.' I know, I know, in uu qof walba la socdo, and some worse had been said by Xeyle Salaase himself, laakiin just another reminder to those still Xabashi u adeego, their few qabyaalad-obsessed stooges and puppets who shamed and tainted the Soomaali name for generations to come.

Following is a statement on the recently opened Soomaali conference in Asmara. The opening remarks, read by Amiin Max'ed Saciid, painfully states Eritareeya's position on the current events in the Geeska Afrika. Ladies and Gentlemen, Participants and invited guests to the Somali Congress for Liberation and Reconciliation, Allow me to welcome you and congratulate you on organizing this Congress. I feel proud to present at this crucial and historic moment friendly greetings to the Somali people in Somalia and all over the world, on behalf of the people, the Front, and the Government of Eritrea. Honorable participants, The historic relation between the peoples of Somalia and Eritrea has its beginning at the start of the spread of colonialism in the Horn of Africa in the 19th century. There won’t be any need for further analysis as this relationship is recorded in history. During the first half of the 20th century, especially after the Second World War, the people of Somalia, Eritrea, and Ethiopia, instead of gaining their independence and establishing harmony and cooperation based on their own decision, they were pushed into crises and conflicts as a result of the then superpowers. Although the Ethiopian people were able to win independence after a brief period of colonialism, the regime that came to power with the aid of the superpowers, instead of respecting the rights and the unity of Ethiopians and playing a constructive regional role, it supported foreign interest and remained a source of crisis and conflicts in the Horn region. While the Somali people in the North and South were able to gain independence in 1960 and establish a sovereign state, the Eritrean people, by the choice of the then superpowers, were denied their independence and tied up to an agent of colonialism and were therefore compelled to pursue a political and military struggle for independence. The Somali people, due to their historic relations with the Eritrean people, stood along the Eritrean struggle against the unjust decision. Subsequent Somali governments since independence in 1960, representing the choice and wishes of the Somali people, gave unparalleled support to the Eritrean cause in spite of all the inconsistent regional and international situations. During the Eritrean war for liberation, the Somali people gave unmatched political material and military aid to the people of Eritrea, and this is an unforgettable historical fact. The people and government of Somalia gave their support not only to the struggle of the people of Eritrea, but also to the struggle of the people’s of Ethiopia, including the present ruling clique—Woyane. Although historians may look at this from different angles, there is however, an undeniable and incontestable historical truth: the common and indivisible wishes of the peoples of Eritrea, Somalia, and Ethiopia for independence, mutual respect, and friendship. This historical truth, although foreign interests try to undermine it through different interventions, is nevertheless unalterable. The friendship of the people and the Government of Eritrea and the people of Somalia is therefore based on this historical background, unchangeable with time, and aims for mutual interest and regional stability. Ladies and Gentlemen, By some historical coincidence, without going into detail, Eritrea became a sovereign state in 1991; the people of Ethiopia were liberated form a succession of oppressive regimes in 1991; the government of Somalia collapsed in 1990 and the end of the Cold War also occurred during the same period. Undeniable, all these historical coincidences provided new historical opportunities, individually or collectively, to Somalia, Eritrea, and Ethiopia. But unfortunately, the developments during the last sixteen years did not meet the expectations of the peoples. When the people of Somalia tried to rectify the damage caused by foreign interference and administrative weakness, it was frustrated by warlords and complicated by continued foreign intervention. The people of Somalia, during the last seventeen years, ended in a quagmire; and the destruction of the country and the decimation of the Somali people is truly a sad and horrifying situation. In Ethiopia, the Woyane (TPLF), who claimed to struggle for the liberation of the people of Ethiopia and regional harmony, having distanced itself from its original promise, is using Ethiopia for the benefit of its own narrow interests. Having marginalized the broad masses of Ethiopia and creating conflict among them, it has now found itself in a self-made quagmire. Thinking that it would extricate itself from its own self-made quagmire, the TPLF has chosen to look for external sacrificial lambs and ties with foreign powers to serve as their agent. Woyane tried to correct an error with another error. But what is both sad and astonishing, is that it chose the people of Eritrea as it sacrificial lamb. It provoked the border conflict followed by death and destruction which was followed by the use of the Somali people as another sacrificial lamb. Here also is a case of history repeating itself. Having identified those who can serve its strategic interests and having chosen the TPLF as the first of its assets, the USA, at the cost of the peace and tranquility of the people of Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea, regards the TPLF as its primary tool and the principle actor in the conflict in this region. And this is a dangerous development and a cause for concern. Ladies and Gentlemen, The people of Somalia, after 16 years of conflict, having freed itself from the era of the warlords and foreign intervention and having chosen to follow the path of peace and stability, in 2006, relative peace prevailed around the Mogadishu area. And this fact was confirmed by the world and our regions as well as by the UN. The role of the Union of Islamic Courts, the UIC, during the time of relative peace cannot be underestimated. But the development did not occur by the magic wand of the UIC only, but because it was the choice and wish of the Somali people as well. The tendency towards stabilization was clearly the beginning and not the end. It was an event that had the support of all those who have the good will of the Somalia. What is unfortunate is that, as I have already stated, the development was not to the satisfaction of the ‘agenda’ of the ‘Strategic Interests of the USA.’ And because the TPLF, due to reasons already mentioned, wanted to exploit the situation, both the US and the TPLF decided to take steps which would frustrate the promising developments. A naked invasion was, therefore, launched. The invasion was not only against the decision of the Security Council, but it was also against the wish of the Somali people and was in violation of the rule of law and has raised the situation of our region to a dangerous level. Ladies and Gentlemen, How can this invasion, which is conducted against the rule of law, be neutralized? During the last few years what has become the fashion and is being discussed widely is the war against terror. During the past 16 years, it is an uncontestable fact that many forces have tried to exploit the situation created in Somalia. It is also not surprising to find, in the current global situation, a few highly fundamentalist tendencies. Classifying the entire people of Somalia and the struggle of the Somali people as ‘terrorists’ and identifying the stability and consciousness of the Somali people that started to take shape in 2006 as a result of terrorism is a baseless argument and fabrication. In order to free itself from past tensions there would be no reason for the people of Somalia to seek ‘terrorism’ as the appropriate method. It is also not possible for the people of this region, who seek peace and stability, to choose ‘terrorism’ as a means towards this end. But because those who protested were ignored, and the concern for ‘terrorism’ was widely publicized, an invasion took place: the progress of the Somali people towards peace and stability was interrupted; more than a million people were displaced; killing and plundering and robbing because everyday occurrences and the Somali people became victims of political domination and suffering. That the Somali people, in its entirety, was compelled to resist the invasion and choose to continue to fight for justice and stability6 is a natural reaction which shouldn’t surprise anyone. Ladies and Gentlemen, For the people and Government of Eritrea, as I have already briefly stated, to stand by the side of the Somali people and its struggle is both a historic and moral obligation. This should not surprise any party. To regard the stand of the people and the Government of Eritrea as something based on narrow and temporary tactical interests or as a reaction against TPLF is a shameful attitude which is calculated to confuse and pervert the truth. What is worse is the defamation that is being attempted to present the friendship between the people of Eritrea and the people of Somalia as providing support to terrorism. The main purpose of this defamation is to cover the failure and crimes of the TPLF and the Americans. Defaming any party that supports the Somali people and opposes foreign intervention and supports those who struggle for peace and justice is labeling these forces as ‘terrorists’ has become a common practice of our time. This is also intended to frighten the Somali people, to isolate them and thus crush them, as everybody can easily see. Ladies and Gentlemen, It is not only the people of Eritrea, who support the just struggle of the Somali people, but also the people of Ethiopia and the people of our region as do all justice loving people of the entire world. The struggle of the people of Somalia is part and parcel of the struggle of the entire people of our region for peace, justice, freedom, and tranquility. The friendship and cooperation among the peoples of our region is not only for today and tomorrow but something which would go on for generations and for which we shoulder the obligation and the responsibility. And in spite of all the interventions and obstacles, it is a historical necessity that justice and the wish of the people will finally triumph. Your congress marks an important chapter in the process leading to independence and the reconstitution of Somalia. I wish this Congress success in attaining its objectives and n the name of the people of Eritrea, I again express my best wishes. Long live the friendship of the people of Somalia and Eritrea. Victory to the people of Somalia Victory to the Masses

There were always rumours in uu Daahir Aweys joogo Asmara, laakiin mar walba qaala wa qiila, kutiri kuteen ahayd. Korneel Aweys Daahir. Nin duur ku jiray umaba ega, xaajiga. Anyway, the picture is from shirkii maanta ka furmay Asmara, from bidix to midig: Korneel Aweys, Jaamac Cali Jaamac, Shariif Xasan Sh. Aaden, an unidentified elder, Shariif Sheekh Axmed, Xuseen Max'ed Faarax Caydiid. Even Xuseen Caydiid koofi barawaani isku taagay.

Several killed in Somali clashes MOGADISHU ( Reuters ) - Fighting between Somali government forces and insurgents killed several people in Mogadishu on Wednesday, police and residents said, in some of the worst clashes since a peace conference ended. Residents woke to the rattle of machinegun fire as gunmen battled police and soldiers in the rubble-strewn streets of the coastal capital. "We killed eight insurgents in the operation and three policemen were also wounded," said police spokesman Abdi Wahid Mohamed. Many residents were trapped in their houses by the early morning clashes. "I saw three dead men and six wounded people (in the street) but I could not go out of the house," Farah Aden Omar told Reuters by telephone. The Madina Hospital received 29 wounded people, of whom one died, said a medical source who asked not to be named. An African Union (AU) peacekeeping mission meant to bolster the interim government lacks resources and is badly understaffed with only 1,600 of the promised 8,000 troops on the ground. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Jendayi Frazer said Congress had approved $40 million (19.8 million pounds) to help fund the AU mission but conceded that a lack of training and nearly daily attacks in Somalia were deterring countries from sending troops. "Countries are hesitant to deploy because of the violence," Frazer told a news conference in Uganda, which has sent peacekeepers. "(It) makes countries rightly think twice about sending their forces there, but we are prepared to support anyone who's prepared to deploy," she added. Frazer welcomed the conclusion of a six-week national reconciliation conference in Mogadishu, which critics say produced nothing but optimistic resolutions. "It was part of a process. The success of Somalia will be a process that includes further dialogue," she added. In Nairobi, Somalia's ambassador to Kenya said President Abdullahi Yusuf had given an assurance the government would fulfil the pledges made at the conference -- such as solving the crisis, disarmament and sharing of power and wealth. Opposition figures, including some Islamist leaders, plan to hold a rival conference in Eritrea starting on Thursday, to try to unite Somalia's anti-government forces. Somali Ambassador to Kenya Mohamed Abdi Nur criticised the move as redundant and unhelpful. " We believe anything organised outside the country will come to nothing ," he told a news conference. Somalia has had no stable leadership since the 1991 ouster of military dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, and has had 14 attempts at restoring central rule. Maba ogeyn inay Nayroobi Soomaaliya ku taalay. Dowlad ku sheega uu sheeganaayo in uu matalo intee lagu soo dhisay? Iskushuban? Goofgaduud? Outside Soomaaliya kulahaa.

Media watchdogs warn of Somali journalists' safety NAIROBI ( Reuters - 5 Sep 2007) - Two international media watchdogs said on Wednesday Somali reporters were in danger after unidentified gunmen threatened the life of an official in the country's journalists union. The International Federation of Journalists said a leader of the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), Ali Moallim Isak, received threatening telephone calls and two armed men went in search of him at the group's offices on Tuesday. " Ali and his colleagues are now targeted because their work disturbs some people who claim they are fighting for democracy but ignore the fact that press freedom is one of the bases of democracy ," said Gabriel Baglo, a director at the federation. Another press freedom organisation, Reporters Without Borders, issued a statement condemning the murder of seven journalists in the anarchic country this year. "Mogadishu's chronic violent crime makes journalists an easy target," the Paris-based body said. "The government should adopt urgent protective measures to show that it wants to retain what is currently one of the country's best assets." Reporters Without Borders said at least 13 journalists had fled Mogadishu, with 10 stuck at a border crossing into Kenya because of restricted entry visas into the more stable neighbouring country. Last month, three journalists were killed in Somalia. These included two from the prominent HornAfrik media house. One was shot dead while going to work, the other was killed in a remote-controlled blast returning from the funeral. The Horn of Africa country has known little peace in the last 16 years, since the fall of a military dictator, and is facing an insurgency led by Islamist fighters opposing the interim government and its Ethiopian military allies. Both sides blame each other for the journalists' deaths. Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi, who has survived half a dozen assassination attempts, said last month he was deeply concerned about rising violence against the media. "We want journalists to be able to do their work freely, and we are doing all we can to help them do that," he said.

Aan kasii wado meeshii. (Argument) Cilaaq [Carabi?] Muran Akeekan Hagag Dabeebo Jactad [Carabi?] Jikaar Jaari Jiriiban (Ability) Karaan Tahlid [Carabi?] Tarid Karti Karasho Maaro (Accusation/accuse) Mudac Heydaaro Hanaayo Garan Eedee Muusoow Hiif (Age) Cimri [waala soo deensaday] Facaad Dhalin Fil Fac (Agreement) Cahdi [Carabi?] Oggolaan Heshiis Israac Halayeelo Heemasho (Air) Leer Neecaabi Hawo [Carabi] (Comedian) Taltaliini [Talyaani] Shactiroole Jile Majaajile (Anger) Geyr Cartan Caro Gedaad Juuqjuuq Gidaad Gadood Dhirif (Notice) Awaaji [Carabi?] Naadi Iclaan Ogeysiin (Anxiety) Sakati Murugo Kurbo Welwel (Appearance) Bidhaan Muuqaal Hannaan (Ask) Wareyso Weydii Tooyo ------------ Kuwa kale oo badan inta ayaa laga heli karaa.