Af waakoo mey liki aamee horey loo yiri. "Crush" or try to extinguish Soomaali spirit if you can by cheering Xabashi army. Go ahead, do cheer for them and their sycophant stooges.

Kuwa kale dal jiro ayee leeyihiin oo isku xuduud ah, abkeey Soomaali sharci ma jiro, dalna dalkooda ah u dhow iska dhaafee degan maleh. Masaakiinta walaalaheena rafaadsan Eebboow u gargaar -- aamiin. Reer Koonfur Afrikada saan sameynaayo haddee saan kusii socdaan hosting Ciyaaraha Adduunka 2010 ayee weyn doonaan oo laga wareejin doonaa, markaasna ka shaleyn doonaan.

Geeljire, Afsoomaali waaye, wah. Ereyo la isku kab kabay waaye, sida la iskugu keenayna Nuune ayaa sharxay, oo aad u faahfaahiye. MMA, hade waxaan dhoho ma garanaayo.. Hee, xaa jirina. Bir+Lab= BIRLAB=Magnet War+Faafin= WARFAAFIN= Broadcasting War+Baahin= WARBAAHIN= Mass-Media War+Geys= WARGEYS=Newspaper War+Baan= WARBAAN=Sentence Biiraa+Leh= BIIRAALE=Magazine Qor+Ool=QOROOL= Library Mash+Dhac= MASHDHAC=Music Beeg+Qaab=BEEQAAB=Format Or+Og=OROG=Colloquial Gar+Eef= GAREEF= Grammar Hal+Ged= HALGED=Subject Nuunka, aad aaba ula dhacay tan. Suu Afsoomaaliga hodanka u yahay arag, runtii. Qeyb ayaa jaamacadii Gaheyr oo Afsoomaaliga hormariskiis ku taalay, badanaana ereyada cusub meeshaas laga alifi jiray. Jacbaro, soo daa waxa ka qaldan.

War ninkaan the old, chubby alcoholic, warmonger erstwhile British prime minister imagekiisa meesha soo saartay caaytamaayo day in and day out meesha carte blanche muu ka heystaa. Maba xishoonaayo his redundant, recycled caay iska socoto. War waxa afxumaa, oo edebdaranaa.

Soomaaliya will be back, see ahayd iyo si ka wacanba, Eebba ha idmee. Haka quusan dalkaaga iyo dadkaaga, una duceey. Waxaa tirisay qof Xamar ku dhashay, kuna barbaaray ayaa yaqaano inta kale been. It was a living lived in heaven on earth. Iskool Booliisiyo kusoo dabaalo, Garoonka Diyaaradaha soo agmar oo Isgoyska Dabka kusoo dhac, haddaa shopping rabtid dhanka midig u qaado, dukaamihii casriga ahaa indha indheey, adigoo socdana Sayidka ku dhac, salaad maqribna Isbaheysiga ku tuko, haddaa rabtid sii aad Dhagaxtuur iyo magaalada hoose ama dhanka Madaxtooyada aad oo ku dhac Isgoyska Wardhiigley dhanka Sanca sii aad oo Fagax ugu sii leexo adigoo Yaaqshiid usii jeedid. Labadhagax ugu soo laabo, soo jeex Jidka Sodonka oo kusoo dhac Shiirkole haddana Afrikan Filaj, oo aad ka aadi kartid Kaasabalbalaare ama dhanka Tarbuunka. Tarbuunka ka bax oo Lambarafar ku dhac, Isbitaal Banaadir agmar, Digfeer mise Madiino midkood laba gees u aad ama horey usii soco kuliyadii Lafoole hoo dheh salaan. Gaheyr sii aad, oo degmada Wadajir kor kasoo gal, Tabakaayo Madoow soo cagmari, Ciyaal Faaycali u gambi oo kusoo dhac Buuloxuubeey jidka dekedda aadana raac ku dhac Iskool Booloosiyadii aad ka bilowday socodka, Xamarjajab sii aad haddaa rabtid oo Xamarweyne ugu gudub, Fiya'eejito mar, Dahablaha, Bacaadlaha, Boosteeyada. Ka bax Xamarweyne oo aad C/casiis iyo Boondheere, ku dhac Baar Fi'at, daartii Jirde Xuseen ee Savoy Centre, iskoolkii Bartamaha, wasaaradihii kor ka salaan, sii agmar taaladii Daljirka Dahsoon... Xamareey waa lagu xumeeye...

Soo soo mood, oo soo dhaaf duqa. Xaa kale cusub soo kordhay? Dhankaaga qeyr, I hope.

I wonder why the president of Somalia who in principle believes in the unity of Somalia and the resuscitation of our state... The octogenarian so-called "president" had no problem when those separatists tried to attend the last African Union conference in Ghana. It was Masar, not this infirm madaxweyne ku sheeg, who blocked their attempt of seeking an official entry.

So you finally confirmed that in your mind Soomaaliya Galbeed is in "Itoobiya?" Really? "Soomaali Region of Itoobiya" ayaaba la leeyahay. What an insult to any full-blooded Soomaali u halgamay, una geeriyooday in that Soomaali land, from Axmed Gurey to Sayidka to '64 war heroes to '77 war heroic veterans.

Is that you? Speaking of this "shir" [i am tired of shir meelna aan u socon, Soomaalidana aanba waxba u tareynin], watch this clip, where Sangub is one of the invited guests that open the venue. Ninka in uu isqarinaayo mooday. Since Jabuuti does not have any extradition treaty with Mareykanka, I hope he will remain safe for now.

Soomaalida dhaqan uma laha to tip, same as gaalada dhaqan u lahayn one to pay the whole meal the group eats. You will not find a gaal who pays the group's meal. Each pays its share, where as Soomaali isku dagaalaan to pay. [Well, at least isku camiraan to pay...war anigaa bixinaayo, war maya, maya, aniga ayaa ku qoran ee jeebka gacanta ka bixi...war ii daa yaaqeey aan dhiibee... ] I don't tip, though Soomaalida timajariyaasha ugu daro kistoo, not tipping but if change soo noqoneynin ugu dhaafo, which is badanaa; for the rest non-Soomaalis, wanfaankuulo. Iyagee jirtaa. Nothing to do with lacag, but it is not our dhaqan. ------------ Kuusha, you can tip me, anytime, young iyo old labada waa kuu noqonaa as long as you are tipping. Heck, I don't mind if you are tipping a loonie or a toonie. Any shilin, err doolar, is welcome.

Alas, PINR discontinued late last year any analysis, well-informed articles regarding Soomaaliya. I found this one from Garoowe site, however, and Dr. Weinstein as well comes with another brilliant well-balanced report. Two Sound Assessments of the Situation in Somalia A s Somalia descended during spring 2008 into what Philippe Lazzarini, the United Nations director of humanitarian affairs for that country, called a "massive, massive crisis" ("We are at the eve of what triggered the massive international intervention in 1992"), the "international community" - that is, the Western powers - blew clouds of irrelevant, indeed, perverse rhetoric, and two African leaders spoke truth to those powers. Ever since Ethiopia occupied Somalia in December 2006, with the blessings of Washington and acquiescence of the Europeans, the Western powers and the United Nations, which the former have made their agent, have played an interminable game of hesitation, juggling the relative priorities of their two requirements for resolving Somalia's conflicts: Somalia needs an adequately staffed and equipped international/African peacekeeping mission to replace the Ethiopians and to provide security; and Somali political forces need to reconcile with one another. The Western powers are disingenuous. They have not moved a muscle to provide an adequate peacekeeping mission, arguing that reconciliation has to come first; and they have preached open reconciliation while continuing to back the Ethiopian occupation and to support Somalia's Transitional Federal Government (T.F.G.), which is an increasingly weak, unpopular and ineffective party to the conflict. They are the last thing from honest brokers - they are manipulators, seeking to guide the T.F.G. into the kind of "reconciliation" that they want - one that excludes "extremists" and "spoilers" (as they define them), and that preserves the T.F.G. in some purposefully imprecise way. By their actions, the Western powers have belied their rhetoric. This is most clearly apparent to the international and regional organizations that have become the Western powers' agents - the United Nations and the African Union - which are supposed to be facilitating the fulfillment of the requirements and, in consequence, are compromised by having to perform thankless tasks. One would expect them to complain and so they have, even though their subordinate positions render them powerless to change the situation. In early April, Major Basigye Ba-Hoku, spokesman for the small African Union peacekeeping mission in Mogadishu (AMISOM) described the security situation, which has only deteriorated since then, precisely. With only 2200 of the 8000 forces that it was projected to have, AMISOM has been able only to secure Mogadishu's airport, seaport and (imperfectly) key government installations. In an appeal for greater support from the "international community," Ba-Hoku provided a reality check that went unnoticed in the international and even local Somali media, yet which is telling and definitive. According to Ba-Hoku, even if African states that had pledged to contribute to AMISOM fulfilled their promises, 8000 peacekeepers would no longer be sufficient to secure Somalia; 20,000 were now necessary. Arguing that the 2200 current forces were capable of creating a "Green Zone" in south Mogadishu, but "nothing else," Ba-Hoku explained that 8000 might have been enough had they arrived from the start, but that over time "the opposing forces [the armed resistance to the Ethiopians and T.F.G.] have gone and mobilized. They have equipped themselves. They have done their propaganda and so on. And so, it is now going to be more costly, both in terms of personnel and resources." Ba-Hoku added that the resistance fighters had "established real bases" throughout Somalia and that the "international community" needed to take "urgent action," defining the problem as their failure to provide logistical support: "Give the contributing countries support, logistical support, and then we will do the job." There is not even a remote possibility that the Western powers will respond to Ba-Hoku's call - its importance is not practical, but descriptive; that is, the situation on the ground has "deteriorated" so much that it has outrun even the most ambitious peacekeeping proposals. Since Ba-Hoku made his comments, the mainly Islamist resistance has not only established bases, but has begun for the first time since the Ethiopian occupation was initiated to hold territory and to contest for control of major towns throughout Somalia south of the semi- autonomous sub-state of Puntland. It cannot be underscored enough that central and southern Somalia have become territorially contested once again, as they were through the last half of 2006, with the Islamists gaining ground with each passing week. The difference is that there is already an Ethiopian occupation that seems unable to stem the tide and is obviously overstretched. The resistance is no longer simply an insurgency; although it is divided ideologically and politically, its factions cooperate tactically and are united on driving the Ethiopians out of Somalia. As they gain dominant influence over territories and facilitate local administrations functioning apart from the T.F.G.'s even nominal sanction, they become the elements of the "re-liberation" movement that some of them aspire to be. Within such a scenario, there is no space for "peacekeepers" to function. With the peacekeeping requirement an empty rhetorical construction, all the weight rests on "reconciliation." As the Western powers see it, an acceptable negotiating process will bring the T.F.G. together with the opposition Alliance for the Re-Liberation of Somalia (A.R.S.), which is based in exile in Eritrea and includes elements of the Islamic Courts movement, which was militarily defeated by the Ethiopians in 2006; dissident members of the T.F.G.'s parliament; some ex-warlords; and leaders of the Somalia diaspora. The Islamists in the A.R.S. have pursued a dual diplomatic-military strategy and have been receptive to mediation efforts by United Nations special representative for Somalia, Ahmedou Ould Abdallah, who has been constrained by the Western powers, particularly Washington, to exclude the self-described Salafist-jihadist Youth Mujihideen Movement (Y.M.M.), which spearheads the armed resistance, from participation in "reconciliation." The West wants to "isolate" the Y.M.M. and use the A.R.S. as a wedge to split the resistance movement, placing the A.R.S. in a compromised position - the A.R.S. cannot appear to betray the resistance cause on pain of losing its credibility, yet it must appear to be willing to negotiate with the T.F.G. Meanwhile, the T.F.G., which is dependent on funding from the Western powers, but does not receive sufficient amounts even to pay its security forces, much less to run a functioning administration, struggles to preserve its notional existence, forced to pay lip service to "reconciliation" as a creature of the Ethiopian occupiers and the Western manipulators. It is not surprising that Ould Abdallah is often frustrated by his mandate to bring the A.R.S. and T.F.G. together; all three parties are severely compromised by the requirements of the Western powers. In addition, as the Ethiopians have been losing on the ground, they have resorted to extreme acts of violent reprisal, the most devastating of which to "reconciliation" was their April 20 raid on the Hidaya Mosque in Mogadishu, in which Ethiopian forces massacred clerics and worshippers of the peaceful Tabliq Sufi school of Islam, including Imam Sheikh Said Yahiya, and reportedly slit some of their victims' throats. The massacre threw Ould Abdallah's mediation efforts off track by causing the A.R.S. to back off. He responded to his predicament in an April 25 interview with Reuters not by condemning the Ethiopians, but by issuing a warning to Somalis and a harsh criticism of the international community. To the Somalis, he said: "The U.N. has so many things on its plate. They are requested and welcomed in many other places, so I don't see them rushing to Somalia unless there is minimum stability." Turning to the international community, he accused it of "neglect, terrible abandonment" that was epitomized by its refusal to "pursue justice for war crimes." As had Ba-Hoku, Ould Abdallah had been pushed to the point at which he had no recourse but to tell the truth; the Western powers would continue to "abandon" Somalia - unless Somalis figured out a way to provide stability for themselves, no support would be forthcoming. As with Ba-Hoku's assessment, Ould Abdallah's warning and criticism have no practical importance, but they are descriptively telling.The Western powers will not lift a finger unless "reconciliation" is accomplished their way: The Ethiopians will stay until - as Ould Abdallah continually repeats - Somalis "unite;" the T.F.G. structures will be the framework for negotiations; the "extremists" and "spoilers" will be excluded from negotiations; and the T.F.G. will be kept on a starvation diet until it somehow is able to "reach out" successfully to the A.R.S. Taking Ba-Hoku's and Ould Abdallah's assessments together, the situation on the ground has spun out of the Western powers' control and they are prepared to do nothing about it. That judgment is reinforced by the decision of the International Contact Group (I.C.G.) - the Washington-inspired effort to coordinate Western policy toward Somalia - to name Ould Abdallah as its chair and to suspend regular meetings in favor of meetings on an "as-needed" basis, effectively relieving the Western powers of responsibility for reconciliation. In its May 1 swan song in Oslo, Norway, the I.C.G. urged all parties to engage in talks, "protect" dialogue from "internal and external spoilers," respect international human rights law, and address humanitarian access - all the familiar shibboleths that cover up the Western powers' abject failures. It is an understatement to say that the Western powers have behaved irresponsibly; Somalia would be better off if they either committed themselves to a coherent policy backed up by adequate resources or simply removed themselves from the picture and let a balance of power establish itself, which would mean pulling the plug on the T.F.G. and dropping support for the Ethiopian occupation. Of course, they will not do either and will continue to prolong Somalia's agony. They do not want Middle Eastern states to gain influence in Somalia, they have made Ethiopia their bulwark in the Horn of Africa and do not want to see it encircled, they are opposed to the establishment of an Islamic state in the Horn, and they - specifically Washington - are determined to prosecute the "war on terrorism" (on the day the I.C.G. folded its tent, the U.S. bombed a house in central Somalia in a targeted assassination that killed Y.M.M. leader Adan Hashi Ayro, along with at least twelve other people, again impeding Ould Abdallah's mediation efforts). It is surprising that despite all the obstacles and constraints, Ould Abdallah succeeded after tedious efforts in bringing delegations from the T.F.G. and A.R.S. to Djibouti on May 11 for "technical" discussions that were delayed as mediators (some from the Arab League) shuttled between the two groups, and opened on May 12. The question mark is the A.R.S., which until mid-April had insisted on at least a timetable for an Ethiopian withdrawal from Somalia before engaging in talks, had balked at participating after the mosque massacre and again after the U.S. bombing, and was sharing in the successes of the armed resistance on the ground. Has the A.R.S. been offered a deal? Does it believe that it is in a favorable negotiating position? Is it counting on Arab support? Is it simply engaged in a delaying tactic? Whatever its motivations, even if the A.R.S. reaches a far-from-likely agreement with the T.F.G., it is not clear that it would have any effect on the ground - the train has probably already left the station. As for the T.F.G., its president, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad, seems determined to hang on to power, although he is increasingly being isolated by the Western powers, Ethiopia and much of the rest of the T.F.G.; and its prime minister, Nur "Adde" Hassan Hussein - the West's poster boy for reconciliation - is weak, still lacks a power base of his own, has been compromised by his failure to condemn Ethiopian atrocities and now faces a no-confidence motion in the transitional parliament. Can the T.F.G. be considered a credible negotiating partner? As a sense of unreality settles in at the top, changes are taking place beneath the international radar as Somalis resort to self-help on regional and local levels, relying on traditional elders, businessmen, intellectuals, clerics and sub-clan militias to provide conflict resolution and security, sometimes in collaboration with the resistance and sometimes by themselves. This is not the engineered "bottom-up" approach to "nation building" promoted by some non- governmental organizations and international agencies, but a spontaneous expedient taken in the face of the T.F.G.'s failure to govern and Ethiopia's failure to provide security; it is what Somalis have always done and it appears to be the most significant political development in Somalia today - it could change the facts on the ground sufficiently to determine any future political formula should it take hold. The self-help endeavors have thus far remained resistant to warlordism - they are Somalia's genuine "window of opportunity." One can only hope that the Western powers will find it too costly to try to sabotage self-healing. That they would welcome it or even take a benign stance towards it is too much to expect. Dr. Michael A. Weinstein

I do think this thread belongs to General section.

I do think this thread belongs to General section.

Ka warama soo jeedintaan uu soo jeediye walaalkeena oo hoos ku qoran. ------------- Kumbiyuutarada [Tubsheelada]: Computer = Tubsheel Disk Drive = Xogmeer Keyboard = Farasoor Input = Xoggelin Output = Xogbixin Central Processing Unit = Unugta Dhexe ee Xogmiirka Software = Qorashka Hardware = Qolofka Program = Qaashaar Programmer = Qaashaaryahan Data = Xog Screen/Monitor = Dhugad Databank = Xogkeyd Technology = Tabraad Multimedia = Indha-badan Ereyada caafimaadka: Prescription = Jalsiino Medicine = Jal Pharmacy = Jalhaye Pharmacist/Pharmocologist = Jalyaqaan Treatment = Dhaqtarin Hygiene = Fayadhowr Ereyada warbaahinta: Magazine = Biiraale Column = Halkudhig Columnist = Halkudhigle Freelance Journalist = Wariye baarfuran [mise madaxbanaan] News article = Deex Waxbarashada guud: Education = Waxbarasho Informal Education = Waxbarasho Dadban School = Dugsi College = Aqoondaar University = Barkoob Library = Qorool {The Library = Qoroolka} Science = Kasmasho Organism = Noole Acceleration = Karaar Velocity = Keynaan Linguist = Afafyahan Xigasho

Wax badan ayaan daacdaada ignore gareeye, but for your little information, where I and Indhamadoowe stand qof walbaa og. Or any other political group. One dimensional issue kaaga dhagtay, Indhacadde this, ICU that, hebel this, heblaayo that. You sound like a broken record that used to post here. Magacaas amaaba ku fiicneyd waagaa wadatay.

This is beyond political prostituting now. This is...just ciil badanaa. Waxaan ayaa Soomaali sheeganaayo.

Western media never cease to amaze me. All that Xabashi brutalities to report from, they like to extremely exaggerate what those who are against the occupation do only because they carry the 'Islamic' label. It was the other day when same piece of crap was published by The Times of London. Are they blind to Xabashi atrocities, crimes against humanity or other cruelsome savage, barbarous acts committed by them?

Nuunka, aniga kaligey moodi jiray Xabashada inayba haba yaraatee wax xishood ah ku harin when it comes about beenta. Been ayaa la sheegaa maqleen, laakiin habkii iyo xiligii la sheegaaye ayaa u gooye.

Haye, Kuusha, filinka masoo fiirsatay? Aniga the other night Harold and Kumar II fiirsaday, not bad. I thought inaa shaneemo ka weynaaday, God. Maxaa sameyn karnaa hee the other significant wanted to see a movie. No one listened my idea of if we buy shaah and read the favourite newspapers at a coffee place.

Che, is he quoting you or what? I had never seen any non-Soomaali who despises the Xabashi regime as much as Mr. Megalommatis. If only an iota of this dislike to Xabashi regime majority of Soomaalis sincerely have had it, saan ma wada ahaan lahayn.

Kuusha, another more good reason gabadhaada, the little princess, dhabta ku heysatid, holding her tightly. Meeshaan dad ukuntooda dhagax oo fuunto ku noqotay joogee iska jir.

Maxaaba la fiirsadaa, gargariir dilay, gacantiisa meel uu dhigo la yahay. Ma dhabtuu saartaa, mise kursiga, gariirkeeda uu qarinoyaa. Muxuu dambi iyo ibtilo sii raadsanoyaa, asagoo saas u waayeel ah. Markee faciisa soo toobad keenayeen ayuu asagana duli sii kasbanoyaa.

When the Xabashi regime qirato one fact, multiply it a hundred times. So when they list a few hundred casualties as a list, multiply whatever the final figure is a hundred times. --------------- Hundreds of Ethiopian troops have died fighting Islamist insurgents in Somalia ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia: A government spokesman says hundreds of Ethiopian troops have died fighting the Islamist insurgency in Somalia. Foreign Affairs spokesman Wahide Belay said Tuesday that Ethiopia has about 3,000 troops in Somalia. They deployed in December 2006 and drove out Islamist fighters who had seized control of most of southern Somalia including the capital, Mogadishu. But since then they have got bogged down and failed to halt the insurgents. AP --------------- Also multiply the "3000" figure a hundred as well.

PA, dhulkaas from Suudaan, through Eritareeya to Soomaaliya meel ee tahay lama hubo maanta. Xabagta, luubaanta iyo waxaas, yes, dhulka Soomaalida badanaa laga helaa, but still dhulalkaasba waa laga heli karaa qaarkood. Waxaa aniga kasoo horseedaa is that Soomaali la baxeyso ama deegaankooda ugu magacdaray erey shisheeye oo aanan afkeena ku jirin. Haddii la Soomaaliyeen lahaa la garay, oo Buntilaan ahaan lahayd. Erey Soomaali u dhigmo ha helaan, haddii kale ha iska dhaafaan.

Sadly expected from xoolaha Xabashada ah. Dadka Soomaalida sheeganaayo oo rumeysan cawaantaan iigula daran kuwaan. Too depressing, walaahi. Eebboow.