Originally posted by Armchair Politician: He's a complete nobody, and he was picked by default, he's the only deputy PM that wasn't a close ally of Geedi. A/Y says as much "he's temporary until I can pick someone else". He was Geedi's professor, during his tenure at Lafoole. They were very close until a few weeks ago, when some extra $$$ bought him. Qashin qub kuligood.

'We have decided to take your life' Abukar Albadri Los Angeles Times October 29, 2007 MOGADISHU, SOMALIA -- The voice on the other end of my cellphone was oddly calm, but intent. "Abukar, I am calling to inform you that we have decided to take your life," the caller said. I glanced down at my phone to see the caller ID, which read "private." "You're not worthy to live," the man continued. "You have three hours to tell your family and say your last words." "Who is this?" I demanded. "I am a man," was the reply. It wasn't my first death threat. As a journalist in Somalia, I've received more than I'd care to count. In some, angry callers curse me as a "puppet" of the U.N.-backed transitional government in Baidoa and the Ethiopian troops that support it. Others accuse me of being a "terrorist" supporting the Islamic insurgents. But this call came at the end of one of the darkest days of my life. Just a few hours earlier, I'd attended the funeral of a friend and colleague, Mahad Ahmed Elmi, a radio host gunned down that August morning. Then, as my fellow journalists and I drove back from the burial, a roadside bomb struck our convoy, killing Ali Iman Sharmarke, another prominent media figure in Mogadishu. This month, gunmen shot another friend, Bashir Nur Gedi, acting manager of Shabelle Radio, who had been arrested and detained by government forces in September. International journalist organizations say at least seven reporters have been killed in Somalia this year. No one has been caught or punished in any of these attacks. After I hung up, dozens of questions ran through my mind: What am I guilty of? Who is my enemy? Why am I being targeted? But for the first time, one question would not go away: Should I leave Somalia? Many times I'd stood over the graves of friends. Now I imagined friends and family weeping over mine. I began working as a journalist 10 years ago, at age 19, because I wanted to alert the world to the untold stories of Somalia. I had always admired an older cousin who had worked as a radio correspondent during the Mohamed Siad Barre regime, which fell in 1991. As a journalist in the capital, Mogadishu, I've covered street battles, assassinations and public executions. I've had guns pointed at my head and I've stepped over twisted bodies on the road. I've been summoned to news conferences in the presidential palace only to be detained by corrupt officials who demanded a bribe. Over the years, I've watched governments and authorities come and go. Warlords, Islamic courts, transitional governments. One thing stays the same: When new groups rise to power, they attack the media. Today journalists who have dedicated their lives to telling the stories of Somalia find themselves caught between suicidal insurgents and the blazing guns of the transitional government's mad soldiers. Each is trying to make the media its puppet. This year the government has arrested more than 50 journalists; eight remain behind bars. Officials have attempted to close media outlets and have imposed laws that restrict the activities of reporters. Somalia is the second deadliest country in the world for journalists, after Iraq, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. At the same time, insurgents have attacked and harassed us, distributing leaflets in many neighborhoods threatening to kill any journalist perceived as supporting the government. This summer we were flatly warned that we faced attacks if we covered the government's reconciliation conference. I used to think that with commitment, dedication and a strong heart, I could survive. Now I'm not so sure. This job can be rewarding. But sometimes it feels like a curse. During the reign of the Islamic Courts Union in 2006, I watched a guard tie a 50-year-old man to a stake after he was found guilty of stabbing another man to death. Then, in accordance with the regime's interpretation of Islamic law, the son of the victim stepped forward and cut the accused from his groin to his collarbone. Some women began to ululate in support, but many spectators vomited or passed out. I turned away. The scene took place outside a primary school, as students peered over the wall. I thought to myself: What is happening to my country? It got worse: In March angry crowds dragged the bodies of government soldiers and burned them on the streets. With bullets and missiles flying, I decided to take a couple of photographs, scrawl some quick notes and get away. As I was getting ready to leave, I felt a gun at my head. A militiaman ordered me to drop my camera. I did. I emptied my pockets, raised my hands and pleaded for my life. He took my camera and cellphone, then turned to an angry, questioning crowd and declared me a spy. The crowd began cursing me and chanting. "I'm a journalist. I'm a journalist," I shouted, showing my press card. Sweat poured from my body. I feared I would end up like the government soldiers. The militiaman, however, had a different punishment in mind. He led me away to his leaders, eager to show off his captive. I was lucky. The militia leaders knew me, and vouched for me. They let me go. Still, those experiences were not a turning point. It was the killings of my two colleagues in August. But it was not an easy decision. I was born and raised in Mogadishu. To leave would feel as if I were giving up. Instead I went into hiding, leaving my house, suspending my work and limiting my movements. I grew suspicious. I viewed every passerby as a potential assassin. One day, a friend and I were moving from one of our hide-outs to another when three young men came up behind us. We started walking faster. They walked faster. My heart raced. We stopped to let them pass, and one of them muttered something as they went by. We thought we were safe. But a few minutes later, as we arrived at our destination, we saw the same three men approaching from the road ahead. We froze. I began praying and asking for God's forgiveness. My friend said something to me, but I couldn't hear his words. I closed my eyes and waited for the bullets. I remembered the man on the phone days earlier, the chilling hatred in his voice. Then the young men passed us by, with a simple nod and hello. Were they just trying to intimidate us? Had something distracted them from their attack? Were they simply three men taking a walk? It didn't matter anymore. My decision was made. Five days later I left the country. [ Albadri has worked as a journalist for several Western media outlets, including the Los Angeles Times. He is currently living in Djibouti and hopes one day to return home .] ------------- I remember reading walaalkeen Abuukar Badri's Soomaali news reports on Markacaddeey site in early '00s. Haddii saan lagu socdo war la'aan inay ka dhaceyso dalkeena waa soo socotaa. Marba markaa isdhahdid we have reachest the lowest ebb, xaalka kasii daraayo..

I see another clean-up rabto this section. If this insults and counter-insults continue, another sweep ayaa ka dhaceyso this section, as it happened during last spring. Hadhoow yaala qeylinin. Haddaadan la isxishmeyn, si aad isku xishmeysiin ayaa arkeysiin. Idinkoo raali ah, afxumada iyo aflagaadadda ka daaya meeshaan. Don't force us to edit and delete your posts.

Well, maxaa cusub? If he can afford it, mar horuu jar jari lahaa dalkeena. Laakiin maku dhacaa. It also does not serve his Xabashi interests so far. Qof dhan ra'iisul wasaare dal madax banaan sheeganaayo, in xoog loogu waday magaalo madax kale asagoo rabin, xoog wax loogu soo dhaadhacsiiye, xoog loogu soo celiye, xoog isku casil lagu yiri, xoog lagu casilay, xataa qudbadiis loo soo qoray. Eebboow hana ceebeen adaa heybo na siiyee. Hadduuba dalkaas hoggaamintooda saas ku dhaqmaayo ahaan lahaa dal hormaray waxba maba ahaateen, laakiin Xabashi, the poorest of all people, saas kuula dhaqmaayo? Soomaali maxee god Xabashi gishay, maalinba midkood iskaga soo saxaroodo.

Soomaaliya is just experiencing what every nation on this earth violently experienced. Some fared worse. We hope and pray sooner than later this nightmarish reality to end. Some of us are on the verge of being Soomaali version of zombies, the living dead. Dad whose body iska nool, but damiirkii iyo maankii ka dhintay. Waxaa maqli jiray xaafadii la dhihi jiray If iyo Aakhiro, so-named because the xaafad used to be a former xabaalo before the long-buried bodies were relocated. It now seems a cruel, ironic joke.

Someone is finally digging the historical facts about Soomaalida and qabiiladooda ay ka koobanyihiin and how they came what we now do know. I for long suspected and knew many major Soomaali clans ku dhisanyihiin isbaheysi siyaasadeed, not isirnimo ama dhiig ahaan. In fact, all of them, at least on the top. Qaarkood magacyadooda ayaaba self-explanatory ah. I am glad now this issue is finally tackled by a very credible and highly educated person, Barfasoor Max'ed Cabdi Gaandi of Besancon University [Faransiiska]. The question is, will the masses wake up now? Or it will shock them into numbness and into wildness of fierce denouncement? Or probably denying it all together? ------------ Qabiilka Soomaaliya: Ma Isir baa Mase Waa Isbahaysi? Dhammaan dadka Soomaaliyeed ee ku nool London iyo nawaaxigeeda waxaa la ogaysiinayaa in la qaban doono kulan looga hadlayo ama lagu soo bandhigayo dood ku saabsan in Qabiilka Soomaaliya k a jiraa yahay mid Dhiig iyo abtirsi dhab ah ku salaysan iyo inuu yahay mid isbahaysi ku yimid Dhammaan dadka Soomaaliyeed ee ku nool London iyo nawaaxigeeda waxaa la ogaysiinayaa in la qaban doono kulan looga hadlayo ama lagu soo bandhigayo dood ku saabsan in Qabiilka Soomaaliya k a jiraa yahay mid Dhiig iyo abtirsi dhab ah ku salaysan iyo inuu yahay mid isbahaysi ku yimid Prof Maxamed Gaandi oo wax ka dhiga jaamac ku taalla dalka Faransiiska oo muddo aad u dheer baaritaan ku samaynayey Qabaa'ilka Soomaaliyeed iyo sida ay isugu abtirsadaan ayaa ku doodaya in qabiilka Soomaaliya ka jira uu ku salaysan yahay isbahaysi duruufo gaar ah ku yimaada ee uusan dhiig iyo abtirsi ahayn. Hadaba ma laga yaabaa in doodani wax ka badasho sida aad u haystay qabiilka soomaliya ka jira iyo in aysan ahaynba kooxo badani qabaa'ilka ay ku xiiqayaan! Onkod Kulankaas the past Saturday ayuu dhacay. Anyone tagay meesha? Any information?

It is Shan iyo Tobankii Shumeey [also called Shumeey iyo Shooble], a re-made one, not the original version. Ruwaayadaan Jabuuti ayee ku dhigayeen, probably late '90s.

Soomaali iyo bililiqo. Wali ma laga daalin. Wali haddaan Soomaali nahnay waxaan kala kasi la'nahay maamulka iyo danta guud. Saldhigaas Hawlwadaag in hadda la dayactiray ayuu u egyahay. Haba laga soo horjeedee kuwa dayactiray, laakiinse bari ninka dhibaatadda wado intee lagu xareynaa haddiiba la bililiqeysanaayo, la gubaayo meeshii danta guud ahayd? Teeda kalena ciyaalkaas haddee xabbadda wiifeyso qabsatana xasuuq ayaa la dhahaa, haba ahaatee xasuuq. Maxaa geynaayo meeshaas. Ar indha adeygnimada iyo jaahilnimo waxee ka tahay ayaaba ka kasi la ahay.

U sheeg yaaqeey. Xaaji also can mean layman n Afsoomaali jacburis. Atariishada ciyaal maamo waaye aan u maleynaa, oo hal nooc oo xaaji bas taqanaa.

Adiga 'sheekha' la baxay iska jir aan ku dhahay. Amaa adigana lagu caarifaa kaasmaayo dharaanteeda ah kumbiyuutarka saa ugu fiirineysay. Hayeey.

Jeyte, the master and genius Soomaali comedian, Eebba ha u naxariisto. Also the famed broadcaster and abwaan Cabdalla Nuuradiin Axmed [with the white shirt] ayaa ka muuqdo

3. Even worse, the democratic process did not advance much and it was soon eclipsed by scandals and evident corruption. Incredible stories about the way President Dahir Riyale Kahin’s wife got an apartment in Cairo’s posh district of Mohandessin in exchange of an agreement enabling Egyptian fishermen boats to exploit the seas of Somaliland are among the most innocent narratives of various circles in Hargeysa and Berbera. Will the wonder ever cease to amaze me.

Bajaqyaal yahoo socodkooda loo qabo "gaberi maanyo jiis ah"!!!! Gabarmaanyo aa? Abaaba dadkaan gabarmaanyo mee kuu yaqaanaan hee, iskaba dhaaf mid dhutineyso.

Reer Xamar is a qabiil name, xaajiyo. Waana dadka Banaadiriga ah, loogu yimid magaaladda. Dhowr qabiilo oo hoose u kala baxaan, oo isku baheystay Reer Xamarnimo. Dadka Xamar degan iyo koonfurta kale iyagee Reer Xamar u yaqaaneen, lahjadoodana Xamari. Dadka Xamar ku dhashay, kuna koray oo kontonkii sane u dambeeye yimid Ciyaal Xamar ayaa la dhihi jiray, dadka waa weyna Reer Muqdisho. Geeljiriyaashii kuwaas sanado kale kasii horeeyana waxaa la dhihi jiray Xamar Daye. Waaba kaa yaabee maanta maa i dhihi rabtaa Reer Xamar ma aqaani? Amaaba kooyto gadaal ka gaar ku ahayd magaaladda marka. Adiga iyo xabbadda hal mar aa jug isla soo dhahdeen miyaa, mise kistoo yar kasoo horeysay in 1990, oo markaa laba bari xabadka ku seexatay bahashii wiifta xabbadda isla imaateen? Xabbado keento waaxid.

Adduunkii muxuu isku qasmay. Waxaan haddee runtahay waa wax laga naxo. Eebboow heybadda ha naga qaadin. I still hope it is just an allegation. ----------- Volunteer worker faces child porn charges October 26, 2007 - A man who taught and performed volunteer work in Mississauga is facing child pornography charges following an investigation by Toronto Police. On Tuesday, members of the force's Child Exploitation Section of the Sex Crimes Unit executed numerous search warrants in Brampton and Toronto. As a result, 44-year-old Ayad Mejid, of Brampton, was arrested and charged with possession of child pornography and accessing child pornography. Mejid has been involved in volunteer work at Turkish community centres and mosques in the Toronto and Mississauga area. He has also taught at various Islamic schools in the Greater Toronto Area, police said. Anyone with information is asked to contact police at 416-808-7985. Mississauga News

Xaajiga wuu ku dhuftay, I see. Asagaaba isku camiraayaa. Inta 'Brazilian waxing' ayaa la dhahaa. So no dirty minding business when you said "Brazilian shaving," for one could have interpreted or thought military head shaving or something else. Waxaa kale la yaabanahay adigoo joogtid Soomaaliya, dal Galbeedna waligaa arkin, yaa ku baray Brazilian waxing. Don't tell me macalinka weyn la yiraahdo Google did, baliis.

So he was dreaming a whole month or so. Baddacase, ma saasaa Soomaaliya ugu xiistay if these folks are accussing you that you didn't go?

Ar waala soo celiye dey. Mac sonkor caleen shaah. Blame Bush adigaa Bushistan aadee.

On dhuxul trade accounting, according to United Nation's report in 2005, which I posted that year in this forum.

Two years ago, I posted a report by United Nations, documenting this scorching trade. I will repost now. ------------- Maritime activities and revenue: charcoal, fisheries and piracy The Somali coastline is 3,333 sea miles in length, with an exclusive economic zone that extends 200 miles offshore. Somalia continues to be without an effective central Government to control and administer its coastal waters. As a result, Somali coastal waters are under the control of a number of different local administrations or self-appointed militias, led by a faction leader. This patchwork control of the Somali maritime environment has created or promoted three significant income generators for local administrations: The export from Somalia of, among other commodities, large commercial quantities of charcoal. Unrestrained foreign access to Somali marine resources and fisheries by foreign fishing vessels and © widespread piracy. Charcoal There are no regularly scheduled shipping services to Somalia, but individual ships from anywhere in the region, or the world, carry cargo to or from any of the more significant Somali seaports Kismaayo, Ceelmacaan, Marka, Ceelcadde (Mogadishu), Berbera and Bossaso. The Monitoring Group has learned that each of the these ports is controlled by a local administration, as defined above in the present report, that demands the payment of royalties by importers and exporters of goods and the payment of protection money while a vessel is in Somali coastal waters. Arrangements for the protection of a vessel are made by a vessel owner or operator through the services of an agent who works on behalf of a local administration. At the port of departure an advance payment is made to the agent, who then arranges for a clearance for the vessel at the port of arrival. This fee also guarantees a vessel’s protection while in Somali waters. Dhows and general cargo ships that use the above-mentioned ports are subject to the payment of these fees. Large cargo ships using the ports typically transport livestock, scrap metal or charcoal. The charcoal trade has been mentioned in past reports of the Monitoring Group and the Panel of Experts as a considerable source of revenue for factions engaged in arms embargo violations. Its relevancy is particularly important in the south-central regions of Somalia. Major markets for charcoal originating in Somalia are Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Yemen, where businesses do a lucrative trade in the commodity. It is also a means to obtain United States dollars through the foreign-exchange process. Ports in Somalia where charcoal is known to be exported are Kismaayo (the largest quantity), Ceelmacaan, located 30 kilometres north of Mogadishu, and Ceelcadde, the local seaport of Mogadishu. Even though the charcoal trade is linked to the livelihood of some workers in the areas of production, the overwhelming majority of the profits generated in Somalia will remain in the hands of those in charge of the local administrations, not the people that produce charcoal, who are very poorly paid for their labour. The following are the different stages involved in the process: Production: cutting, burning and bagging (Somalia). Collection: gathering product, loading onto lorries and delivering to seaports (Somalia). Trading: shipping costs, sales price negotiation, terms of sales (Somalia). Importation: wholesale and retail businesses (foreign country). The price associated with each stage of production and collection is estimated at $0.30 per 25-kilogram bag. At the trading stage, © above, at the port of loading, the actual price is at $1.50 per 25-kilogram bag (including transport fees from the collection point to the port). The final sales price is $5 per 25-kilogram bag or $200 per metric ton (at the port of Kismaayo). The wholesale price at the importation stage, (d) above, is not known by the Monitoring Group. However, the retail price (price to the consumer) at stage (d) of the same 25-kilogram bag is $15 to $20. The Monitoring Group has learned that those in charge of the local administration in Somalia are in charge of the stages of production, collection and trading, and as a result will receive the great majority of the profits generated; any collateral benefits accruing to the local population are negligible. A portion of the profits will be used to buy arms and reinforce the security apparatus of the militias of the local administration. As an example, in May 2005 it was reported that Colonel Barre Hirale contributed funds and logistical military support to Mohamed Ibrahim Habsade in his fight with TFG forces for control of Baidoa. UN Report [a PDF file.] __________________ The reality of Dhuxul trade, a virtual guide: Mango trees ready to be cut down. God knows how long years these trees took to grow into that stage. They no longer use faas, but machines that can cut hundreds of trees in an hour.

Dhuxushii ugu Fara Badneyd oo ka Dhoofeysa Dekadaha Kismaayo iyo Baraawe Kismaayo - 25 Oktoobar, 2007 - Waxa dekadda weyn ee magaalada Kismaayo ku xiran markab weyn oo dhuxusha lagu rarayo, taas oo qeyb ka ah xaalufinta dhirta degaanka Jubbada Hoose, waxaana maalin kasta si isdabajoog ah dekadda weyn ee Kismaayo u soo gaaraya doonyo iyo maraakiib dhuxusha lagu daabulaayo. Sidoo kale waxaa dhoofin tan la mid ah ay ka socotaa dekadaha macmalka ee ku yaalla xeebaha Koonfureed ee magaalada Kismaayo, waxaana doonyo waa weyn haatan laga rarayaa halka loo yiqaanno Buurgaabo iyo Cusbo, waxaana warkan oo aan ka heley goobjoogo ku sugan Kismaayo sheegayaa inay tahay dhoofintii ugu baaxadda weyn ee abad lagu arko Gobolka Jubbada Hoose. Sidoo kale waxaa dekadda macmalka ee magaalada Baraawe ka furtey doon aad u weyn oo lagu raraayey dhuxul aad u fara badan, taas oo shaley ka shiraacatey dekadda, waxana maanta ama berito la filayaa inay halkaas ku soo xirato doon kale oo lagu raraayo dhuxusha sida uu nooxaqiijiyey mid ka mid ah shaqaalaha dhuxusha oo ku sugan xeebta degmada Baraawe. Gobollada Koonfurta Soomaaliya ayaa waxay halis ugu jiraan nabaad guur ka dib markii la dhammeeyey dhirta ay xooluhu daaqi jireen, iyadoo durbadiiba la dareemey dhibaatada ay keentey xaalufinta dhirta deegaanka, waxaana la arkey dabeylo aad u fara badan oo aan horey looga aqoonin deegaannada Koonfurta Soomaaliya iyo roob yaraan la soo gudboonaatey Gobollada la xaalufiyey, kuwaas oo mar ahaan jirey Gobollada ugu barwaaqada badan uguna roob badan Soomaaliya. Xigasho

Ar sug, sug...kastuumo aa baafka ku iloowday. Mise califalaax waaye taloow? Reer Koronto maxee sameyaan? Adaaba war heysidee. Singal maadarka la iska baac baacsado ayaa maqashay yaah. Ar hakaa baashaalno na dhaaf nooh. Ar habeen wacan.

Eebba ha u naxariisto walaalaheen. Meel walba Soomaali joogto wey ku rafaadsanyihiin. Caloolxumo.

Nafiis, naga daa hee qarxiska. Jaceyl kulahaa. Xaajigeeda hurdada haka soo kicin waqtigaan maseer iyo dagaal maka bixi karnee. By the way, haddaa Windsor ka galeysid, use the tunnel in downtown. Tunnelka ayaa sahlan ayaa maqlay. Less trucks too as well.

Originally posted by Mslm: Red Sea: Luul Jaylaani, Seriously that old lady should just sit in her home. She is way too old to be in these things. Maxaa ka rabtaana xaajiyada hakaa baashaashee. Wah. Luul Jeylaani hir kale ayaa ka horeeyo, sida Maandeeq, Faadumo Qaasin, Daleys, Max'ed Saleebaan Tubeec, Xasan Aaden, Nakruuma iyo yaa kale aan ka tagay. Heesteeda aan ugu jeclahay: Cunto waa cuni waayee Cawadii hurdi waayee Ceelaan ku dhacee Ku cariirsamayee Seen ku cayman karaaye Casiis weynoow iga caawi Cindigayga aan helee Calafkayga ka yeelee Kicking still, I see.